Joanna Mormul | Jagiellonian University (original) (raw)

Books by Joanna Mormul

Erytrea i jej wpływ na sytuację polityczną w Rogu Afryki, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Kraków, 2018

Regional Problems of Asia, Africa and the Middle East at the Beginning of the 21st Century (eds. Andrzej Mania, Marcin Grabowski, Joanna Mormul), 2018

Wśród problemów badawczych ujętych w niniejszym opracowaniu znalazły się następujące: regionalizm... more Wśród problemów badawczych ujętych w niniejszym opracowaniu znalazły się następujące: regionalizm w polityce zagranicznej państw; Instytucjonalizacja procesów regionalnych; ekonomiczna integracja regionalna; regionalne systemy – kompleksy bezpieczeństwa oraz, w mniejszym stopniu, regionalizm a porządek międzynarodowy. Przede wszystkim jednak niniejszy tom poświęcony jest problemom i wyzwaniom, jakie stoją przed obszarami pozaeuropejskimi – Afryką i Azją, jak również ich miejscu i roli w stosunkach międzynarodowych u progu XXI wieku. Książka składa się z trzech części wyodrębnionych na podstawie kryteriów geograficznego i funkcjonalnego podejmowanych przez autorów zagadnień badawczych. Część pierwsza grupuje rozdziały poświęcone Azji Wschodniej – w tym szczególnie Chinom i Japonii, podczas gdy w części drugiej zebrane zostały rozdziały dotyczące Afryki Wschodniej, głównie w kontekście rozwiązań i inicjatyw integracyjnych podejmowanych przez Wspólnotę Wschodnioafrykańską (East African Community, EAC). Trzecia część pracy zbiorowej skupia się na regionie Bliskiego Wschodu – łączącym – geograficznie, historycznie, a często i politycznie – oba kontynenty: azjatycki i afrykański.

Articles by Joanna Mormul

Politeja. Journal of the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, 2021

Hijos de las nubes and 45 Years of Dreams: Saharawi Refugees in Algeria Over the years, the issu... more Hijos de las nubes and 45 Years of Dreams: Saharawi Refugees in Algeria

Over the years, the issue of the protracted exile of the Saharawi people in Algeria as a consequence of the so far unresolved conflict over the Western Sahara has become a highly politicized problem. The protracted standstill and the lack of clear prospects for a referendum that would ultimately end the conflict make it questionable that the Sahrawi refugee situation will change quickly. The article attempts to analyse the status of the Sahrawi people, taking into account the uniqueness of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and their importance for the still unsolved problem of Western Sahara. It is based largely on qualitative data collected from fieldwork in Algeria (including Sahrawi refugee camps), Mauritania and Morocco, and the Rabat-controlled territory of Western Sahara, as well as interviews and conversations with representatives of Spanish NGOs involved in helping Sahrawi refugees, Sahrawi living or temporarily staying in Spain and researchers working at Spanish universities.

Politeja. Journal of the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, 2020

The article aims at searching for the correlation between the Luso-African identity, understood a... more The article aims at searching for the correlation between the Luso-African identity, understood as a form of cultural identity based on the concept of Lusophony, and The Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), an international organisation that brings together countries whose official language is Portuguese. The CPLP is considered as an institutional emanation of the idea of Lusophony. However, for almost 25 years since its creation it still receives a lot of criticism. Despite the multiplicity of initiatives that it proposed, for a long time it seemed that the CPLP did not really move beyond the concept phase. Furthermore, until recently the organisation has focused mainly on cultural and political cooperation, leaving behind its enormous economic possibilities and provoking questions about an untapped potential of the CPLP. The paper attempts to reflect on the hypothesis that the limited capacities of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries regarding the African continent are, at least partially, related to the problem with Luso-African identity. The considerations presented in the article are based on the critical reading of the literature of the subject, qualitative analysis of the already existing data (official documents and the press, available statistics), as well as the author's reflections drawn from observations, interviews and informal talks conducted during field research in Mozambique (2015) and Guinea-Bissau (2016), along with multiple study visits to Portugal (2011-2016), while realizing the research project devoted to the problem of state dysfunctionality in the Lusophone Africa.

Politeja. Journal of the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, 2018

Among historical factors leading to state dysfunctionality phenomenon on the African continent, c... more Among historical factors leading to state dysfunctionality phenomenon on the African continent, colonial legacy is most often indicated. It is a common perception that colonialism understood not only as colonial rule but also as colonial legacy is the main responsible for today’s African crises of statehood. The study focuses on Luso-African continental states (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau) that have quite a similar historical experience, not only the difficult and long war for independence, but also lack of political stability in the postcolonial period (civil wars, coups d’état, experiments with socialism and one-party system). The article is an attempt to reflect on the hypothesis that the Portuguese colonial legacy can be perceived as a historical factor leading to state dysfunctionality, however its evaluation should be more complex, as from today’s perspective it could bring some benefits that derive most of all from the common official language, similar historical experience and some sense of the Luso-African or Lusophone identity.
The paper is based on the qualitative analysis of the already existing data, critical reading of the literature of the subject, as well as qualitative data gathered during author’s study visits to Portugal, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau.

Afryka, 2017

The article analyzes the historical-political determinants of statehood crises in Guinea-Bissau. ... more The article analyzes the historical-political determinants of statehood crises in Guinea-Bissau. In the post-independence history of this country, there is a tendency to take political power by military coups, and the continual attempts to exert influence by high-ranking commanders of the armed forces on, an anyhow unstable, domestic political scene. Since the introduction of the multi-party system in 1994, none of Guinea-Bissauan presidents has succeeded in reaching the end of his mandate. This phenomenon is recognised as the fundamental and systemic cause of the statehood crises plaguing Guinea-Bissau. By presenting the turning points in its recent history and the international context, especially in the regional dimension, the author seeks to diagnose the causes of the continually unstable and fragile political situation in Guinea-Bissau.

Politeja. Journal of the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, 2016

Very good political and economic relations between Djibouti and Ethiopia can be treated as an exc... more Very good political and economic relations between Djibouti and Ethiopia can be treated as an exceptional case in such a conflict‑ridden region as the Horn of Africa. Ethio‑Djiboutian cooperation owes its ‘renaissance’ mostly to the consequences of the Eritrean‑Ethiopian War (1998‑2000)
that left Ethiopia without direct access to a sea basin. Today, almost 90 per cent of Ethiopia’s imports arrive via the port of Djibouti, while Ethiopia receives 95 per cent of the Djiboutian regional exports. One of the major infrastructure projects that should even enhance this interstate cooperation is the renovation of the Addis Ababa‑Djibouti railway network. On the international level both countries are committed to the
question of security, peace, and stability in the Horn of Africa (e.g. they are engaged in Somali and South Sudanese peace processes). The aim of the article is to analyze this specific personification of interstate cooperation, taking into account the conceptual framework imposed by the definition of ‘interstate cooperation’ proposed by Robert Keohane back in the 1980s. Moreover, the author attempts to look into the reasons behind the development of such good relations, seeking an answer to the question whether or not they are really mutually beneficial.

Kultura i Historia, 2012

The Chilean „September 11th”, the day of the coup d’état, headed by General Augusto Pinochet Ugar... more The Chilean „September 11th”, the day of the coup d’état, headed by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, seems to be one of the most important dates in the history of Chile. It was then, in September 1973 when ended the tradition of democratic rule that distinguished the Republic of Chile from other Latin American countries. This article is an attempt to answer the question about the shape of the Chilean political scene during the last decade before the coup, thus to outline fundamental differences between its two main characters: Eduardo Frei Montalva and Salvador Allende Gossens. The first, as the head of Christian Demoractic Party (Partido Demócrata Cristiano), tried to put into effect his program called „the Revolution in Liberty”, the other one, being the leader of the Chilean left-wing coalition – People’s Unity (Unidad Popular) promised his voters a „Chilean way to socialism”, as well as the revolution in the colour of wine and not blood. The realization of this program was interrupted by the army on 11 September 1973.

Book chapters by Joanna Mormul

Kronika Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego za rok akademicki 2014/2015 (ed. Maria Stinia), 2020

Pioneers of African Studies in Kraków (ed. R. Kłosowicz), Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków, 2019

Un Etat en Transition, une Société en Mouvement: La Tunisie (2011-2014), eds. M.A. Ben Zina, A. Kadri, Arabesque Editions, 2018

in: Problemy regionalne Azji, Afryki i Bliskiego Wschodu u progu XXI wieku (eds. A. Mania, M. Grabowski, J. Mormul), Polskie Towarzystwo Studiów Międzynarodowych & Wydawnictwo Rambler, Warszawa, 2018

Problem regionalizmu w stosunkach międzynarodowych zyskuje stopniowo na znaczeniu, w szczególnośc... more Problem regionalizmu w stosunkach międzynarodowych zyskuje stopniowo na znaczeniu, w szczególności w kontekście głoszonego odwrotu od procesów globalizacji. O ile lata 90. XX wieku zdecydowanie wskazywały na procesy współpracy i integracji w skali całego globu, o tyle początek XXI wieku pokazuje, że integracja na niższym poziomie, regionalnym, a czasem między- czy transregionalnym, jest zjawiskiem, które w coraz większym stopniu zaczyna dominować w systemie globalnym. Regionalizm możemy postrzegać, co zwykle się dzieje, w kontekście integracji czy współpracy, ale także w kontekście rywalizacji ograniczonej do podsystemu regionalnego. To właśnie problemy podsystemów regionalnych są dominującym tematem niniejszej pracy . Szczególny nacisk położono tutaj na kwestie regionalne w Azji, Afryce, ale też w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu, który w jakiś sposób przynależy do obu powyższych, ale jednocześnie ze względu na specyfikę polityczną, społeczną czy kulturową zasługuje na odmienne potraktowanie.

Afryka i świat a problem migrantów i uchodźców. Współczesne studia przypadków (ed. A. Żukowski), Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, Olsztyn, 2017

J. Różański, L. Buchalik (eds.), Ex Africa Semper Aliquid Novi, Tom IV, Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach/Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne, Żory 2017

For many years international aid organizations have been presented Mozambique as an example of su... more For many years international aid organizations have been presented Mozambique as an example of successful political and economic transformations in a postconflict state, while the Western press have been referring to it as “an African success story”. However, today’s Mozambique is plagued by corruption on an unprecedented scale. Present in both centralized and decentralized form, corruption is a serious barrier to Mozambique’s development and an urgent problem not only in economic, but also in political and social spheres. Often regarded as a symptom of state dysfunctionality or a cause of this phenomenon,
it entails long-term consequences, eg. in 2014 corruption led some international donors to suspend or reduce direct budget support for Mozambique.
This article is an attempt to analyze the problem of corruption in Mozambique in the context of the state dysfunctionality phenomenon, as well to evaluate existing internal efforts (or lack thereof) in order to fight corrupt practices. Presented conclusions are based, among others, on qualitative data collected during fieldwork in the Republic of
Mozambique in the framework of the author’s research project, funded by the National Science Centre.

W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (eds.), Bilad as-Sudan. Varia, Bernardinum, Pelplin, 2017

Since the beginning of the 1990s, excluding the period of the civil war in Guinea-Bissau (1998-19... more Since the beginning of the 1990s, excluding the period of the civil war in Guinea-Bissau (1998-1999), Senegalese-Bissau-Guinean cooperation has focused primarily on the border issues, with a focal point on common administration of disputed sea zone. However, today this cooperation has been involving the land border and customs service, as well education and culture. The article attempts to answer the question about the nature of Senegalese-Bissau-Guinean relations, seeking to determine whether it is justified to define them as new African cooperation or rather they should be seen only through the prism of Senegalese paternalism against smaller, politically and economically weaker, unstable neighbor. In the article the emphasis was placed on the historical context of the Guinea-Bissau’s statehood crisis and on the importance of the rebellion in Casamance, the historical region of Senegal bordering Guinea-Bissau, making them key points of reference for this analysis.

Pionierzy krakowskiej afrykanistyki (ed. Robert Kłosowicz), Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków, 2017

Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce. Społeczeństwo - polityka - gospodarka (ed. A. Żukowski), Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, 2017

The late independence of Mozambique did not result in better preparation for independent existenc... more The late independence of Mozambique did not result in better preparation for independent existence. For the ills of newly established state, often was to blame negative legacy of the Portuguese colonialism. However, today, 40 years after, it is hard to see the problems of Luso-African states, including Mozambique, only through these historical lenses. Moreover, Portuguese legacy – especially in its linguistic and cultural dimensions may be viewed as a positive factor, an additional help on a path to development.
The aim of this paper is an attempt to answer the question about the role Portuguese legacy is playing in today’s Mozambique, especially in its linguistic and cultural dimensions. The article is based on the qualitative analysis of the already existing data (official documents and the press), author’s observations during qualitative field research conducted in Mozambique, as well as critical reading of the literature of the subject.

Liberalizm & neoliberalizm w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych: Teoretyczny pluralizm (eds. E. Haliżak, R. Ożarowski, A. Wróbel), 2016

W dzisiejszym świecie coraz większe znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa państw i regionów mają zagrożeni... more W dzisiejszym świecie coraz większe znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa państw i regionów mają zagrożenia o charakterze transnarodowym: terroryzm, zmiany klimatyczne, pandemie, czy przestępczość zorganizowana. Według liberałów zajmujących się bezpieczeństwem, ekonomiczne bądź inne niż jedynie polityczne czy militarne formy współzależności (ang. interdependence) 1 i współistnienia zarówno między aktorami państwowymi, jak i niepaństwowymi mają łagodzący skutek na zachowanie państwa. Kluczem dla zrozumienia stosunków międzynarodowych są zaś relacje państwo-społeczeństwo, toteż i spektrum badań nad międzynarodową polityką jest o wiele szersze i nie ogranicza się jedynie do kwestii militarnych i bezpieczeństwa, jak chcieliby niektórzy realiści 2 . Ostatecznym celem państw powinien być dobrobyt i pomyślność społeczeństwa, stąd nacisk kładziony na kwestie gospodarcze i społeczne. Niemniej jednak, w związku z tym, iż wojna postrzegana jest jako "nieekonomiczna", kwestie bezpieczeństwa również pojawiają się w nurcie liberalnym stosunków międzynarodowych, wystarczy choćby wspomnieć teorię demokratycznego pokoju czy teorię bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego 3 . Wykorzystanie w niniejszym artykule teorii regionalnych kompleksów bezpieczeństwa i proponowanych przez nią poziomów analizy do analizy porównawczej wpływu polityki Dżibuti i Erytrei na bezpieczeństwo w regionie Rogu Afryki nie nawiązuje bezpośrednio do klasycznych teorii liberalnych w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Niemniej jednak przyczynia się do lepszego zrozumienia ewolucji regionalnego systemu bezpieczeństwa w Afryce (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem przykładu Rogu Afryki) w świetle założeń liberalnego paradygmatu. Warto przy tym wspomnieć, iż w badaniach afrykanistycznych z pogranicza stosunków międzynarodowych i nauk o bezpieczeństwie brak jest często adekwatnych podejść Dżibuti i Erytrea a bezpieczeństwo regionu Rogu Afryki w świetle regionalnych kompleksów bezpieczeństwa JOANNA MORMUL Projekt został sfinansowany ześrodków Narodowego Centrum Nauki przyznanych na podstawie decyzji numerDEC-2012/07/B/HS5/03948. Dżibuti i Erytrea a bezpieczeństwo...

African Studies: Forging New Perspectives and Directions (eds. N. Pawlak, H. Rubinkowska-Anioł, I. Will), 2016

“Institutional multiplicity” is understood as the overlapping (and sometimes as the exclusive co-... more “Institutional multiplicity” is understood as the overlapping (and sometimes as the exclusive co-existence) of state institutions, traditional authorities, local warlords or other non-state pretenders to power (di John 2008). It is a common “sore spot” for Sub-Saharan African countries, often perceived as one of the causes of their potential weakness. In Lusophone Africa, “institutional multiplicity” is usually the consequence of the difficult post-conflict situation,
which ensued after the long civil wars (Angola, Mozambique), or the rapid development of organized crime (Guinea-Bissau). In both cases, it can adopt many different forms.
The paper uses the “international multiplicity” phenomenon in Luso-Africa as an exemplification of the neo-institutional theoretical approach in research on dysfunctional states, emphasizing the importance of a much broader understanding of the concept of the “institution” in new institutionalism.

Komunikowanie w Afryce. Endo- i egzogeniczne aspekty: Polityka - Gospodarka - Społeczeństwo - Media (ed. Arkadiusz Żukowski), 2015

In most Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East, modernization processes, and thus the... more In most Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East, modernization processes, and thus the spread of education, increasingly open economies, greater access to the mass media and the Internet, and even (in some cases) limited political liberalization have led to growing political and economic aspirations of the society, and the lack of them – to revolt. Djibouti – which was a French colony in the Horn of Africa in the past, although is not ethnically Arab country, it feels some cultural, religious, economic, and partly linguistic proximity to the Arab states. Not surprisingly, the protests in the Arab world soon gained a lot of interest in the Djiboutian society. At the root of the protests in Djibouti lie many years of authoritarian rule of Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, as well as huge social inequalities that make the majority of Djiboutians live in poverty, although the state has the highest GDP per capita in the region. The article is an attempt to analyze the causes and consequences of the Arab Spring in Djibouti, and at the same time provides at least partial answer to the question why the Arab Spring in Djibouti did not lead to major political changes.