歴史の記録 (original) (raw)

3 Dead Marines and a Secret of Wartime Okinawa

By Calvin Sims
June 1, 2000
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Shortly before the end of World War II, just after the United States won the brutal battle for Okinawa, three American marines stationed in this sun-drenched archipelago disappeared.

At first, the Marine Corps listed the three, all 19 years old and black, as possible deserters in the summer of 1945. A year later, when there was still no trace of them, they were declared missing in action.

For five decades, the case was forgotten. Then in 1998, the local police, acting on a tip, discovered what proved to be the bones of the three marines in a cave just north of this resort town. After long examinations, the remains were sent to relatives in the United States for burial early this year.

But the discovery did little to solve the mystery of the marines' disappearance and, far from putting the case to rest, dredged up powerful local resentment about how Americans treated Okinawans after the fighting stopped.

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Some elderly Okinawans, who grew up near where the remains were found, are now willing to tell a long-held secret: a group of villagers ambushed and killed the three men, thinking they were the three black marines who the villagers believed had repeatedly come to the village to rape the village women.

While much of what the Okinawans said about those painful days after the war ended is corroborated, it has not been proved that these three marines committed any rape. Nor has it been confirmed that the villagers in fact killed the soldiers, although there is strong evidence that they did.

Still, the villagers' tale of a dark, long-kept secret has refocused attention on what historians say is one of the most widely ignored crimes of the war, the widespread rape of Okinawan women by American servicemen.

Much has been written and debated about atrocities that Okinawans suffered at the hands of both the Americans and Japanese in one of the deadliest battles of the war. More than 200,000 soldiers and civilians, including one-third of the population of Okinawa, were killed.

There has been scant mention of rape afterward. But by one academic's estimate, as many as 10,000 Okinawan women may have been raped and rape was so prevalent that most Okinawans over age 65 either know or have heard of a woman who was raped in the aftermath of the war.

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''I have read many accounts of such rapes in Okinawan newspapers and books, but few people know about them or are willing to talk about them,'' said Steve Rabson, a professor of East Asian Studies at Brown University, who is an expert on Okinawa.

Marine Corps officials in Okinawa and Washington said that they knew of no rapes by American servicemen in Okinawa at the end of the war, and their records do not list war crimes committed by marines in Okinawa.

Gen. John G. Castellaw, deputy commander of the Marine force in Okinawa, said that during the past 30 years, in which he completed numerous assignments on the island, he had never heard of any accusations of widespread rape by American servicemen in Okinawa.

The New York Times tried to contact surviving members of the segregated 37th Marine Depot Unit, to which the three dead marines were attached. But the Montford Point Marine Association, a veterans group representing the marines who were trained at Montford Point, N.C., said it could not locate any veterans willing to be interviewed.

Samuel Saxton, a retired captain who is the association's immediate past president, said in a telephone interview that it was important to learn the truth about the marines' deaths and whether Americans committed rapes in Okinawa. But he said he feared that black marines who served there, and made up only a part of the Americans stationed on Okinawa, would be wrongly painted with a broad brush.

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''It would be unfair for the public to get the impression that we were all a bunch of rapists after we worked so hard to serve our country,'' he said.

Books, diaries, articles and other documents refer to rapes by American soldiers of various races and backgrounds.

Masaie Ishihara, a sociology professor at the Okinawa International University, said ''there is a lot of historical amnesia out there'' about those traumatic postwar years. He said that ''many people don't want to acknowledge what really happened.''

One possible explanation for why the United States military says it has no record of any rapes is that few if any Okinawan women reported being attacked out of fear and embarrassment, and that those who did were ignored by the United States military police, the historians said. Moreover, there has never been a large-scale effort to determine the real extent of such crimes.

Even today, efforts to speak to women who had been raped were rejected because friends, local historians and university professors who had spoken with the women said they preferred not to discuss it publicly.

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''Victimized women feel too ashamed to make it public, and criminals who killed the three marines are afraid,'' said a police spokesman in the nearby city of Nago.

In his book ''Tennozan: The Battle of Okinawa and the Atomic Bomb,'' (Ticknor & Fields, 1992) George Feifer said that there were fewer than 10 reported cases of rape by 1946 in Okinawa, ''partly because of shame and disgrace, partly because Americans were victors and occupiers.'' Mr. Feifer said that ''in all there were probably thousands of incidents, but the victims' silence kept rape another dirty secret of the campaign.''

In interviews, historians and Okinawans said that some Okinawan women who were raped gave birth to biracial children, many of whom were killed at birth. More often, however, rape victims obtained abortions from village midwives.

The first published account in English of the discovery of the remains of the three marines appeared in The Pacific Stars and Stripes in 1998 shortly after the remains were retrieved. In the article, an Okinawan man who would not give his name said that as a child growing up after the war in Katsuyama, the remote mountain village where the remains were found, he heard village elders talk of an incident involving the American marines.

In separate interviews with The New York Times, elderly Okinawans who also grew up in the village, said that after the United States won the battle, three armed marines would come to Katsuyama every weekend and force the village men to take them to their women, who were then carried off to the hills and raped.

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The marines were so confident, the villagers said, that they would sometimes come to Katsuyama without weapons. One day, the villagers, with the help of two armed Japanese soldiers who were hiding in the jungle, ambushed three marines in a dark narrow mountain pass near a river, they said. The Japanese soldiers shot at the marines from the bushes and several dozen villagers beat them to death with sticks and stones.

''I didn't see the actual killing because I was hiding in the mountains above, but I heard five or six gunshots and then a lot of footsteps and commotion,'' said Shinsei Higa, a 71-year-old retired teacher, who was 16 at the time. ''By late afternoon, we came down from the mountains and then everyone knew what had happened.''

Fearing that other Americans would come looking for the marines, the villagers dumped the bodies in a hillside cave, which has a 50-foot drop just inside the mouth, and they vowed never to speak of the incident to outsiders, the Okinawans said.

Kijun Kishimoto, an 84-year-old retired school principal who grew up in Katsuyama, said that he was away from the village when the killings took place but that he learned of the incident from his brother and niece.

''People were very afraid that if the Americans found out what happened there would be retaliation, so they decided to keep it a secret to protect those involved,'' Mr. Kishimoto said.

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Okinawans who lived in Katsuyama said the three marines who harassed their village were ''black Americans'' and that one was ''as large as a sumo wrestler.'' The cave, which is on a steep slope above a valley along a narrow river is known to local residents in Japanese as ''kurombo gama,'' which means Cave of the Negroes.

United States military officials said that based on dental records, the remains recovered in the cave were positively identified as those of the three missing marines, all of whom were black. They were Pfc. James D. Robinson of Savannah, Ga., Pfc. John M. Smith of Cincinnati, and Pvt. Isaac Stokes of Chicago. The Stars and Stripes article said that a guilty conscience led the Okinawan man to contact Setsuko Inafuku, a tour guide for Kadena United States Air Base in Okinawa, who had been involved in retrieving the remains of Okinawan and Japanese soldiers.

Ms. Inafuku said in an interview that she and the Okinawan man began searching for the cave in June 1997 but had no luck finding it until a typhoon struck the island in August and knocked over a tree that hid the entrance to the cave. In September the police were notified but they agreed not to remove the remains for several months so that the person who had led to the discovery could remain anonymous.

Marine Corps officials said that the United States military did not plan to conduct a criminal investigation since the remains were discovered outside a military installation and were under the jurisdiction of the Okinawa Prefectural Police. The prefectural police has said that it has no plans to investigate because the statute of limitations on such a case expired after 15 years.

A version of this article appears in print on June 1, 2000, Section A, Page 12 of the National edition with the headline: 3 Dead Marines and a Secret of Wartime Okinawa. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

日本人が理解する必要があることは、米軍の「条件付きの返還」は「返還」ではないし、「返還」する気もないという意味です。忘れないように記憶しておきましょう。

何の驚きもない米軍の本音と、日本政府の真実隠し。

「プランBは普天間フォーエバー」米政府高官は妥協の合意を優先した ～ 「未完」の辺野古 知られざる事実を追う

ワシントン＝清宮涼2024年8月27日 14時00分

米海兵隊内部で軍事的な有用性について疑問がもたれている辺野古移設。埋め立て予定地の大浦湾の軟弱地盤問題などで建設工事も遅れている。それでは、なぜ日米両政府は問題を抱える現在の「V字形滑走路」の現行案で合意したのか？

日米両政府が合意したのは、今から18年前の2006年5月のこと。米側代表を務めたリチャード・ローレス元国防副次官（アジア・太平洋担当）が取材に応じ、当時の緊迫した交渉の舞台裏を明らかにした。

【そもそも解説】「辺野古」の原点とは何か、混迷の真相

取材に応じるリチャード・ローレス元米国防副次官=ワシントン、清宮涼撮影

「キャンプ・シュワブで日米が合意できなければ、プランBは『FIF』だ。永遠に普天間だ（Futenma is forever）」

合意に先立つ05年当時、日米両政府は普天間飛行場(沖縄県宜野湾市)の米海兵隊基地キャンプ・シュワブ（同県名護市）沿岸への移設案を協議していた。これに反対し「『プランB』があるはずだ」と主張した日本側に、ローレス氏は業を煮やし、何度もこう迫ったという。

ローレス氏は当時、日本側に対して合意する必要性を主張していたという。「日本の官僚には日米が合意できないだろうと思っていた人もいたようだった」と語る。
V字形滑走路、日米の「政治的妥協」が生み出した

部隊視察をするラムズフェルド米国防長官（当時）=2003年11月16日午前11時50分、米軍嘉手納基地で

日米両政府が06年5月に合意したのは、キャンプ・シュワブ沿岸を埋め立てて2本の滑走路をV字形に配置する現行案だった。ローレス氏は、これは日米両政府の政治的妥協が生んだものだった、と振り返る。

墜落、炎上した米軍ヘリ（中央下）と黒こげになった沖縄国際大の校舎=2004年8月13日午後7時すぎ、沖縄県宜野湾市

米側のミッションは、住宅密集地にある普天間飛行場が日米同盟に悪影響を及ぼすとして、新たな移設先を探すことだった。周囲を市街地に取り囲まれ、「世界で最も危険な飛行場」とも言われている。03年に上空から視察したラムズフェルド米国防長官（当時）が「事故が起きないほうが不思議だ」と語り、移設促進を指示。04年には実際に宜野湾市内の沖縄国際大学に米軍ヘリが墜落する事故が起きている。

しかし、その後の日米間の交渉では移設をめぐって多くの案が浮上しては消え、ローレス氏は遅々として交渉が前に進まないことにいら立ちを覚えていた。日本側に対し、「何があなたたちの解決策なのか、提示してほしい」と求めたと振り返る。

日本政府と沖縄県との調整が難航する中、ローレス氏は日本側に「日本政府が沖縄県と交渉し、日米の話し合いを説明しなければならない」とも強く求めた。

日米両政府が10近くの案を検討したなかで、「V字形滑走路」の現行案は「土地を最大限利用し、安全性を最大にするものだった」とローレス氏は語る。米側は、キャンプ・シュワブの区域内にすでにある米軍施設を、代替施設のためにどれほど移動させるかをめぐっても日本側と交渉した。「これ以上は、キャンプ・シュワブの土地を（代替施設に）使うことはできない」。米側が譲歩できるラインを日本側に伝え、日本は受け入れたという。

米側がこだわっていたとされる辺野古の南方沖合の浅瀬を埋め立てる案（通称「名護ライト案」）については、ローレス氏は地元沖縄の政治家らに支持する声があったものの、滑走路の安全性や施設のスペースなどの問題から最終的には選ばれなかった、と振り返った。

米政府内、海兵隊が辺野古移設に強く反対

日米が合意にこぎつけた「V字形滑走路」を作る現行案。しかし、ローレス氏は、当時、米海兵隊の強い反対に遭ったことも明かした。

「率直に言えば、海兵隊は日本側が提案した案を好まなかった。40年間いた場所（普天間）から彼らを離すものだからだ」

日米両政府が辺野古移設を「唯一の解決策」と本格的に強調し始めるのが、第２次安倍政権に入って以降だ。13年の日米外務・防衛担当閣僚会合（２プラス２）の共同発表文書では、辺野古移設が「普天間の継続的な使用を回避する唯一の解決策」と明記した。

とはいえ、現在に至るまで海兵隊関係者からは「V字形滑走路」の現行案では滑走路が短く、地盤も軟弱だとして、軍事的な有用性を疑問視する声が上がっている。このことについて記者が尋ねると、冗舌だったローレス氏が初めて数秒、沈黙し、天を仰いだ。言葉を選びながら、こう語った。

「説明するのは難しいが、海兵隊には沖縄での彼らなりの歴史と感情がある。最善の結果を得るために、海兵隊と交渉することは難しかった」
写真・図版
取材に応じるリチャード・ローレス元米国防副次官=ワシントン、清宮涼撮影

そして、続けた。

「全員を満足させることはできない」

ローレス氏は、日米間の合意形成を優先せざるをえなかった事情をにじませつつ、最終的には、海兵隊は日米の合意案を尊重した、との見方を示した。

沖縄県外への移設の可能性も含めて検討を重ね、こぎつけた日米の合意。ローレス氏は、こう意義を強調した。

「米軍が沖縄を離れたら、日本に対する（日米安保）条約上の義務を果たすことができなくなる。我々ができるのは、辺野古への移設だ。そうでなければ、永遠に普天間に居続けることになるのだ」

◇

米政府内で当事者の米海兵隊の反対論に直面しながらも「政治的妥協」の末に決まった辺野古移設。それでは「V字形滑走路」の現行案に合意した日本側の事情はどのようなものだったのでしょうか。次回は、ローレス氏と交渉にあたった守屋武昌・防衛事務次官（当時）ら日本側の証言に迫ります。（ワシントン＝清宮涼）

"When he had been in Japan as a child of twelve, it had seemed the most wonderful and beautiful country he had ever seen. Everything was so small; it was a country built for the size of a twelve-year-old. [...] All the land had been manicured for a thousand years. [...] It was all like that. No matter where you went, Japan was always beautiful, with an unreal finite beauty, like a miniature landscaped panorama constructed for a showroom or a fair. [...] Behind the beauty it was all bare, with nothing in their lives but toil and abnegation. They were abstract people, who had elaborated an abstract art, and thought in abstractions and spoke in them, devised involuted ceremonies for saying nothing at all, and lived in the most intense fear of their superiors that any people had ever had." *1

There can be several reasons for Wakara's denial of his Japanese heritage. One is that he does not want to be part of the culture that brought about war to the country he now calls his home. He blames Japan for his own struggle for place in a society that has been suspicious of him from the very beginning and has become even more so ever since Pearl Harbor. What fragile rapport he had been able to build in the past, was now "all shattered by the war".367 Wakara also blames Japan for the situation he currently finds himself in. Just as his American fellow-soldiers suffer from the frustration of being deprived of the comforts of home in the hostile environment of the jungle, Wakara's sense of uneasiness and non-belongingness is deepened. "In limbo" for him both means not knowing if the troops' fate will meet a happy ending and it stands for his torn identity. The beauty of Japan which Wakara describes appears false to him. He perceives the Japanese as a people who fool themselves by putting up quasi-meaningful facades to mask the aimlessness of their monotonous doings. For him it is art for show, an "unreal finite beauty" not going beyond its restrictions to create a true purpose. The coldness with which Wakara makes his judgments about Japan can be understood as a mirror of the frustration he experiences in his struggle for identity. He himself does not feel connected to the Japanese, while because of his facial features his American fellowmen see him as part of the other culture. Proving himself to be just as American as they are, Wakara has to invest comparatively more effort in creating his sense of self. He needs to put a distinctive distance between him and a people "with nothing in their lives but toil and abnegation" to secure his own standing. The Japanese culture as he perceives it fails to provide his being with meaning. The very denial of it already constitutes a building block of his identity. However, from Wakara's demeanor we can detect that he has not been successful in achieving and maintaining a solid foundation that would give him satisfactory self-assurance.

Towards the end of Wakara's inner monologue we find an interesting attempt at explaining the hatred between the United States and Japan. It refers to Conn's above quoted saying.

"Oh, he understood, Wakara thought, why the Americans who had been in Japan hated the Japanese worst of all. Before the war they had been so wistful, so charming; the Americans had picked them up like pets, and were feeling the fury now of having a pet bite them."368

There seems to be a feeling of betrayal behind the hatred. This is especially true if we remember how the Japanese were the constant target of belittlement. The comic people who were said to have bad eyesight, lack of coordination in their motoric action, and insufficient intellectual capacities during war proved to be not only far better equipped than expected. They also showed little appreciation and gratefulness towards the American nation who praised itself to have brought all the wonders of modernity to a country still stuck in feudal custom.

*1:
366 Mailer, p.252-53

歴史に学ぶ。

那覇市小禄の聖マタイ幼稚園の構内で不発弾が爆発。「爆発直後、土に埋もれた子どもを捜しているところではないか」と鬼本さんは話している＝１９７４年３月２日

不発弾の恐怖今も 幼稚園で爆発から40年

2014年3月1日 10:01

バラバラバラ、と土砂が屋根を激しくたたき付けた。焼け焦げた火薬の臭い、あちこちに散乱する鉄製のパイル－。１９７４年３月２日、那覇市小禄の聖マタイ幼稚園（当時）で不発弾が爆発した。幼児を含む４人が死亡、３４人が重傷を負った事故から４０年がたつ。（西江千尋）

当時の園長、鬼本照男さん（８５）は、その時の光景をはっきりと覚えている。その日、園では保護者を招いたひな祭り会が開かれていた。午前１１時２５分ごろ、園児１８６人がひな祭りの歌を合唱している最中だった。突然「バーン」という爆音がとどろいた。

園の構内で行われていた下水道工事で、穴を掘った部分が崩れないよう打ち込んだ鉄製のパイルが地中の不発弾に触れ、爆発した。旧日本軍が使用した直径７２センチの機雷（敵艦船が通る海中に設置し、触れると爆発する兵器）だった。

「大きな穴が開き、土に埋もれた子どもの手が見えた」。自分の子どもの名前を叫び、泣きながら必死に手で土を掘る親も。突然の爆発で園児と保護者、約４００人が混乱した。

姉のひな祭り会を参観するため園を訪れ、庭で遊んでいた３歳の女児が亡くなった。工事作業員の男性＝当時（５７）＝は４０メートル先の民家玄関先まで飛ばされ即死。重機を運転していた男性＝同（４５）＝は運転席で亡くなった。重さ約６００キロのパイルは、現場から４０メートル離れた県道を走っていた車に直撃。運転していた男性＝同（３６）＝が亡くなった。パイルは５０メートル先の民家の屋根もぶち抜いた。

事故直後から、遺族や被害を受けた約５０人が「事故は戦争を起こした国の責任」と、被害補償を求め何度も国に要請した。しかし国には不発弾爆発事故を扱う窓口がなく、対応さえされなかった。事故から９カ月後に国が出した回答は、責任の所在があいまいな「見舞金」の支給だった。

「事故から４０年たつが、状況は変わらない」と鬼本さんは強調する。２００９年、糸満市小波蔵の工事現場で不発弾が爆発。重機を運転していた男性が重傷を負った。県内では今も不発弾の発見が相次いでいる。

「不発弾は戦争の負の遺産。それを日本の一部の沖縄の人が背負わなきゃいけない構図は、今も続いている。大多数の民意が無視されて、辺野古に新しい基地建設が強行されようとしているでしょう」

不発弾の恐怖今も 幼稚園で爆発から40年 | 沖縄タイムス＋プラス

■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■

B. The ‘Hell-ship’ Cases: the Singapore Maru, the Asaka Maru, the Takan
Maru and the Hofuku Maru
This article analyses the trial records of four ‘hell-ship’ cases: the Singapore
Maru, the Asaka Maru, the Takan Maru and the Hofuku Maru.
29 The defendants
held mid-ranking positions of responsibility and were charged with POW
ill-treatment.
The first of these cases was the Hofuku Maru case that concerned the death
of 98 POWs.30 The accused, Kitaichi Jotani, was the Japanese POW draft conducting officer and was sentenced to death by hanging. The case of the
Singapore Maru was slightly different, resulting in the death of 60 POWs.31
The case had four defendants: Yoshinari Nishimi, the ship’s captain; Makoto
Ogasawara, the Japanese commanding officer; Naosuke Maruyama, the POW
draft conducting officer; and Yoichi Uchida, a sergeant in charge of POWs. All
were found guilty and sentenced from 6 months to 3 years of imprisonment.
POWs onboard the Takan Maru were ill-treated, but the trial records do not indicate any POW deaths. The defendant, Haruyoshi Nakanishi, the Japanese
POW draft conducting officer, was sentenced to 2 years of imprisonment.32
The last ‘hell-ship’ case considered here is the Asaka Maru. While trial records
29 Those tried included the ship’s master, commanding officer, the POW draft conducting officer
and other soldiers put in charge of the POWs. Based on the trial transcripts, onboard the
‘hell-ships’, the ship’s master was generally responsible for the crew while the commanding officer would be responsible for Japanese soldiers onboard the ship. The POW draft commanding
officer was directly in charge of the POWs and was assisted by soldiers of lower rank (e.g.
Sergeant in charge of POWs). Prosecutor v. Haruyoshi Nakanishi, Military Court for the Trial of
War Criminals, convened by Commander of the Singapore District, trial dates 14, 15, 16, 19
and 20 May 1947, Case No. 65207 JAG, WO 235/1006 (hereinafter Takan Maru trial); Prosecutor
v. Kitaichi Jotani, Military Court for the Trial of War Criminals, convened by G.O.C Singapore
District, trial dates 25, 26, 27, 28 and 31 March 1947, Case No. 65197 JAG,WO 235/995 (hereinafter Hofuku Maru trial); Prosecutor v. Yoshinari Nishimi, Makoto Ogasawara, Naosuke
Maruyama, Yoichi Uchida, Military Court for the Trial of War Criminals, convened by
Commander of Singapore District, trial dates 1 and 2 May and 16, 17, 18 and 20 September
1947, Case No. 65257 JAG, WO 235/1043 (hereinafter Singapore Maru trial); Prosecutor v. Bunji
Odake, Takeo Ino, Military Court for the Trial of War Criminals, convened by Commander of the
Singapore District, trial dates 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9 and 11 September 1947, Case No. 65246 JAG, WO
235/1052 (hereinafter Asaka/Hakusan Maru trial). These trial records are currently housed on
microfilm at the National University of Singapore’s Central Library.
30 Hofuku Maru trial, ibid. In March 1947, a five-member British military tribunal considered POW
ill-treatment onboard the Hofuku Maru. Between 4 July 1944 and 21 September 1944, the
Hofuku Maru sailed from Singapore to Japan with 1250 British and Dutch POWs onboard.
During this journey, it was torpedoed by American bombers because it was not marked to indicate that it was transporting POWs. Only 280 POWs survived the journey.
31 Singapore Maru trial, supra note 29. The defendants in this case were heard before a
three-member military tribunal on charges similar to that of the Hofuku Maru, namely, POW
ill-treatment. The vessel sailed from Singapore on 25 October 1942 and arrived at Moji on 24
November 1942 with 1081 British POWs onboard. 60 POWs had perished along the way from
inter alia, an outbreak of dysentery that was caused by the ship’s unsanitary and overcrowded
living conditions.
32 Takan Maru trial, supra note 29. In May 1947, a three-member British military tribunal
was assembled to hear the case of the Takan Maru that had sailed close to WWII’s end

MILITARY COURT FOR THE TRIAL OF WAR CRIMINALS
ACCUSED
1. Ship Master NISHIMI Yoshinari
2. Lt. OGASAWARA Makoto
3. 2/Lt MARUYAMA Naosuke
4. Sgt UCHIDA Yoichi
All of or in the Service of the Imperial Japanese Army attached to Singapore Ammunition Depot. SINGAPORE. 1, 2 May and 16, 17, 18, 20 Sept. 47.
PLACE AND DATE OF TRIAL
COURT CONVENED BY Offg. Commander SINGAPORE DISTRICT.
PRESIDENT
Lt.Col. P.A.FORSYTHE M.M.
Kings Royal Rifle Corps.
MEMBERS
Major E.N. HEBDEN Major N.S.BAINS
R.A.
1 Punjabs.
CHARGE
PLEA
FINDING
SENTENCE
CONFIRMED
COMMITTING A WAR CRIME, in that they on board the S.S.SINGAPORE MARU, on a voyage from SINGAPORE to MOJI, between the 25th October, 1942 and 24th November, 1942, the accused Captain NISHIMI Yoshinari, as Master of the SINGAPORE MARU, the accused Lieut. OGASAWARA Makoto, as Ship's commandant, the accused 2/Lieut. MARUYAMA Naosuke, as P.0.W. draft conducting Officer, and the accused Sergeant UCHIDA Yoichi, as Sergeant of the P.0.W. guard, were, in violation of the laws and usages of war, together concerned in the illtreatment of a draft of British Prisoners-of-War, resulting in the death of sixty and physical suffering to many others.
Each Accused - Not Guilty.
Each Accused - Guilty.
20th September 1947.
1st Accused 3 years imprisonment.
2nd Accused 2 years imprisonment.
3rd Accused 2 years imprisonment.
4th Accused 6 months imprisonment.

31st October 1947. 1, 2, 3 accused confirmed by GOC SINGAPORE District. 4 accused - Not Confirmed.
PROMULGATED
11th November 1947.
RE ARKS
DISPOSAL OF PROCEEDINGS
TO AG3 GHQ FARELF 21
Now HT
DJAG FARELF.
Case No.65257 JAG.
JAG of the Forces

ABSTRACT OF EVIDENCE
in the case of
Captain NISHIMI Yoshinari
Lieut.
OGASA VARA Makoto
2/Lieut. MARUYAMA Naosuke
Sgt.
UCHIDA Yoichi
The cargo vessel SINGAPORE MARU with 1,081 British Prisoners of War on board, sailed from SINGPORE on or about the 25th October 1942, and arrived at MOJI, JAPAN, on the 24th November 1942.
The Japanese staff on this boat was as follows:-
Capt. NISHIMI Yoshinari, Ship's Master. Lieut. OGASAWARA Makoto, Ship's Commandant (that is 0.C. Troops). 2nd/Lieut MARUYAMA Naosuke, P.o.W. Draft conducting
officer.
Sgt. UCHIDA Yoichi, Sergeant of the P.o.W. guard.
A few days after sailing dysentery broke out and aggravated by overcrowding, shortage of medicines, inadequate sanitary facilities, inadequate protection from extremes of heat and cold, dirty living conditions and unsuitable food (although sufficient foood of suitable type was on board) the disease spread rapidly.
During the voyage at least Sixty Prisoners-of-War died. Twenty-one seriously sick were taken ashore at TAKAO, and 289 were too ill to leave the ship on arrival at MOJI. The Four accused were fully aware of the conditions under which the Prisoners-of-War lived, but failed to make reasonable effort, with such means as were in their power, to alleviate the suffering of the Prisoners-of-War.
Il1-treatment for which individual accused were responsible
is as follow:-

<< below are unreadable <<
(a) Captain NISHINI Yoshinari
He failed in his duty to repair the laterines when damaged, and failed likewise to improvise laterines when it became obvious that, with the prevalence of dysentery, the existing sanitary facilities e were grossly inadequate. He similarly failed to improvise means to prevent overflow from latrines leaking on to the decks and swilling down into the holds where the Prisoners all lived. He was also responsible for leaving food exposed to flies near the latrines and on the deck where it went rotten. The failure of this accused to perform these duties caused or materially contributed to the suffering and deaths referred to in the charge.(b) Lieutenant OGASAWARA Makoto
He falled in his duty to make better accomodation available for the seriously sick men, who were crowded into airless holds and had to lie on bare decks, whereas the healthy Japanese Troops had ventilated upper holds, and were given clean mats on which to sleep. Together with 2/Lieut. MARUYAMA and Sgt UCHIDA, he failed in the duty to care for Prisoners-of-War inter alia by ensuring that their Quarters did not become dangerously filthy as in fact they did. He failed in his duty to supply the Ps.o.W. with necessary medicines when these were available on the ship, and did not as was his duty make available to sick Prisoners-of-War suitable food wian was in the store and the issue of which would have saved many lives. The failure of this accused to perform these duties caused or materially contributed to the suffering and death of 25.0.1.
(o) </Ligutegent MAA Nagsuke
As Prisoner-of- ar draft conducting officer, he did nothing as was his duty to alleviate the sufferings of the sick left aboard at Ji, and failed to have their food placed within easy reach. He was responsible for having exposed unnecessarily scantily-clad Prisoners-of- ar to the inter cold for a long period as punishment for some having raided the food-store. Re falled to restrain the guards frou hit ing the Prisoners -of-ar including sick ones, with sticks, rope-ends, and rifle butts. the fallure of this accused to care for Ps... in his charge caused or materially contributed to their suffering and death.
(4) Dezent BUDA Yoichi.
He caused or permitted the Japanese guards to administer improper punishments to the British Prisoners-of-ar. In addition to those pusishasnt detailed Gater Pars. d. these included the lashing of men to the mast and other parts of the ship.
The Prosecution will tender in evidence affidavits deposed to by the under-sentioned:-
Lt.Col...3:

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In Memory of Gunner REGINALD WALTER FRANK LUCKETT

In Memory of Gunner REGINALD WALTER FRANK LUCKETT
1787429, 95 Bty., 48 Lt. A.A. Regt., Royal Artillery who died, age 35, on 27 November 1942

Son of Thomas Henry and Martha Luckett

Remembered with honour Faringdon War Memorial and YOKOHAMA CREMATION MEMORIAL

Commemorated in perpetuity by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission

Yokohama War Cemetery, is 9 kilometres west of the city centre on JidoYuenchi-Dori, Hodogaya Ward, which branches about 300 metres left off the old Tokaido highway. The nearest railway station is Hodogaya, 4 kilometres to the north. JR Hodogaya Station is for the trains running on the Yokosuka Line and some of the Shonan-Shinjuka Line Services.

Please note that only trains on these two lines stop at the station. The cemetery is then easily reached by bus from Hodogaya Station. To get to the bus stop leave the railway station at the East exit onto the Tokaido highway. The bus stop is located on the opposite side of the road and visitors can cross the highway by using the pedestrian bridge nearby. To get to the cemetery by bus, the bus route is No.53 and the bus departs every 20 to 30 minutes during its operating hours. The stop required for the cemetery is called "Ei-Renpo-Gun-Bochi", better known for the "JidoYuenchi" or "Yokohama" Botanical Garden, which is in the same park area as the Yokahama War Cemetery. The bus stops about 50 yards beyond the cemetery entrance which is signposted for the gardens and cemetery. ("El-Renpo-Gun-Bochi" translates locally as "British Commonwealth Cemetery".) The Memorial takes the form of a beautifully designed shrine which houses an urn containing the ashes of 335 soldiers, sailors and airmen of the Commonwealth, the United States of America and the Kingdom of the Netherlands who died as prisoners of war in Japan. Their names (save for 51 who were not identified) are inscribed on the walls of the shrine.

Reginald was one of six children.

War Diary

War Diary

48 LAA Regiment RA, on arrival in Batavia, sent 95 Battery to Oosthaven in Sumatra en route for the airfield around Palembang (P1 and P2) to reinforce the air defence already there. When they arrived in Palembang they found that the evacuation was beginning and they had time only to turn round, retire to Oosthaven and return to Java. On its return, 95 Battery was deployed around Andir airfield near Bandoeng (now Bandung). 49 Battery was deployed around Kalidjati airfield, North of Bandoeng and 242 Battery with RHQ were deployed in Batavia. The Japanese landed in Java on the night of 28 Feb/1 March 1942 overrunning the 49th Battery. After surrendering, all the 49 battery survivors were executed. 95th Battery was over-run by Japanese tanks at Bandoeng around 8 March. Those men who survived were shipped from Java in the Yoshida Maru on 22 October arriving 25 October in Singapore They embarked on 29 October in the Singapore Maru and sailed the next day arriving Moji, Japan on 24 November and disembarking 26 November.

AFFIDAVIT by ERIC KENNETH SCOTT

IN THE MATTER OF THE ILL-TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR COMMITTED ON BOARD S.S. "YOSHIDA MARU" AND S.S. "SINGAPORE MARU" 21 OCTOBER TO 26 NOVEMBER 1942.

A F F I D A V I T

I, ERIC KENNETH SCOTT with permanent home address at 62 Columba Road, Blackhall, Edinburgh, formerly Lieutenant-Colonel ( R.E.M.E.) with personal number 93327 in HIS MAJESTY'S Forces, MAKE OATH AND SAY AS FOLLOWS:-

1. On the 19th October 1942 Col. C.M. Lane M.C., 10/15 Punjab Regt.,Senior British Officer P.O.W., Tanjong Priok, Batavia, was instructed by the Japanese Commandant, Tanjong Priok P.O.W. Camp to draft 1000 ( 90 Officers and 910 O.R.s approx ), for departure for an unknown destination on the 21st October.

2. Immediate representations were made to the Japanese Authorities that, with the prevalence of malaria, dysentery, beri-beri, dengue, malnutrition, etc., in the camp, the majority were not in a fit state to travel. The worst sick cases among those drafted were inspected by the Senior British Medical Officer, Lt.Col. Mazie, R.A.M.C. and at a later stage by a Japanese Medical Officer from Batavia. Substitutions were made where possible, but even so, when the draft assembled on the 21st Oct. there were many stretcher cases and some 10/20 % of the personnel collapsed on the march to the Docks.

3. At the Tandjong Priok Docks the party was joined by a draft of 300 R.A.F., under command of Wing Commander Frowe, and 500 R.A. personnel under command of Lt. Col. Saunders R.A. This total of 1800 embarked on the thirty year old, 5,000 ton "Yoshida Maru" at 16.00 hours on the 21st Oct. and were crammed down the four hatchways. Wing Commander Frowe and Lt.Col. Saunders' parties were accommodated below the forward hatches with some seventy Japanese personnel who had taken the "best" of the accommodation for themselves and the Tandjong Priok party of 1000 were crowded together so tightly aft that it was impossible to lie down and those immediately under the hatchways, which were unprovided with tarpaulins, were soaked to the skin every time it rained during the voyage. There were 16 deck latrines forward and 8 aft, also 2 small water tanks forward and 2 aft.

4. The ship sailed the following morning and throughout the voyage three meals of rice and fish soup were served daily. Under these conditions there was an immediate increase in sickness and an emergency hospital was formed on the upper deck under the shelter of a leaky tarpaulin. No blankets were provided, nor were any medical supplies of any description.

5. The "Yoshida Maru" arrived at Singapore at 13.00 hours on the 25th Oct. and the following morning all personnel were ordered ashore for a hosedown on the dock side under the supervision of Japanese guards. All personnel were then marched to the roadside where they were obliged to take down their trousers and a glass rod was inserted in each man's anus in full public view. All were then returned to the "Yoshida Maru."

6. On the 28th Oct. Wing Commander Frowe was instructed to draft 200 of his men to join Lt. Col. Saunders' party of 500 and transfer to another ship. Fourteen of the more seriously sick from Tanjong Priok Camp were then transferred to Singapore Hospital.

7. On the 29th Oct. at 04.00 hours the remaining 1086 disembarked and were disinfested. During the day a further 19 went sick and were sent to shore hospital and 14 replacements were received from Changi P.O.W. Camp, making a total of 1081.

8. The 1081 embarked on the S.S. "Singapore Maru", 5,200 tons, built in 1904, at 19.00 hours on the 29th Oct., the officers, 96 in number, being in this instance, segregated in the aft hold for the better maintenance of discipline. The general arrangements were similar to those on the "Yoshida Maru". Forward were accommodated Japanese troops, who spread themselves at the expense of the prisoners, and forward were 16 deck latrines, ( 8 for prisoners ), and four small water tanks, ( two for prisoners ). Aft were 8 deck latrines, two water tanks and the galley. Three meals of rice and fish soup were provided daily and hot water for drinking three or four times per day. There were two small lifeboats, four rafts and no life-belts for P.O.Ws.

9. The "Singapore Maru" sailed for Japan at 10.00 hours on the 30th Oct. and by the 2nd of November sickness had increased to such an extent that the establishment of a hospital on the aft hatch cover became necessary. The required accommodation was grudgingly given, as was the 1 lb Mag. Sulphate and a few aspirin and quinine tablets. Two men died almost as soon as the "hospital" was established.

10. On the 3rd of November the "Singapore Maru" hove to off Cap St. Jacques, where, as Senior Officer, I made the strongest possible representations to the Japanese Commanding Officer, Lieut. Moriyama, regarding the state of affairs on board and demanded the immediate removal of all sick to Saigon and the sending of a radio report to Batavia to prevent the further shipment of P.O.W.s under such intolerable conditions. The same afternoon the ship sailed without any action being taken to improve conditions aboard.

11. Sickness was now increasing at such a rate and the weather deteriorating to such an extent that the accommodation under the aft hatch had to be cleared of troops and the sick transferred to the space vacated. No amenities of any sort such as mats, mattresses, blankets, etc. were provided and the sick lay on the bare steel deck. With difficulty some wooden buckets were secured for use as hospital latrines. A small quantity of newsprint was provided as toilet paper, but was soon exhausted and, as there was only sufficient water to permit of washing the hands once a day, personal hygiene was impossible and disease spread rapidly in consequence.

12. Deaths continued up to the arrival of the "Singapore Maru" at Takow, Formosa, on the 13th Nov. where 8 bodies were sent ashore for cremation, the harbour authorities refusing to permit them to be buried at sea. A list of 100 seriously sick was compiled and a request for their immediate removal to shore hospital was submitted, but twenty-one only were put ashore.

13. At Takow I was informed that accommodation was to be found for a further 400 Japanese troops and, in spite of all protests, the upper decks in all holds were cleared and the thousand odd P.O.W.s crammed down in the bottom of the holds and on the sand ballast in the space below the holds. The "hospital" was also transferred to the bottom of the aft hold. All Japanese troops were provided with clean mats to sleep on. P.O.Ws. slept on the steel decks or the sand ballast.

14. On the 15th the "Singapore Maru" left Takow and the same day anchored off the Pescadores, where she remained until the 18th. A further seven were buried at sea the same evening. Two hundred bismuth tablets were then issued to Dr. Liddell, the R.A.F. doctor on board, by the Japanese Authorities.

15. Proceeding Northwards the weather worsened and the cold increased to the great discomfort of those, the majority, who were in possession of tropical clothing only, and no blankets. The deck latrines, damaged by heavy seas, leaked badly and sprayed infected excreta over the decks, while below decks, the hospital, being unable to cope with any more sick, sub-hospitals were established in each hold.
Latrine buckets were set up in the holds but some were so weak by this time as to be unable to use them and de-faecated in their mess tins or where they lay.

16. By the time the ship anchored off Moji on the 24th of November approximately 700 were suffering from some sort of sickness or other. On the 25th Nov. the ship went alongside and the Japanese troops disembarked. This left the stores unguarded and the same night they were raided by British personnel. An enquiry was instituted by the Japanese Military Police on discovery of the theft on the following day, but the urgent necessity to disembark appeared to cut these proceedings shorter than was expected. As Senior British Officer on board I was held responsible and threatened with shooting, while several officers were referred to as "uncivilised beasts" by the English speaking Japanese Officer from Fukuoka, who was in charge of disembarkation. A hygiene squad came aboard and sealed all latrines and inserted a glass rod in the anus of each P.O.W. ( a test for dysentery we were told ), but did nothing for the 280 seriously sick who were left on the ship after thirty of the hospital sick had been taken ashore for treatment in Moji, and the remaining 677 mobile P.O.Ws disembarked for splitting up into groups for transport by open barge to Coal Mines in the vicinity.

17. Of the fate of the 280 who were left on board in the care of three Dutch doctors and six Medical Orderlies I am unable to give precise information, but have reason to believe that the majority succumbed within a few days. Further information in this connection should be available from Dr. Liddell of the R.A.F. who was himself evacuated to Moji hospital at that time.

18. The 677 mobile P.O.W.s after standing on the dock, in subzero temperatures, dressed in tropical kit, for several hours and without food were eventually split into one group of 170 and three groups of 169 each. I was in charge of the group of 170 and proceeded to Fukuoka No. 7 Camp, Ube, where a further 17 died from the effects of the voyage. All sufferred from scurvy for several weeks.

19. Summary

677 - Disembarked, Moji
63 - Buried at sea.
1 - Committed suicide.
21 - Removed to hospital, Formosa.
30 - Removed to hospital, Moji.
289 - Too ill to be removed from "Singapore Maru".
1081 (includes 3 Dutch doctors and 6 M.O.s )

20. SWORN by the said ERIC KENNETH SCOTT at 6 Spring
Gardens in the City of Westminster this 19th day of January 1946.

EMERGENCY MEDICAL PARTIES

EMERGENCY MEDICAL PARTIES

On November 29th, 1942, a Medical Party consisting of eight medical officers, one dental officer and approximately thirty medical orderlies left Zentsuji and proceeded by train to Moji. This party was under the command of Captain W. Lineberry, (MC), U.S.N.

All personnel were of the U.S.N., except three medical officers - Captain J.F Akeroyd, A.A.F., Captain V. Bristow, A.I.F., and Surgeon Lieutenant S.E.L Stening, R.A.N.R
Arriving at Moji this large party was divided into three. The first party under the leadership of Captain Lineberry; the second under Lieutenant Commander T. Moe, (MC), U.S.N., and the third under Captain J.F. Akeroyd.

I was a member of Lieutenant Commander Moe's party which was composed of Lieutenant Commander Moe, myself and Lieutenant J.E.Eppley, (M.C.), U.S.N., as the doctors and eight corpsmen - Chief Pharmacist's mate I. Frontis, G.J. Shaw, PhM1c, A.P. Rowe, PhM1c, J.Young PhMlc, B.W. Berry, PhM3c, J.J. LaCasse, PhM3c, A.R.
Wilkinson, PhM3c and W.W. Dunlap, HA1c.

The three parties were sent in different directions. Lieutenant Commander Moe's party proceeded to the dockside to a ship bearing the name "Singapore Maru" and which was flying the yellow flag On the dockside beside the ship were stacked piles of rough coffins and beside these small groups of haggard, sick and disconsolate men.

We were told that we had to shift the men still remaining at and in the ship to a small ferry and then to convey them to a hospital, well stocked with everything we were likely to require and then care for these men and restore them to health. We climbed up a very rickety ladder and descended into the forward holds of the ship and there we were taken aback by the indescribably horrible scene which met our outraged eyes The vessel was a cargo ship and had been employed to transport a thousand P.O.W. from Java and Singapore to Japan. They had been crowded into the holds from Singapore for more than a month and had come through heavy weather and extreme heat to the bitter chilling air of Japan. Many had been very seasick and all had been badly underfed.

Food had been very limited indeed and the sanitary arrangements woefully inadequate. Some convalescent dysentery patients from a Java hospital had been sent at the last moment to make up a full draft and some of these patients had been included at the reshuffle at Singapore.

These convalescents were, so I think, responsible for initiating an outbreak of dysentery on board. The first case appeared several days out from Singapore and the numbers gradually increased, until at the conclusion of the voyage there were very, very few who had not been affected The epidemic, plus the overcrowded insanitary conditions and the very low diet was responsible for something over 90 deaths before the ship
even reached Japan.

It must be noted that the ship carried stocks of European type food, which may have been Red Cross food. This food was loaded at Singapore and was for the prisoners
They were issued with practically none and had the mortification of seeing illiterate Japanese soldiers bring can after can on to the deck, open the can to see what was inside, maybe taste it and often throw the whole lot over the side because it was not to his fancy.

By the time Lieutenant Commander Moe's party arrived, all the fit prisoners and the majority of the patients had left or been removed from the ship. The remainder (to be our responsibility) were the very sick men in the ship and watching us with sad patient eyes on the dockside. None of these men had any winter clothing and many had no long trousers.

Our party divested itself of our heavy overcoats and put them over the patients. Then after leading those men we found on the dock to the small junk which was to be our ferry, we proceeded to board the ship again

Down into the forward hold once more and gazed upon a filthy odorous mass of rubbish, excreta, food, clothing, equipment amongst which we could see here and there a body which may or may not have been still living. Quickly we ran over the inmates of that forward hold. We found about four dead and two almost dead. The remainder were in varying stages of sick from moderately severe to hopeless cases. There was one man there who was not suffering from illness but solely from complete exhaustion. This man, single handed, had cared for, fed, comforted and nursed the sick men in that hold until he could do no more. He had watched men die and had nursed some to near health again

This man, Gunner C.W. Peacock, R.A., had had no rest for three days and had to be assisted to the deck and to the junk Well, the patients were finally sorted out and carried to the junk, those nearly dead had died, and all the bodies were neatly laid out in rows in some of the ample supply of coffins. Below deck there had been a Japanese Woman Doctor, who had been engaged in trying to identify the dead and the moribund, there were also some coolies who assisted us in carrying the patients up the three flights of companionway to the deck and thence to the junk. In the junk the men were all placed on the hatchway and around it and exposed to the biting cold. There was no way of avoiding this however

The junk cast off after we had carried the last patient and left the coolies to loot the filthy holds. The junk fouled its mooring wire and was held up for nearly an hour before sailing across the water to the Shimoneski side to a disused quarantine station which, we were told, was our hospital. In that junk were some 56 men from Java and Singapore. We transhipped them at the Quarantine Station and carried them into the main room, which was prepared to receive them. Mats (Tatamis) covered the floor and five blankets were stacked at intervals around

The two other parties went to do the same type of work on patients from the same ship who had been unloaded soime days previously. Captain Lineberry's party went to Kokoura Army Hospital where a section had been set aside for this purpose

Captain Aderoyd's party went to an empty Y.M.C.A. building in Moji and
found nearly 300 patients awaiting him

These two parties spent the entire time before their return to Zentsuji at these same stations, while Lieutenant Commander Moe's party proceeded to Nagasaki at a later date and cared for patients in emergencies of lesser degree in two camps there Statement of Surg Lt. S.E.L. Stening Surg Lieut Samuel Edward Lees Stenning RANVR Navy Dept Melbourne Original File Copy J-10 17 Sep 45.

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