Varun Sahni | Jawaharlal Nehru University (original) (raw)
Papers by Varun Sahni
Routledge eBooks, Aug 2, 2023
As climate change, particularly in the form of global warming, accelerates, we can expect the fre... more As climate change, particularly in the form of global warming, accelerates, we can expect the frequency and magnitude of extreme weather events to amplify, the impact of human populations on their habitat, and vice versa, to exacerbate, and scarcity of essential resources like water to further increase. By 2025, it is estimated that water availability in India will be 1,140m3 per capita per annum. This is against the ‘benchmark indicator’ of freshwater scarcity of 1,000m3 per capita per year which is widely accepted in the development literature as well as by development policy institutions. By 2050, it is estimated that there would be 14 per cent less water in Indian rivers and 27 per cent less water in Pakistan’s rivers, leading to a 27 per cent decline in crop production in India and 37 per cent decline in Pakistan’s crop production. The situation is tailor-made for a zero-sum sensibility. The only way in which zero-sum approaches can be avoided is to devise cooperative climate change adaptation strategies at multiple levels: individual, family, local, zonal, national, regional and global. The chapter explains how regional adaptation strategies could help ameliorate and mitigate the impact of climate change while also fostering the much-needed regional cooperation.
The India-Pakistan Nuclear Relationship: Theories of Deterrence and International Relations, Nov 29, 2007
ASPI Strategic Insights, 2004
Written by Ms Jenelle Bonnor and Professor Varun Sahni, the co-convenors of the Australia-India S... more Written by Ms Jenelle Bonnor and Professor Varun Sahni, the co-convenors of the Australia-India Security Roundtable, the paper argues that Australia and India have covered a considerable distance since bilateral defence and security relations were reestablished in 2000 after a two-and-a-half-year hiatus.
There is a need to move beyond discussions and to focus on increasing the number of bilateral exchanges and other forms of practical cooperation.
Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper 1, Mar 1, 1998
Since 1984, India and Pakistan have confronted each other militarily for control over the Siachen... more Since 1984, India and Pakistan have confronted each other militarily for control over the Siachen Glacier and its approaches in the eastern Karakoram mountain range, adjacent to the borders of India, Pakistan, and China. The longest-running armed conflict between two regular armies in the twentieth century, the conflict in Siachen has resulted in hundreds of' casualties, mainly because of adverse climatic conditions and harsh terrain. The economic cost of sustaining a conflict in that geographically remote and climatically inhospitable region has also been extremely high for both countries.
Past efforts by India and Pakistan to find a mutually acceptable solution have failed, mainly because of mutual distrust and suspicion. This paper examines Indian and Pakistani perceptions, preference, and policies, and identifies options for resolving the conflict. This paper also identifies the most appropriate verification and monitoring technologies to assist policy-makers in ensuring agreement stability and compliance. While a future agreement on resolving the dispute will depend, above all, on the political will of the Indian and Pakistani leaderships, adequate, appropriate verification and monitoring mechanisms will enhance their ability to reach a sustainable and durable accord of the Siachen conflict.
South Asian Survey, Sep 1, 2004
THIS ARTICLE ASKS and answers a simple question: What are the factors that are ‘pushing’ and ‘pul... more THIS ARTICLE ASKS and answers a simple question: What are the factors that are ‘pushing’ and ‘pulling’ India to acquire missiles? Over the past decade-and-a-half, with India and Pakistan periodically descending into crisis mode—Exercise Brasstacks (1987), the 1990 standoff, the Kargil Conflict (1999) and the 2002 military mobilisation— this is a question surely worth asking. After all, with each succeeding crisis, the importance of missiles as a factor in the military-strategic calculus of India and Pakistan would appear to be increasing. Conversely, the likelihood of missile non-proliferation/ non-acquisition becoming a norm in South Asia is diminishing rapidly. Seven propositions are advanced in this article and subjected to analysis. Some are unexceptionable, even self-evident; others would certainly be contested. The answer to our underlying question lies in the interstices of these seven propositions. Taken together, they would suggest a powerful set of domestic (‘push’) and international (‘pull’) factors that will keep India on the missile-acquisition path. Whether that amounts to missile ‘proliferation’ is one of the issues that will be analysed in this article.
Oxford University Press eBooks, Dec 10, 2010
The chapter analyzes India’s relations with Brazil in three distinct ways. Firstly, India–Brazil ... more The chapter analyzes India’s relations with Brazil in three distinct ways. Firstly, India–Brazil relations are analyzed in the historical context of India’s relations with Latin America. Then, India’s bilateral links with Brazil across a wide spectrum are explored, focusing on high-level visits and trade relations and the gradual transformation of the relationship from transactional to strategic. Finally, the chapter analyzes the evolution of India’s partnership with Brazil as two emerging powers simultaneously striving forgrandeza(greatness), that are now engaged in power aggregation, problem solving, and community building initiatives in diverse forums that include G4, BRICS, G20, and IBSA.
Este país (México, D.F.), 1998
Journal of Latin American Studies, Oct 1, 1993
Political studies of military institutions in Latin America have tended to lay heavy stress on th... more Political studies of military institutions in Latin America have tended to lay heavy stress on their external linkages, with a good deal of emphasis being placed upon the ‘differential degrees of dependence upon other countries for supplies, parts, training and equipment by the various service branches’. This particularly the case when scholars attempt to explain why two military institutions differ in their political behaviour and ideological orientation. Thus, we find Lieuwen asserting that[t]he aristocratic tendencies of [Latin American] naval officers… often were moderated by the democratic views of the British and United States officers who were their professional advisers. Conversely, before World War II, authoritarian attitudes of some Latin American armies were reinforced by the influence of German, Spanish, and Italian military missions.
International Studies, Aug 1, 2004
International Studies, 2001
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jan 7, 2016
D uring the FIFA World Cup tournament, hosted by Brazil in June-July 2014, the city of Kolkata di... more D uring the FIFA World Cup tournament, hosted by Brazil in June-July 2014, the city of Kolkata divided yet again into those who sported the golden yellow jerseys of Brazil and those who chose instead to fl aunt the light blue and white stripes of Argentina. Although seemingly superfi cial, the bifurcation of Kolkata soccer fans into Argentina-Brazil camps signifi es an identity clash as intense as the rivalries between Kolkata's traditional soccer clubs. Understanding the carnival of Argentinean and Brazilian colours in India's eastern megalopolis gives us an insight into how India views Latin America. Kolkata's soccer fanatics support Argentina and Brazil not only because both teams often play fantastic, aesthetically appealing, football, nor because they regularly win-an aspect that matters in a country singularly lacking in sporting success stories-but because they are able to defeat European teams. Kolkata soccer fans support the South American giants because they identify with them: they view Argentine and Brazilian triumphs on the soccer pitch as victories of the 'wretched of the earth' over erstwhile oppressors and extant exploiters, and imagine similar outcomes
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jan 13, 2011
Springer eBooks, Jan 22, 2008
Identity politics, the politics of difference, is always intrinsically and intensely relational. ... more Identity politics, the politics of difference, is always intrinsically and intensely relational. We define who we are, and who we are not, by either linking ourselves with, or differentiating ourselves from, those around us.1 Coping with difference has always been an important aspect of human and social life. Sometimes difference is enriching, at other times merely functional; often, however, it is ominous and menacing. When difference seems to be, or indeed becomes, threatening, what emerges is a securitization of difference. It is this dimension of security — how the state deals with the threat of difference within itself, and how sub-national actors position themselves vis-a-vis the threat posed by the state — that is the principal theme of this chapter.
International Studies, 2009
Area studies programmes were established in Indian universities in two waves. The first wave eman... more Area studies programmes were established in Indian universities in two waves. The first wave emanated from an individual initiative of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1955 and the second from a committee set up by the University Grants Commission (UGC) in April 1963, soon after India’s military defeat at the hands of China in 1962. While a large number of area studies programmes now exist in Indian universities, they have, from their earliest days, been handicapped by four conceptual fallacies and nine operational flaws. The fallacies are related to the subject matter, disciplinary focus, terms of reference and policy relevance, and the flaws are—the absence of theory, lack of multidisciplinary perspectives, analyses that are based on macro-level research, scarce fieldwork, deficiencies in language skills, lack of quantitative research projects, event-driven research agendas, predominance of secondary sources in research, and taught courses which are too broad in their formulation and too narrow in their subject matter. Each fallacy is fundamental; the flaws, taken together, have been fatal for the area studies programmes in India. The article ends with seven suggestions on how these programmes could be revitalized.
Routledge eBooks, Aug 2, 2023
As climate change, particularly in the form of global warming, accelerates, we can expect the fre... more As climate change, particularly in the form of global warming, accelerates, we can expect the frequency and magnitude of extreme weather events to amplify, the impact of human populations on their habitat, and vice versa, to exacerbate, and scarcity of essential resources like water to further increase. By 2025, it is estimated that water availability in India will be 1,140m3 per capita per annum. This is against the ‘benchmark indicator’ of freshwater scarcity of 1,000m3 per capita per year which is widely accepted in the development literature as well as by development policy institutions. By 2050, it is estimated that there would be 14 per cent less water in Indian rivers and 27 per cent less water in Pakistan’s rivers, leading to a 27 per cent decline in crop production in India and 37 per cent decline in Pakistan’s crop production. The situation is tailor-made for a zero-sum sensibility. The only way in which zero-sum approaches can be avoided is to devise cooperative climate change adaptation strategies at multiple levels: individual, family, local, zonal, national, regional and global. The chapter explains how regional adaptation strategies could help ameliorate and mitigate the impact of climate change while also fostering the much-needed regional cooperation.
The India-Pakistan Nuclear Relationship: Theories of Deterrence and International Relations, Nov 29, 2007
ASPI Strategic Insights, 2004
Written by Ms Jenelle Bonnor and Professor Varun Sahni, the co-convenors of the Australia-India S... more Written by Ms Jenelle Bonnor and Professor Varun Sahni, the co-convenors of the Australia-India Security Roundtable, the paper argues that Australia and India have covered a considerable distance since bilateral defence and security relations were reestablished in 2000 after a two-and-a-half-year hiatus.
There is a need to move beyond discussions and to focus on increasing the number of bilateral exchanges and other forms of practical cooperation.
Cooperative Monitoring Center Occasional Paper 1, Mar 1, 1998
Since 1984, India and Pakistan have confronted each other militarily for control over the Siachen... more Since 1984, India and Pakistan have confronted each other militarily for control over the Siachen Glacier and its approaches in the eastern Karakoram mountain range, adjacent to the borders of India, Pakistan, and China. The longest-running armed conflict between two regular armies in the twentieth century, the conflict in Siachen has resulted in hundreds of' casualties, mainly because of adverse climatic conditions and harsh terrain. The economic cost of sustaining a conflict in that geographically remote and climatically inhospitable region has also been extremely high for both countries.
Past efforts by India and Pakistan to find a mutually acceptable solution have failed, mainly because of mutual distrust and suspicion. This paper examines Indian and Pakistani perceptions, preference, and policies, and identifies options for resolving the conflict. This paper also identifies the most appropriate verification and monitoring technologies to assist policy-makers in ensuring agreement stability and compliance. While a future agreement on resolving the dispute will depend, above all, on the political will of the Indian and Pakistani leaderships, adequate, appropriate verification and monitoring mechanisms will enhance their ability to reach a sustainable and durable accord of the Siachen conflict.
South Asian Survey, Sep 1, 2004
THIS ARTICLE ASKS and answers a simple question: What are the factors that are ‘pushing’ and ‘pul... more THIS ARTICLE ASKS and answers a simple question: What are the factors that are ‘pushing’ and ‘pulling’ India to acquire missiles? Over the past decade-and-a-half, with India and Pakistan periodically descending into crisis mode—Exercise Brasstacks (1987), the 1990 standoff, the Kargil Conflict (1999) and the 2002 military mobilisation— this is a question surely worth asking. After all, with each succeeding crisis, the importance of missiles as a factor in the military-strategic calculus of India and Pakistan would appear to be increasing. Conversely, the likelihood of missile non-proliferation/ non-acquisition becoming a norm in South Asia is diminishing rapidly. Seven propositions are advanced in this article and subjected to analysis. Some are unexceptionable, even self-evident; others would certainly be contested. The answer to our underlying question lies in the interstices of these seven propositions. Taken together, they would suggest a powerful set of domestic (‘push’) and international (‘pull’) factors that will keep India on the missile-acquisition path. Whether that amounts to missile ‘proliferation’ is one of the issues that will be analysed in this article.
Oxford University Press eBooks, Dec 10, 2010
The chapter analyzes India’s relations with Brazil in three distinct ways. Firstly, India–Brazil ... more The chapter analyzes India’s relations with Brazil in three distinct ways. Firstly, India–Brazil relations are analyzed in the historical context of India’s relations with Latin America. Then, India’s bilateral links with Brazil across a wide spectrum are explored, focusing on high-level visits and trade relations and the gradual transformation of the relationship from transactional to strategic. Finally, the chapter analyzes the evolution of India’s partnership with Brazil as two emerging powers simultaneously striving forgrandeza(greatness), that are now engaged in power aggregation, problem solving, and community building initiatives in diverse forums that include G4, BRICS, G20, and IBSA.
Este país (México, D.F.), 1998
Journal of Latin American Studies, Oct 1, 1993
Political studies of military institutions in Latin America have tended to lay heavy stress on th... more Political studies of military institutions in Latin America have tended to lay heavy stress on their external linkages, with a good deal of emphasis being placed upon the ‘differential degrees of dependence upon other countries for supplies, parts, training and equipment by the various service branches’. This particularly the case when scholars attempt to explain why two military institutions differ in their political behaviour and ideological orientation. Thus, we find Lieuwen asserting that[t]he aristocratic tendencies of [Latin American] naval officers… often were moderated by the democratic views of the British and United States officers who were their professional advisers. Conversely, before World War II, authoritarian attitudes of some Latin American armies were reinforced by the influence of German, Spanish, and Italian military missions.
International Studies, Aug 1, 2004
International Studies, 2001
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jan 7, 2016
D uring the FIFA World Cup tournament, hosted by Brazil in June-July 2014, the city of Kolkata di... more D uring the FIFA World Cup tournament, hosted by Brazil in June-July 2014, the city of Kolkata divided yet again into those who sported the golden yellow jerseys of Brazil and those who chose instead to fl aunt the light blue and white stripes of Argentina. Although seemingly superfi cial, the bifurcation of Kolkata soccer fans into Argentina-Brazil camps signifi es an identity clash as intense as the rivalries between Kolkata's traditional soccer clubs. Understanding the carnival of Argentinean and Brazilian colours in India's eastern megalopolis gives us an insight into how India views Latin America. Kolkata's soccer fanatics support Argentina and Brazil not only because both teams often play fantastic, aesthetically appealing, football, nor because they regularly win-an aspect that matters in a country singularly lacking in sporting success stories-but because they are able to defeat European teams. Kolkata soccer fans support the South American giants because they identify with them: they view Argentine and Brazilian triumphs on the soccer pitch as victories of the 'wretched of the earth' over erstwhile oppressors and extant exploiters, and imagine similar outcomes
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jan 13, 2011
Springer eBooks, Jan 22, 2008
Identity politics, the politics of difference, is always intrinsically and intensely relational. ... more Identity politics, the politics of difference, is always intrinsically and intensely relational. We define who we are, and who we are not, by either linking ourselves with, or differentiating ourselves from, those around us.1 Coping with difference has always been an important aspect of human and social life. Sometimes difference is enriching, at other times merely functional; often, however, it is ominous and menacing. When difference seems to be, or indeed becomes, threatening, what emerges is a securitization of difference. It is this dimension of security — how the state deals with the threat of difference within itself, and how sub-national actors position themselves vis-a-vis the threat posed by the state — that is the principal theme of this chapter.
International Studies, 2009
Area studies programmes were established in Indian universities in two waves. The first wave eman... more Area studies programmes were established in Indian universities in two waves. The first wave emanated from an individual initiative of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1955 and the second from a committee set up by the University Grants Commission (UGC) in April 1963, soon after India’s military defeat at the hands of China in 1962. While a large number of area studies programmes now exist in Indian universities, they have, from their earliest days, been handicapped by four conceptual fallacies and nine operational flaws. The fallacies are related to the subject matter, disciplinary focus, terms of reference and policy relevance, and the flaws are—the absence of theory, lack of multidisciplinary perspectives, analyses that are based on macro-level research, scarce fieldwork, deficiencies in language skills, lack of quantitative research projects, event-driven research agendas, predominance of secondary sources in research, and taught courses which are too broad in their formulation and too narrow in their subject matter. Each fallacy is fundamental; the flaws, taken together, have been fatal for the area studies programmes in India. The article ends with seven suggestions on how these programmes could be revitalized.
Journal of Latin American Studies, 1998
Contemporary Southeast Asia, 2007
... Defining International Politics and Asia Pacific International Politics ... There are also ma... more ... Defining International Politics and Asia Pacific International Politics ... There are also major questions concerning economics, culture and religion, the environment, human rights, and the movement of people (immigration, refugees), to mention some of the more significant. ...
Journal of Latin American Studies, 1995
Journal of Latin American Studies, 2000
Journal of Latin American Studies, 1997
Journal of Latin American Studies, Feb 1, 1992
Journal of Latin American Studies, Oct 1, 1990
Journal of Latin American Studies, Feb 1, 1997
Reviews 249 was about 'artificial' industry. In part this ambivalence was explained by elite resp... more Reviews 249 was about 'artificial' industry. In part this ambivalence was explained by elite responses to Peronism, expressed in an exaggerated form by the 1976-82 militarytechnocratic regime, which regarded the economic costs associated with industrialisation as excessive and the social changes as threatening and subversive. There was, too, considerable uncertainty about the role of foreign investment. Schvarzer also devotes attention to issues such as the quality of human capital and managerial competence. Even when conjunctural and macroeconomic factors were favourable, many firms failed to effect the structural change from family enterprises to multi-division corporations. If modern approaches to management were often lacking, there were skill deficiencies in other areas. This made for organisational and productive inefficiency and a less than flexible response to domestic policy swings and foreign competition, not least in the home market. This is an excellent interpretive account of Argentinian industry that advances the author's earlier work on financial-industrial groups and complements his trailblazing account of the industrial entrepreneuriat, Empresarios delpasado: la Unidn Industrial Argentina (Buenos Aires, CISEA-Imago Mundi, 991i). It is based on an extensive bibliography. Arguably the only major work of quality which does not appear in the list is the study by H. Sabato and J. C. Korol ('Incomplete Industrialisation: and Argentine obsession', Latin American Research Review vol. 25, no. i [I990]).
Journal of Latin American Studies, May 1, 2000