stephen phiri | University of Johannesburg, South Africa (original) (raw)
Papers by stephen phiri
Journal Article, 2024
At least 25 African countries chose not to vote for the United Nations resolution condemning Russ... more At least 25 African countries chose not to vote for the United Nations resolution condemning Russia’s invasion, while the rest voted. This says a lot about any regional or continental body that claims to unite African states. This divergence of opinions seems to characterise the basis upon which the predicament of African unity is grounded, hence revealing the depth of the Pan-African crisis. Africa’s history appears to be the main determinant of the position taken by African states. Africa’s colonial circumstances seem to take away its ability to establish a definitive stance in any given matter. African states are compelled to choose a side not necessarily because of principle but obligation based on the so-called ‘benefactors’; this accounts for the tragedy of the African post-colonial state. It seems the decisions taken by African states are based on what they owe (either to Russia/China or America/West) or based on economic dependency or mere survival instincts. This excruciating dilemma only shows that Africa has never been the master of its destiny but a faithful follower of neo/colonial dictates. In as much as there have been some notable achievements by either the Southern African Development Community (SADC) or African Union (AU), the position taken by African countries during the United Nations General Assembly’s sanction against Russia questions the credibility of any efforts to unite African states. This paper seeks to use the circumstances of the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a barometer to critically evaluate the nature of the African post-colonial state in relation to African unity.
Stellenbosch Theological Journal, 2024
This article addresses the question of whether a spiritual institution can be influenced by a sec... more This article addresses the question of whether a spiritual institution can be influenced by a secular ideology, which is conceived as 'atheist'. Can a secular ideology influence and shape the nature and praxis of an institution which prides itself as having a predominant spiritual foundation. This article's objective is not necessarily meant to provide an absolute doctrine but seeks to stimulate debate based on a reasonable connection of Socialist influence on the development of the Catholic Church's praxis. This article argues that the Catholic Church's praxis, which is explicitly embodied in the Catholic Social Teachings might have been influenced by a Marxist or Socialist/ communist wave of the 19 th Century. This article is guided by a literature-related historical enquiry method, which compares historical events in a bid to identify possible logical connections. Literature reveals that in as much as some Catholic related movements such as the Liberation Theology had an obvious connection with Marxism, the praxis of movements embodied in both the 'Social Catholicism' and 'Catholic Action' was shaped by the Church's beliefs and contextual circumstances of its time. Literature further shows the Catholic Church neither subscribe to the Socialist revolutionary stance nor approve of its methodology, but it recognised the effects of these socialist movements toward the workers. Hence, the influence of these secular institutions cannot be totally dismissed, even though they did not shape its praxis.
Book chapter, 2023
Ten years ago, I watched a movie entitled ‘An Accidental Hero’, which was originally released in ... more Ten years ago, I watched a movie entitled ‘An Accidental Hero’, which was originally released in 1992. It is a tragic story of a man called Bernie (the late Dustin Hoffman), who was a divorced and wanted thief who lived a miserable life in the street. It just happened that there was a plane crush nearby and he was, unfortunately, the first person on the scene. He went there not necessarily to help the people in the plane but to fulfil his selfish ego of wanting to loot whatever he can get. As Bernie arrived at the scene, the situation forced him to unintentionally assist people who were crying for help. He started unwillingly and grudgingly to help them, by the time everyone was safe and out of the plane, he did not have the time to loot because the plane blew up. He was, obviously, very disappointed and went
ahead with his usual business. Fortunately, when he was rescuing people, the whole process was captured by an outdoor camera but his face was not recognisable. The next morning America was looking for the hero. Since Bernie did not care, he never bothered to come forward until a reward was announced and another person pretended to him. When Bernie discovered that someone pretended to be him, he told the person that he was not interested in the limelight or heroism but he just wanted the money. What is important here is that Bernie was a hero, and what he did ticked all the boxes of a true hero. How he became a hero is not
important. This defines my story, I am an ‘Accidental Academic’, and like Bernie it was not in my intention to be one, but I tick all the boxes of being one. The difference between me and Bernie is that I have come to embrace being an academic and I am proud to be one. This defines the essence of my Doctoral journey.
Key terms: Doctoral journey, Accidental Academic, Doctoral experience, Survival strategies
Philosophia Africana, Aug 1, 2022
The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This... more The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This chapter provides a theoretical overview based on the thinking of Mahmood Mamdani and Frantz Fanon in relation to the post-colonial state. Its main argument is drawn from Mamdani’s position that conflict in Africa is best understood by examining not how Europe underdeveloped Africa, but how Europe ruled Africa. Thus, grievance-based models that are normally used to analyse natural or “normal” human interaction based on economic, political, and social deprivation, or discrimination cannot adequately explain African ethnic conflicts. This calls for an alternative explanation/model . Keywords: Frantz Fanon, Mahmood Mamdani, African Crisis, Post-colonial state, African Predicament.
Book Chapter, 2023
The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This... more The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This chapter provides a theoretical overview based on the thinking of Mahmood Mamdani and Frantz Fanon in relation to the post-colonial state. Its main argument is drawn from Mamdani’s position that conflict in Africa is best understood by examining not how Europe underdeveloped Africa, but how Europe ruled Africa. Thus, grievance-based models that are normally used to analyse natural or “normal” human interaction based on economic, political, and social deprivation, or discrimination cannot adequately explain African ethnic conflicts. This calls for an alternative explanation/model .
Keywords: Frantz Fanon, Mahmood Mamdani, African Crisis, Post-colonial state, African Predicament.
The Catholic Church’s advocacy against bad governance in Zimbabwe (the country’s name was Rhode... more The Catholic Church’s advocacy against bad governance in Zimbabwe (the
country’s name was Rhodesia till April 18, 1980) can be traced back to its
colonial days. The nature of the Catholic Church’s participation in the struggle towards good governance is focused on ensuring that the needs of the
people are catered for by the responsible governmental structures. As the
Catholic Church defends the people’s rights, such a defense inevitably forces
it to confront and challenge structures responsible for bad governance. Such
confrontation or challenge of political or social structures (which it deems
responsible for bad governance) is dialogical in nature as the Catholic Church
expects a response towards their anticipated change. This article examines the
nature of the Catholic Church’s dialogical method by using an ‘Empathetic
Dialogical Method’ focusing specifically on three Catholic Bishops’ pastoral
letters which were written between 2000 and 2010. A critical reflection of
these letters reveals the contribution made by the Catholic Church during the
post-independence period. In terms of dialogue, the article reveals that the
Catholic Church’s dialogical method is predominantly non-empathetic. It further understands the dialogical method of the Catholic Church as highly prescriptive and in most cases non-consultative. This position, as the article argues, is influenced by the Catholic Church’s religious and political structure.
Xenophobia, Nativism and Pan-Africanism in 21st Century Africa, 2021
This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance be... more This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance because not every xenophobic attitude is translated into violent acts. Violence cannot be limited to xenophobic attacks, neither can it be restricted exclusively to the grassroots. Beyond the xenophobic attacks, violence has been the only avenue that poor South Africans have used to demand decent humanity and livelihood from their government. In most instances where violence was witnessed, it has been executed or infuenced by state apparatus such as the police, the army, the media, or the arrogant speeches of government offcials. The author went on to argue that the violence witnessed among the poor is institutional and its source is colonial. Hence, the grassroots are not entirely responsible for this violence but they are the victims of the violence imposed indirectly by imperialist structures. He also contends that the discourse of xenophobic violence in South Africa has been controlled by dominant voices and dominant explanations such that South African poor people’s predicament was taken for granted. Finally, he invokes the expertise of two prominent writers’ perspectives of the colonial and postcolonial state namely Frantz Fanon and Mahmood Mamdani.
Alternation eBooks, Nov 1, 2021
This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encoura... more This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encouraged by the powerful to unwittingly depoliticize any effort by the poor to emancipate themselves. Thus, established advocacy outside the locale of those it seeks to emancipate, becomes 'an erroneous' helping hand, which keeps the poor in their 'place' while an oppressive status quo remains untouched. Using Marxist terminology, advocacy on behalf of the poor without them being principal actors for their own emancipation, becomes the opium of the poor. For this reason, this paper argues that an emancipatory perspective does not spare non-state actors and agencies such as individuals or faith-based organisations that seem 'innocent' because, without deferring to the leading role of those they seek to help, their advocacy is inherently topdown and works well within an established order. By offering top-down intervention to the poor, advocacy groups occlude the incentive for agency on the part of the poor. In the effort of unmasking the hypocrisy of 'advocacy generosity', this chapter looks at the thinking and politics of the shack-dwellers' movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, near Durban, South Africa. This movement demonstrates that if the goal of political, social and economic activism is to emancipate the poor in society, then the poor should be integral participants in such activism and advocacy, rather than merely represented by others.
I, Stephen Phiri declare that i. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise ind... more I, Stephen Phiri declare that i. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. ii. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. iii. This thesis does not contain other persons' data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. iv. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. their words have been rewritten but the general information attributed to them has been referenced; b. where their exact words have been used, their writing has been placed inside quotations marks, and referenced. v. Where I have reproduced a publication of which I am an author, co-author or editor, I have indicated in detail which part of the publication was actually written by myself alone and have fully referenced such publications. vi. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections.
This thesis is driven by the view that we urgently need a more truly emancipatory African politic... more This thesis is driven by the view that we urgently need a more truly emancipatory African politics, beyond the politics of the state or the hegemonic politics of the powerful; and the potential role of 'civil society' in this needs to be explored. Using a Gramscian frame, the study focuses on the life history of the Church Land Programme (CLP), an NGO based in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. This organisation claims to have radically shifted its praxis from that of a conventional NGO to one which has adopted an emancipatory politics. In a document reflecting on why and how it underwent this shift, the CLP made specific reference to the thinking of Paulo Freire, and post-shift, it has made frequent reference to Frantz Fanon. This study seeks to understand why and how the organisation shifted its practice and how this relates to the work of these two emancipatory thinkers. It finally considers the implications of this for emancipatory politics in the current South African context. The study seeks to make three contributions. Firstly, it redresses the scarcity of work on the relationship between Fanon and Freire, despite the considerable recent interest in their individual thought and writings. Secondly, the study adopts a life history approach that is normally used to narrate and understand individual stories, to tell, and to understand, the story of an organisation. Thirdly, as the study confirms, CLP is a deeply reflective and selfcritical organisation; however, it has not yet been subjected to outside scrutiny and the study thus provides an outsider's view of the organisation and its shift. The findings reveal that for CLP emancipatory politics is a lived reality. CLP thought its emancipatory praxis into being through deep reflection on how it acts in the world, often with others. Rather than directly influencing CLP, Fanon and Freire (and others) resonate with this emancipatory thinking, and act as a resource. The study concludes that whilst civil society is iii a realm within which hegemony is created, as Gramsci argued, because emancipatory politics is of the order the order of thought, civil society organisations can act in emancipatory ways.
Book chapter, 2021
This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encoura... more This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encouraged by the powerful to unwittingly depoliticize any effort by the poor to emancipate themselves. Thus, established advocacy outside the locale of those it seeks to emancipate, becomes 'an erroneous' helping hand, which keeps the poor in their 'place' while an oppressive status quo remains untouched. Using Marxist terminology, advocacy on behalf of the poor without them being principal actors for their own emancipation, becomes the opium of the poor. For this reason, this paper argues that an emancipatory perspective does not spare non-state actors and agencies such as individuals or faith-based organisations that seem 'innocent' because, without deferring to the leading role of those they seek to help, their advocacy is inherently topdown and works well within an established order. By offering top-down intervention to the poor, advocacy groups occlude the incentive for agency on the part of the poor. In the effort of unmasking the hypocrisy of 'advocacy generosity', this chapter looks at the thinking and politics of the shack-dwellers' movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, near Durban, South Africa. This movement demonstrates that if the goal of political, social and economic activism is to emancipate the poor in society, then the poor should be integral participants in such activism and advocacy, rather than merely represented by others.
Contemporary Issues on Governance, Conflict and Security in Africa, 2023
The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This... more The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This chapter provides a theoretical overview based on the thinking of Mahmood Mamdani and Frantz Fanon in relation to the post-colonial state. Its main argument is drawn from Mamdani’s position that conflict in Africa is best understood by examining not how Europe underdeveloped Africa, but how Europe ruled Africa. Thus, grievance-based models that are normally used to analyse natural or “normal” human interaction based on economic, political and social deprivation, or discrimination cannot adequately explain African ethnic conflicts. This calls for an alternative explanation and model.
The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered an... more This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered and assumed its nature and characteristics. Hence, a rethinking of issues associated with conceptions of race is simultaneously a decolonisation process. It is impossible if not inconceivable to think of racism in post-apartheid South Africa without making reference to the colonial nature of the practice. It is beyond dispute that the issue of race and identity is still a bone of contention in post-apartheid South Africa. A lot has been written and done in this regard but this article argues that from what has been accomplished no effective and workable recommendations have been successfully put forward. The article challenges the prevailing recommendations and proposals to be revised beyond anger and emotion. Such an endeavour does not perceive anger and emotion as irrelevant but pushes to re-channel them in ways that support emancipatory strategies that serve to unlearn racial stereotype...
Springer Nature, 2021
This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance be... more This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance because not every xenophobic attitude is translated into violent acts. Violence cannot be limited to xenophobic attacks, neither can it be restricted exclusively to the grassroots. Beyond the xenophobic attacks, violence has been the only avenue that poor South Africans have used to demand decent humanity and livelihood from their government. In most instances where violence was witnessed, it has been executed or infuenced by state apparatus such as the police, the army, the media, or the arrogant speeches of government offcials. The author went on to argue that the violence witnessed among the poor is institutional and its source is colonial. Hence, the grassroots are not entirely responsible for this violence but they are the victims of the violence imposed indirectly by imperialist structures. He also contends that the discourse of xenophobic violence in South Africa has been controlled by dominant voices and dominant explanations such that South African poor people’s predicament was taken for granted. Finally, he invokes the expertise of two prominent writers’ perspectives of the colonial and postcolonial state namely Frantz Fanon and Mahmood Mamdani.
The Journal of Pan-African Studies, 2017
IntroductionThe 'Pitfalls of National Consciousness' in chapter three of The Wretched of ... more IntroductionThe 'Pitfalls of National Consciousness' in chapter three of The Wretched of the Earth (1961), serves to analyse how Africa has contributed towards enduring problems and the continued dependency on foreign actors. It is ironic that in as much as psychiatrist, writer, philosopher, and anti-colonialist fighter, Franz Fanon (1925-1961), from the Caribbean island of Martinique is not of African nativity, his insights seem to accurately foretell the realities of post-colonial Africa. His influence has also had a profound impact on post-colonial thinkers both within and outside Africa. And in short, Fanon was the pre-eminent thinker of the 20th century on the issue of decolonisation and the psychopathology of colonisation, and his works have inspired anti-colonial liberation movements for over half a century. The author of the classic The Wretched of the Earth (1961), his analysis of the psychology of the colonized and their path to liberation outlines a singular insig...
This work concedes that from the time of independence to date, Africa has been dogged by a predic... more This work concedes that from the time of independence to date, Africa has been dogged by a predicament of reliance on foreign intervention and tutelage and Africa's quest to be a sovereign continent. Hence, this work states that Western influence has played a crucial role in stymying concepts that suggest African solutions to African problems, although African leaderships have failed to arrest all manners of decline in Africa. Using Frantz Fanon's reading of the post-colonial mindset as a tool for analysis, this work seeks to provide an understanding of the aforementioned predicament. However, it does not offer absolute solutions to foreign interventions in Africa; but merely attempts to point where limitations might lie so that appropriate solutions can be searched via a qualitative approach based on primary and secondary data to fortify its arguments.
This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered an... more This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered and assumed its nature and characteristics. Hence, a rethinking of issues associated with conceptions of race is simultaneously a decolonisation process. It is impossible if not inconceivable to think of racism in post-apartheid South Africa without making reference to the colonial nature of the practice. It is beyond dispute that the issue of race and identity is still a bone of contention in post-apartheid South Africa. A lot has been written and done in this regard but this article argues that from what has been accomplished no effective and workable recommendations have been successfully put forward. The article challenges the prevailing recommendations and proposals to be revised beyond anger and emotion. Such an endeavour does not perceive anger and emotion as irrelevant but pushes to re-channel them in ways that support emancipatory strategies that serve to unlearn racial stereotypes. It proposes not a solution but a foundation of a thinking process inspired by Fanon which seeks to understand the problem before we attempt to propose a solution.
Journal Article, 2024
At least 25 African countries chose not to vote for the United Nations resolution condemning Russ... more At least 25 African countries chose not to vote for the United Nations resolution condemning Russia’s invasion, while the rest voted. This says a lot about any regional or continental body that claims to unite African states. This divergence of opinions seems to characterise the basis upon which the predicament of African unity is grounded, hence revealing the depth of the Pan-African crisis. Africa’s history appears to be the main determinant of the position taken by African states. Africa’s colonial circumstances seem to take away its ability to establish a definitive stance in any given matter. African states are compelled to choose a side not necessarily because of principle but obligation based on the so-called ‘benefactors’; this accounts for the tragedy of the African post-colonial state. It seems the decisions taken by African states are based on what they owe (either to Russia/China or America/West) or based on economic dependency or mere survival instincts. This excruciating dilemma only shows that Africa has never been the master of its destiny but a faithful follower of neo/colonial dictates. In as much as there have been some notable achievements by either the Southern African Development Community (SADC) or African Union (AU), the position taken by African countries during the United Nations General Assembly’s sanction against Russia questions the credibility of any efforts to unite African states. This paper seeks to use the circumstances of the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a barometer to critically evaluate the nature of the African post-colonial state in relation to African unity.
Stellenbosch Theological Journal, 2024
This article addresses the question of whether a spiritual institution can be influenced by a sec... more This article addresses the question of whether a spiritual institution can be influenced by a secular ideology, which is conceived as 'atheist'. Can a secular ideology influence and shape the nature and praxis of an institution which prides itself as having a predominant spiritual foundation. This article's objective is not necessarily meant to provide an absolute doctrine but seeks to stimulate debate based on a reasonable connection of Socialist influence on the development of the Catholic Church's praxis. This article argues that the Catholic Church's praxis, which is explicitly embodied in the Catholic Social Teachings might have been influenced by a Marxist or Socialist/ communist wave of the 19 th Century. This article is guided by a literature-related historical enquiry method, which compares historical events in a bid to identify possible logical connections. Literature reveals that in as much as some Catholic related movements such as the Liberation Theology had an obvious connection with Marxism, the praxis of movements embodied in both the 'Social Catholicism' and 'Catholic Action' was shaped by the Church's beliefs and contextual circumstances of its time. Literature further shows the Catholic Church neither subscribe to the Socialist revolutionary stance nor approve of its methodology, but it recognised the effects of these socialist movements toward the workers. Hence, the influence of these secular institutions cannot be totally dismissed, even though they did not shape its praxis.
Book chapter, 2023
Ten years ago, I watched a movie entitled ‘An Accidental Hero’, which was originally released in ... more Ten years ago, I watched a movie entitled ‘An Accidental Hero’, which was originally released in 1992. It is a tragic story of a man called Bernie (the late Dustin Hoffman), who was a divorced and wanted thief who lived a miserable life in the street. It just happened that there was a plane crush nearby and he was, unfortunately, the first person on the scene. He went there not necessarily to help the people in the plane but to fulfil his selfish ego of wanting to loot whatever he can get. As Bernie arrived at the scene, the situation forced him to unintentionally assist people who were crying for help. He started unwillingly and grudgingly to help them, by the time everyone was safe and out of the plane, he did not have the time to loot because the plane blew up. He was, obviously, very disappointed and went
ahead with his usual business. Fortunately, when he was rescuing people, the whole process was captured by an outdoor camera but his face was not recognisable. The next morning America was looking for the hero. Since Bernie did not care, he never bothered to come forward until a reward was announced and another person pretended to him. When Bernie discovered that someone pretended to be him, he told the person that he was not interested in the limelight or heroism but he just wanted the money. What is important here is that Bernie was a hero, and what he did ticked all the boxes of a true hero. How he became a hero is not
important. This defines my story, I am an ‘Accidental Academic’, and like Bernie it was not in my intention to be one, but I tick all the boxes of being one. The difference between me and Bernie is that I have come to embrace being an academic and I am proud to be one. This defines the essence of my Doctoral journey.
Key terms: Doctoral journey, Accidental Academic, Doctoral experience, Survival strategies
Philosophia Africana, Aug 1, 2022
The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This... more The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This chapter provides a theoretical overview based on the thinking of Mahmood Mamdani and Frantz Fanon in relation to the post-colonial state. Its main argument is drawn from Mamdani’s position that conflict in Africa is best understood by examining not how Europe underdeveloped Africa, but how Europe ruled Africa. Thus, grievance-based models that are normally used to analyse natural or “normal” human interaction based on economic, political, and social deprivation, or discrimination cannot adequately explain African ethnic conflicts. This calls for an alternative explanation/model . Keywords: Frantz Fanon, Mahmood Mamdani, African Crisis, Post-colonial state, African Predicament.
Book Chapter, 2023
The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This... more The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This chapter provides a theoretical overview based on the thinking of Mahmood Mamdani and Frantz Fanon in relation to the post-colonial state. Its main argument is drawn from Mamdani’s position that conflict in Africa is best understood by examining not how Europe underdeveloped Africa, but how Europe ruled Africa. Thus, grievance-based models that are normally used to analyse natural or “normal” human interaction based on economic, political, and social deprivation, or discrimination cannot adequately explain African ethnic conflicts. This calls for an alternative explanation/model .
Keywords: Frantz Fanon, Mahmood Mamdani, African Crisis, Post-colonial state, African Predicament.
The Catholic Church’s advocacy against bad governance in Zimbabwe (the country’s name was Rhode... more The Catholic Church’s advocacy against bad governance in Zimbabwe (the
country’s name was Rhodesia till April 18, 1980) can be traced back to its
colonial days. The nature of the Catholic Church’s participation in the struggle towards good governance is focused on ensuring that the needs of the
people are catered for by the responsible governmental structures. As the
Catholic Church defends the people’s rights, such a defense inevitably forces
it to confront and challenge structures responsible for bad governance. Such
confrontation or challenge of political or social structures (which it deems
responsible for bad governance) is dialogical in nature as the Catholic Church
expects a response towards their anticipated change. This article examines the
nature of the Catholic Church’s dialogical method by using an ‘Empathetic
Dialogical Method’ focusing specifically on three Catholic Bishops’ pastoral
letters which were written between 2000 and 2010. A critical reflection of
these letters reveals the contribution made by the Catholic Church during the
post-independence period. In terms of dialogue, the article reveals that the
Catholic Church’s dialogical method is predominantly non-empathetic. It further understands the dialogical method of the Catholic Church as highly prescriptive and in most cases non-consultative. This position, as the article argues, is influenced by the Catholic Church’s religious and political structure.
Xenophobia, Nativism and Pan-Africanism in 21st Century Africa, 2021
This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance be... more This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance because not every xenophobic attitude is translated into violent acts. Violence cannot be limited to xenophobic attacks, neither can it be restricted exclusively to the grassroots. Beyond the xenophobic attacks, violence has been the only avenue that poor South Africans have used to demand decent humanity and livelihood from their government. In most instances where violence was witnessed, it has been executed or infuenced by state apparatus such as the police, the army, the media, or the arrogant speeches of government offcials. The author went on to argue that the violence witnessed among the poor is institutional and its source is colonial. Hence, the grassroots are not entirely responsible for this violence but they are the victims of the violence imposed indirectly by imperialist structures. He also contends that the discourse of xenophobic violence in South Africa has been controlled by dominant voices and dominant explanations such that South African poor people’s predicament was taken for granted. Finally, he invokes the expertise of two prominent writers’ perspectives of the colonial and postcolonial state namely Frantz Fanon and Mahmood Mamdani.
Alternation eBooks, Nov 1, 2021
This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encoura... more This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encouraged by the powerful to unwittingly depoliticize any effort by the poor to emancipate themselves. Thus, established advocacy outside the locale of those it seeks to emancipate, becomes 'an erroneous' helping hand, which keeps the poor in their 'place' while an oppressive status quo remains untouched. Using Marxist terminology, advocacy on behalf of the poor without them being principal actors for their own emancipation, becomes the opium of the poor. For this reason, this paper argues that an emancipatory perspective does not spare non-state actors and agencies such as individuals or faith-based organisations that seem 'innocent' because, without deferring to the leading role of those they seek to help, their advocacy is inherently topdown and works well within an established order. By offering top-down intervention to the poor, advocacy groups occlude the incentive for agency on the part of the poor. In the effort of unmasking the hypocrisy of 'advocacy generosity', this chapter looks at the thinking and politics of the shack-dwellers' movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, near Durban, South Africa. This movement demonstrates that if the goal of political, social and economic activism is to emancipate the poor in society, then the poor should be integral participants in such activism and advocacy, rather than merely represented by others.
I, Stephen Phiri declare that i. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise ind... more I, Stephen Phiri declare that i. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. ii. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. iii. This thesis does not contain other persons' data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. iv. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. their words have been rewritten but the general information attributed to them has been referenced; b. where their exact words have been used, their writing has been placed inside quotations marks, and referenced. v. Where I have reproduced a publication of which I am an author, co-author or editor, I have indicated in detail which part of the publication was actually written by myself alone and have fully referenced such publications. vi. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections.
This thesis is driven by the view that we urgently need a more truly emancipatory African politic... more This thesis is driven by the view that we urgently need a more truly emancipatory African politics, beyond the politics of the state or the hegemonic politics of the powerful; and the potential role of 'civil society' in this needs to be explored. Using a Gramscian frame, the study focuses on the life history of the Church Land Programme (CLP), an NGO based in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. This organisation claims to have radically shifted its praxis from that of a conventional NGO to one which has adopted an emancipatory politics. In a document reflecting on why and how it underwent this shift, the CLP made specific reference to the thinking of Paulo Freire, and post-shift, it has made frequent reference to Frantz Fanon. This study seeks to understand why and how the organisation shifted its practice and how this relates to the work of these two emancipatory thinkers. It finally considers the implications of this for emancipatory politics in the current South African context. The study seeks to make three contributions. Firstly, it redresses the scarcity of work on the relationship between Fanon and Freire, despite the considerable recent interest in their individual thought and writings. Secondly, the study adopts a life history approach that is normally used to narrate and understand individual stories, to tell, and to understand, the story of an organisation. Thirdly, as the study confirms, CLP is a deeply reflective and selfcritical organisation; however, it has not yet been subjected to outside scrutiny and the study thus provides an outsider's view of the organisation and its shift. The findings reveal that for CLP emancipatory politics is a lived reality. CLP thought its emancipatory praxis into being through deep reflection on how it acts in the world, often with others. Rather than directly influencing CLP, Fanon and Freire (and others) resonate with this emancipatory thinking, and act as a resource. The study concludes that whilst civil society is iii a realm within which hegemony is created, as Gramsci argued, because emancipatory politics is of the order the order of thought, civil society organisations can act in emancipatory ways.
Book chapter, 2021
This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encoura... more This chapter critically views top-down social and political advocacy as a vehicle used or encouraged by the powerful to unwittingly depoliticize any effort by the poor to emancipate themselves. Thus, established advocacy outside the locale of those it seeks to emancipate, becomes 'an erroneous' helping hand, which keeps the poor in their 'place' while an oppressive status quo remains untouched. Using Marxist terminology, advocacy on behalf of the poor without them being principal actors for their own emancipation, becomes the opium of the poor. For this reason, this paper argues that an emancipatory perspective does not spare non-state actors and agencies such as individuals or faith-based organisations that seem 'innocent' because, without deferring to the leading role of those they seek to help, their advocacy is inherently topdown and works well within an established order. By offering top-down intervention to the poor, advocacy groups occlude the incentive for agency on the part of the poor. In the effort of unmasking the hypocrisy of 'advocacy generosity', this chapter looks at the thinking and politics of the shack-dwellers' movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, near Durban, South Africa. This movement demonstrates that if the goal of political, social and economic activism is to emancipate the poor in society, then the poor should be integral participants in such activism and advocacy, rather than merely represented by others.
Contemporary Issues on Governance, Conflict and Security in Africa, 2023
The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This... more The unique nature of African conflicts calls for a logical explanation for their occurrence. This chapter provides a theoretical overview based on the thinking of Mahmood Mamdani and Frantz Fanon in relation to the post-colonial state. Its main argument is drawn from Mamdani’s position that conflict in Africa is best understood by examining not how Europe underdeveloped Africa, but how Europe ruled Africa. Thus, grievance-based models that are normally used to analyse natural or “normal” human interaction based on economic, political and social deprivation, or discrimination cannot adequately explain African ethnic conflicts. This calls for an alternative explanation and model.
The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered an... more This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered and assumed its nature and characteristics. Hence, a rethinking of issues associated with conceptions of race is simultaneously a decolonisation process. It is impossible if not inconceivable to think of racism in post-apartheid South Africa without making reference to the colonial nature of the practice. It is beyond dispute that the issue of race and identity is still a bone of contention in post-apartheid South Africa. A lot has been written and done in this regard but this article argues that from what has been accomplished no effective and workable recommendations have been successfully put forward. The article challenges the prevailing recommendations and proposals to be revised beyond anger and emotion. Such an endeavour does not perceive anger and emotion as irrelevant but pushes to re-channel them in ways that support emancipatory strategies that serve to unlearn racial stereotype...
Springer Nature, 2021
This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance be... more This essay advocates for the separation of xenophobia from violence as of paramount importance because not every xenophobic attitude is translated into violent acts. Violence cannot be limited to xenophobic attacks, neither can it be restricted exclusively to the grassroots. Beyond the xenophobic attacks, violence has been the only avenue that poor South Africans have used to demand decent humanity and livelihood from their government. In most instances where violence was witnessed, it has been executed or infuenced by state apparatus such as the police, the army, the media, or the arrogant speeches of government offcials. The author went on to argue that the violence witnessed among the poor is institutional and its source is colonial. Hence, the grassroots are not entirely responsible for this violence but they are the victims of the violence imposed indirectly by imperialist structures. He also contends that the discourse of xenophobic violence in South Africa has been controlled by dominant voices and dominant explanations such that South African poor people’s predicament was taken for granted. Finally, he invokes the expertise of two prominent writers’ perspectives of the colonial and postcolonial state namely Frantz Fanon and Mahmood Mamdani.
The Journal of Pan-African Studies, 2017
IntroductionThe 'Pitfalls of National Consciousness' in chapter three of The Wretched of ... more IntroductionThe 'Pitfalls of National Consciousness' in chapter three of The Wretched of the Earth (1961), serves to analyse how Africa has contributed towards enduring problems and the continued dependency on foreign actors. It is ironic that in as much as psychiatrist, writer, philosopher, and anti-colonialist fighter, Franz Fanon (1925-1961), from the Caribbean island of Martinique is not of African nativity, his insights seem to accurately foretell the realities of post-colonial Africa. His influence has also had a profound impact on post-colonial thinkers both within and outside Africa. And in short, Fanon was the pre-eminent thinker of the 20th century on the issue of decolonisation and the psychopathology of colonisation, and his works have inspired anti-colonial liberation movements for over half a century. The author of the classic The Wretched of the Earth (1961), his analysis of the psychology of the colonized and their path to liberation outlines a singular insig...
This work concedes that from the time of independence to date, Africa has been dogged by a predic... more This work concedes that from the time of independence to date, Africa has been dogged by a predicament of reliance on foreign intervention and tutelage and Africa's quest to be a sovereign continent. Hence, this work states that Western influence has played a crucial role in stymying concepts that suggest African solutions to African problems, although African leaderships have failed to arrest all manners of decline in Africa. Using Frantz Fanon's reading of the post-colonial mindset as a tool for analysis, this work seeks to provide an understanding of the aforementioned predicament. However, it does not offer absolute solutions to foreign interventions in Africa; but merely attempts to point where limitations might lie so that appropriate solutions can be searched via a qualitative approach based on primary and secondary data to fortify its arguments.
This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered an... more This article claims that racism is undoubtedly the foundation upon which colonialism prospered and assumed its nature and characteristics. Hence, a rethinking of issues associated with conceptions of race is simultaneously a decolonisation process. It is impossible if not inconceivable to think of racism in post-apartheid South Africa without making reference to the colonial nature of the practice. It is beyond dispute that the issue of race and identity is still a bone of contention in post-apartheid South Africa. A lot has been written and done in this regard but this article argues that from what has been accomplished no effective and workable recommendations have been successfully put forward. The article challenges the prevailing recommendations and proposals to be revised beyond anger and emotion. Such an endeavour does not perceive anger and emotion as irrelevant but pushes to re-channel them in ways that support emancipatory strategies that serve to unlearn racial stereotypes. It proposes not a solution but a foundation of a thinking process inspired by Fanon which seeks to understand the problem before we attempt to propose a solution.
This short article is a response to the comments made to my academic opinion piece that I publish... more This short article is a response to the comments made to my academic opinion piece that I published in the Daily Maverick with the title "Emancipate yourself from mental slavery, none but ourselves can free our minds…. from colonial Ideology". My assessment of the comments convinced me that the issue of perpetual victimhood was, unfortunately, intimately related to the pronouncement of emancipation. Due to these comments I thought it necessary to clarify the rationale imbedded in emancipatory related discourses. Interestingly, the comments made by readers reflected a position highlighted by prominent scholars like Professor Achille Mbembe, a Cameroonian philosopher, political theorist, and public intellectual. Just like the commentators, Mbembe seems to argue that we are stuck in the past, instead of allowing our wounds to heal and move on, we seat and leak our wounds while lamenting on the past injustices (with my emphasis).