Arkadiusz Stasiak | John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (original) (raw)
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Papers by Arkadiusz Stasiak
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2017
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2010
BRILL eBooks, 2010
The Enlightenment was a period during which the multi-dimensional shape of the Polish-Lithuanian ... more The Enlightenment was a period during which the multi-dimensional shape of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was under threat and indeed eventually collapsed. This chapter presents an analysis which helps to understand the logic of patriotic discourse during the Enlightenment, focusing on Polish political thought between the 1730s and the 1790s. It analyzes the idea of patriotism during the Enlightenment in terms of a process of transition between different cultural structures. The philosophical bases of the idea of patriotism in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the first half of the eighteenth century were fairly uniform. Patriotism was also to be triggered by means of rewards and punishments. The patriotism of the period of the Saxon dynasty was still a moralistic patriotism linking republican and royalist motifs. One of the main modality of the idea of patriotism during the last thirty years of the First Republic was monarchism. Keywords: monarchical patriotism; Polish political thought; Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; republican patriotism
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2009
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Apr 1, 2022
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Oct 30, 2019
Roczniki Humanistyczne, May 7, 2021
Niniejszy tom "Roczników Humanistycznych" dotyczy zagadnienia sprawowania władzy, sprowadzonego c... more Niniejszy tom "Roczników Humanistycznych" dotyczy zagadnienia sprawowania władzy, sprowadzonego często do przełamywania oporu ze strony rządzonych. Platon definiował władzę jako posiadanie dostatecznej siły do robienia tego, co się chce, wtedy, kiedy się chce 1. Autorzy nowego zeszytu historycznego naszego pisma przeanalizowali tę właśnie siłę i próby jej przełamania. W teorii władzy koncepcja Platona była trwała i podtrzymywana choćby przez Maxa Webera, dla którego władza to narzucanie własnej woli i przełamywanie wszelkich przeszkód stojących na drodze owej woli. Przeszkody te mieli pokonywać ci, do których należała realizacja woli. Jasność tego wiekowego wywodu zburzył Steven Lukes, określając władzę stanem, w jakim jednostka wpływa na inną jednostkę w sposób sprzeczny z jej (tj. jednostki podporządkowanej) interesem. Wydaje się, że Lukes (w przeciwieństwie do Webera) zmierzał do odróżnienia władzy od siły, perswazji i podobnych środków, które można stosować w próbach podporządkowania innych pożądanemu kierunkowi działań. Definicja Lukesa przywodzi na myśl jeszcze jedną propozycję, mianowicie teorię sformułowaną przez Arystotelesa. Zakłada ona, że władza sprawowana jest dla wspólnego dobra zarówno rządzących, jak i rządzonych, a wszelkie łamanie tej idei jest patologią, zatem zasadnicza sprzeczność w definiowaniu władzy ma korzenie klasyczne, a jej bieguny są nad wyraz rozbieżne. Autorzy prezentowanego tomu podjęli zaproponowaną przez redakcję tematykę na kilka metodologicznych sposobów, konsekwentnie odnosząc się do relacji instytucji, państwowej lub kościelnej, do jednostki. Dla całego założenia został przyjęty tytuł: Instytucje i jednostka. Historia zmagań od schyłku XVIII stulecia do współczesności, który w moim przekonaniu oddaje istotę naukowego zamysłu. W pierwszym artykule tak zarysowanego projektu
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Feb 8, 2018
Justice as the Aim of the Monarch's Rule. The Evolution of the Idea From Plato Till the End o... more Justice as the Aim of the Monarch's Rule. The Evolution of the Idea From Plato Till the End of the Enlightenment The idea of justice of the authority in the general sense remains a central topic in Polish political theory. This has resulted in frequently tackling this problem, but it has not been reflected in the complexity of the theory. It is even hard to talk about a theory in the case of the analyzed considerations. They were mostly very superficial mentions of the monarch's justice, permeated with the old-Polish legalism. Legalism reduced to the rule – the king is obliged to observe legal norms and to give priority to the good of the ruled ones over his own interests. This model determined deliberations about justice. Most theoreticians could not see a possibility to strengthen the king's influence on dispensing justice in the country, although there were exceptions to this view, and not only among monarchists. Owing to this model in Polish political thought, after the fall of the First Polish Republic it was easier to accept the idea of justice dispensed by broad bodies representing the community. The model was not overcome even by the instrumental transfer of the idea of natural justice to the Polish ground. This was also not done by doubts expressed by Wybicki about the possibilities to link justice with the subjects' happiness and with political freedom.
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2015
In the contemporary Polish scientific literature concerning the second half of the 18 th century,... more In the contemporary Polish scientific literature concerning the second half of the 18 th century, there are numerous analytical considerations about values such as truth and morality, which is the case inter alia in the article written by Magda Czardybon Prawda i jej antonimy w "Powinnościach nauczyciela" by Grzegorz Piramowicz [Truth and its antonyms in 'The obligations of a teacher' by Grzegorz Piramowicz 1 ]. Nevertheless, the analysis of the notion of responsibility of the ruler for the truth in the thought of the theoreticians of the times of the First Commonwealth of Poland was not considered by researchers of that time and nowadays constitutes a space that is still being rediscovered. The works that are particularly vital for the attempt to describe the aforementioned notion are the critical analyses of the idea of truth in politics by Hannah Arendt: Odpowiedzialność i władza sądzenia 2 [Responsibilty and Judgement] as well as Prawda i polityka 3 [Truth and politics]. The composition refers first and foremost to the political treatises and writings in a form close to a treaty. A political treaty is a t ext in a form of an extended study and with subject that is fundamental within the given domain. These are at the same time theoretical studies rather than practical divagations about politics or political system.
Teka Komisji Historycznej Towarzystwa Naukowego KUL, Nov 18, 2022
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Jul 24, 2019
The monarchal camp between the years 1765 and 1771 consistently disapproved of all images of love... more The monarchal camp between the years 1765 and 1771 consistently disapproved of all images of love of the homeland that had a traditionalist and republican character. Representatives of this fraction, i.e. of the pro-royal orientation, adopted for their programs the ideas of love of the homeland that functioned as early as the first half of the 18 th century. And even though they enriched with new elements the thought they had borrowed, they did it in a marginal way. First of all they expressed their criticism of the existing models. I think that the criticism set the authors free of the irrational and non-reflective view typical of the group. Identifying the homeland with the institution of the state, representatives of the group centered around the person of the King, including the monarch himself, used the argument of not observing the law by the confederates as a manifestation of non-patriotic behavior.
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2017
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2010
BRILL eBooks, 2010
The Enlightenment was a period during which the multi-dimensional shape of the Polish-Lithuanian ... more The Enlightenment was a period during which the multi-dimensional shape of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was under threat and indeed eventually collapsed. This chapter presents an analysis which helps to understand the logic of patriotic discourse during the Enlightenment, focusing on Polish political thought between the 1730s and the 1790s. It analyzes the idea of patriotism during the Enlightenment in terms of a process of transition between different cultural structures. The philosophical bases of the idea of patriotism in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the first half of the eighteenth century were fairly uniform. Patriotism was also to be triggered by means of rewards and punishments. The patriotism of the period of the Saxon dynasty was still a moralistic patriotism linking republican and royalist motifs. One of the main modality of the idea of patriotism during the last thirty years of the First Republic was monarchism. Keywords: monarchical patriotism; Polish political thought; Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; republican patriotism
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2009
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Apr 1, 2022
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Oct 30, 2019
Roczniki Humanistyczne, May 7, 2021
Niniejszy tom "Roczników Humanistycznych" dotyczy zagadnienia sprawowania władzy, sprowadzonego c... more Niniejszy tom "Roczników Humanistycznych" dotyczy zagadnienia sprawowania władzy, sprowadzonego często do przełamywania oporu ze strony rządzonych. Platon definiował władzę jako posiadanie dostatecznej siły do robienia tego, co się chce, wtedy, kiedy się chce 1. Autorzy nowego zeszytu historycznego naszego pisma przeanalizowali tę właśnie siłę i próby jej przełamania. W teorii władzy koncepcja Platona była trwała i podtrzymywana choćby przez Maxa Webera, dla którego władza to narzucanie własnej woli i przełamywanie wszelkich przeszkód stojących na drodze owej woli. Przeszkody te mieli pokonywać ci, do których należała realizacja woli. Jasność tego wiekowego wywodu zburzył Steven Lukes, określając władzę stanem, w jakim jednostka wpływa na inną jednostkę w sposób sprzeczny z jej (tj. jednostki podporządkowanej) interesem. Wydaje się, że Lukes (w przeciwieństwie do Webera) zmierzał do odróżnienia władzy od siły, perswazji i podobnych środków, które można stosować w próbach podporządkowania innych pożądanemu kierunkowi działań. Definicja Lukesa przywodzi na myśl jeszcze jedną propozycję, mianowicie teorię sformułowaną przez Arystotelesa. Zakłada ona, że władza sprawowana jest dla wspólnego dobra zarówno rządzących, jak i rządzonych, a wszelkie łamanie tej idei jest patologią, zatem zasadnicza sprzeczność w definiowaniu władzy ma korzenie klasyczne, a jej bieguny są nad wyraz rozbieżne. Autorzy prezentowanego tomu podjęli zaproponowaną przez redakcję tematykę na kilka metodologicznych sposobów, konsekwentnie odnosząc się do relacji instytucji, państwowej lub kościelnej, do jednostki. Dla całego założenia został przyjęty tytuł: Instytucje i jednostka. Historia zmagań od schyłku XVIII stulecia do współczesności, który w moim przekonaniu oddaje istotę naukowego zamysłu. W pierwszym artykule tak zarysowanego projektu
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Feb 8, 2018
Justice as the Aim of the Monarch's Rule. The Evolution of the Idea From Plato Till the End o... more Justice as the Aim of the Monarch's Rule. The Evolution of the Idea From Plato Till the End of the Enlightenment The idea of justice of the authority in the general sense remains a central topic in Polish political theory. This has resulted in frequently tackling this problem, but it has not been reflected in the complexity of the theory. It is even hard to talk about a theory in the case of the analyzed considerations. They were mostly very superficial mentions of the monarch's justice, permeated with the old-Polish legalism. Legalism reduced to the rule – the king is obliged to observe legal norms and to give priority to the good of the ruled ones over his own interests. This model determined deliberations about justice. Most theoreticians could not see a possibility to strengthen the king's influence on dispensing justice in the country, although there were exceptions to this view, and not only among monarchists. Owing to this model in Polish political thought, after the fall of the First Polish Republic it was easier to accept the idea of justice dispensed by broad bodies representing the community. The model was not overcome even by the instrumental transfer of the idea of natural justice to the Polish ground. This was also not done by doubts expressed by Wybicki about the possibilities to link justice with the subjects' happiness and with political freedom.
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2015
In the contemporary Polish scientific literature concerning the second half of the 18 th century,... more In the contemporary Polish scientific literature concerning the second half of the 18 th century, there are numerous analytical considerations about values such as truth and morality, which is the case inter alia in the article written by Magda Czardybon Prawda i jej antonimy w "Powinnościach nauczyciela" by Grzegorz Piramowicz [Truth and its antonyms in 'The obligations of a teacher' by Grzegorz Piramowicz 1 ]. Nevertheless, the analysis of the notion of responsibility of the ruler for the truth in the thought of the theoreticians of the times of the First Commonwealth of Poland was not considered by researchers of that time and nowadays constitutes a space that is still being rediscovered. The works that are particularly vital for the attempt to describe the aforementioned notion are the critical analyses of the idea of truth in politics by Hannah Arendt: Odpowiedzialność i władza sądzenia 2 [Responsibilty and Judgement] as well as Prawda i polityka 3 [Truth and politics]. The composition refers first and foremost to the political treatises and writings in a form close to a treaty. A political treaty is a t ext in a form of an extended study and with subject that is fundamental within the given domain. These are at the same time theoretical studies rather than practical divagations about politics or political system.
Teka Komisji Historycznej Towarzystwa Naukowego KUL, Nov 18, 2022
Roczniki Humanistyczne, Jul 24, 2019
The monarchal camp between the years 1765 and 1771 consistently disapproved of all images of love... more The monarchal camp between the years 1765 and 1771 consistently disapproved of all images of love of the homeland that had a traditionalist and republican character. Representatives of this fraction, i.e. of the pro-royal orientation, adopted for their programs the ideas of love of the homeland that functioned as early as the first half of the 18 th century. And even though they enriched with new elements the thought they had borrowed, they did it in a marginal way. First of all they expressed their criticism of the existing models. I think that the criticism set the authors free of the irrational and non-reflective view typical of the group. Identifying the homeland with the institution of the state, representatives of the group centered around the person of the King, including the monarch himself, used the argument of not observing the law by the confederates as a manifestation of non-patriotic behavior.