Gonenc Uysal | Lancaster University (original) (raw)

Papers by Gonenc Uysal

In Class, Capital, State, and Late Development: The Political Economy of Military Interventions i... more In Class, Capital, State, and Late Development: The Political Economy of Military Interventions in Turkey, Gönenç Uysal discusses state-military-society relations in Turkey from the late Ottoman era to today by exploring state-class-capital relations under the dynamics of uneven development. Uysal approaches Turkey as a late-developing social formation characterised by unevenness and dependency, arising from the contradictions of capitalist relations of production and integration with the world capitalist system. By drawing upon historical materialism/Marxism, Uysal o ers a critical/radical understanding of (re)organisation of the state and military interventions in politics in peripheries of global capitalism.

Capital & Class

Sam King offers an important intervention to critical/radical/Marxist literature on the political... more Sam King offers an important intervention to critical/radical/Marxist literature on the political economy of (under)development in the Third World/Global South in the neoliberal era by critically and comprehensively engaging with the notion of imperialism. In Imperialism and the Development Myth, King fundamentally argues that imperialism lies at the heart of continuous and changing dynamics of the world capitalist system bringing about a persistent polarisation between the developed core and the underdeveloped periphery. King builds this argument by mainly drawing upon Lenin’s conception of imperialism, which denotes the division of the world and the subjugation of peripheries under the domination of advanced capitalist countries harbouring monopolist finance capital (pp. 85–216). King focuses on the role of China in the global political economy to illustrate how the Third World has been subjected to exploitation and domination by advanced Western countries, particularly the United States, through the global (re)structuring of relations of production and division of labour (pp. 219–257). King’s contribution is remarkable on three grounds: first, the emphasis on the actuality of imperialism, especially as conceptualised by Lenin; second, the understanding of the Third World, including the emerging market economies with a particular focus on China, as the periphery of the world capitalist economy; and third, empirical data that confirm the divergence between imperialist core and peripheries. Nevertheless, King’s conception of ‘intermediary’ role of the Third World, especially that of China (p. 5), arguably requires further nuanced discussion borrowing from Marini (1972), whom King only briefly mentions (pp. 171–172).

BirGun, 2021

Dergisi'nin 41. sayısında yayınlanan makalenizde, 1923 devriminin ardından laiklik tanımlanırken ... more Dergisi'nin 41. sayısında yayınlanan makalenizde, 1923 devriminin ardından laiklik tanımlanırken (Sünni)İslam'ın laikliğin anlam ve pratiklerine sızdırılarak, pre-kapitalist kalıntılarla işbirliğinin ve sermaye iktidarının pekiştirildiğini yazdınız. Özellikle Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı aracılığıyla yaratılan aydınlanmış İslami yorumun kısa sürede bir tür resmi dine dönüştüğünü ve bunun da temelde bulunan laiklik ilkesiyle esasta çeliştiğini iddia ettiniz. Sizce Türkiye'de burjuva laikliğin doğum lekesi olarak niteleyebileceğimiz bu durumun bugüne yansıması nasıl oldu? "Doğum lekesi", dinin toplumsal ilişkileri belirleme gücünün devam ettiği 1923 devrimi koşullarında, laikliğin devrimin kurucu ilkesi olması çelişkisinden kaynaklanıyor. Bu çelişki sınıf ilişkileri temelinde yükseliyor, laiklik-din arasındaki çatışmanın aldığı biçimi belirliyor. Bugün ise bambaşka bir karşılığı var.

Review of Radical Political Economics, 2021

The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa h... more The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Africa as a particular sociohistorical form of sub-imperialism that is characterized by and reproduces economic and geopolitical rivalries and alliances among Turkey and Western and Gulf countries.

New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been one of the most significant peripheries o... more The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been one of the most significant peripheries of the world capitalist system studied for its social, economic, and political underdevelopment, crises, and conflicts, not only in comparison to Western countries but also in relation to the discrepancies within the region itself. Yet, the protests and uprisings against imperialism, colonialism, and authoritarianism have underlined the burning necessity for critical/radical approaches to examine the political economy of the MENA and state-society relations in the region. This special issue draws upon
critical/radical approaches and explores unevenness, (under)development, and resistance that have characterised the economic relations, social structures, and state apparatuses in the MENA.

Praksis, 2019

Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika ile derinleştirdiği siyasi ve ekonomik ilişkiler, ana akım d... more Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika ile derinleştirdiği siyasi ve ekonomik ilişkiler, ana akım düzlemde AKP’nin izlediği “proaktif” dış politika ile açıklanmaktadır. Söz konusu “proaktif” dış politikayı devleti sermaye-sermaye ve emek-sermaye çelişkilerinden soyutlayan ve ulusal ile uluslararası alanlar arasındaki görüntüdeki ayrımı özsel kabul eden anaakım yaklaşımların aksine bu makale, kuramsal çerçevesini Marksizm’den yararlanarak çizerek devleti ve dış politikasını dünya kapitalist sistemindeki sınıfsal çelişkilere ve bu çelişkilerin
tarihselliğine içkin kavramsallaştırmaktadır. Bu bağlamda özellikle eşitsiz ve bileşik gelişme yaklaşımından yararlanan makale, AKP dönemi Türkiye dış politikasını içsel ve yabancı sermaye fraksiyonları arasındaki ekonomik rekabet ile emperyalist ve periferal devletler arasındaki jeopolitik çekişmelerin kesişimine oturtmaktadır. Böylece, AKP’nin Ortadoğu ve
Kuzey Afrika’da izlediği “proaktif” dış politikasını Türkiye, Batı ve Körfez ülkeleri arasındaki ekonomik ve jeopolitik rekabet ile şekillenen ve söz konusu rekabeti yeniden üreten altemperyalizmin belirli bir toplumsal-tarihsel biçimi olduğunu savunmaktadır.

Journal of Historical Sociology, 2019

The dialectical relationship between secularism and capitalism, where contradictions in this rela... more The dialectical relationship between secularism and capitalism, where contradictions in this relationship are resolved on the basis of class relations, results in various state‐religion relationships in different social formations. The limitations and particularities of secularism are exaggerated in countries that arrived late at capitalism, such as Turkey. These late‐developers are subject to the dynamics of uneven and combined development. This paper borrows from Marxism, particularly the theory of uneven and combined development, in order to explore the relationship between the consolidation of the modern nation‐state and its secularisation process during the bourgeois revolution of 1923 in Turkey.

New Proposals: Journal of Marxism and Interdisciplinary Inquiry, 2019

Beginning with the suppression of the Gezi Park protests in 2013, the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi ... more Beginning with the suppression of the Gezi Park protests in 2013, the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party-AKP) aimed to counteract and oppress social and political opposition. The proponents of a hegemonic liberal-conservative approach considered this process as the AKP's authoritarian turn, and explained it with reference to the tutelary regime borrowed from either the Republican state or neoliberalism on a global scale. Nevertheless, the liberal-conservative approach could not adequately identify the AKP's attempt at transition to the exceptional form of state already beginning in 2010. This article borrows its theoretical and conceptual framework from Marxism. It argues that the AKP's attempt was a result of and a response to the hegemonic crisis of the charity state as a particular sociohistorical form of an authoritarian neoliberal state in Turkey. The AKP's aim to transform and reconsolidate the charity state remained in conformity with its goal to maintain bourgeois class domination under the tutelage of religion.

Osmaniye Korkut Ata University Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences, 2018

Between 1965 and 1980, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People's Party) formulated its positio... more Between 1965 and 1980, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People's Party) formulated its position as 'left-of-centre' in order to claim to represent the subordinate classes. Despite contributing to the radicalisation of organised fractions of workers and peasants to a great extent, its social democratic discourse could not respond to the prolonged hegemonic crisis in the late-1960s and the late-1970s. The left-Kemalist and liberal-conservative approaches, the dominant but opposing perspectives, explained the CHP's failure with references to the power of foreign capital and the tutelage regime of the Republican state respectively. This paper argues that both perspectives could not adequately understand social democratic welfare state as a particular sociohistorical form of capitalist state whose hegemonic crisis is embedded in class relations. Therefore, it aims to offer a consistent and coherent perspective that is critical of both approaches, and that examines the internal and dynamic relationship among the capitalist state, political parties, hegemony, and social democracy in accordance with class relations. With this aim, it borrows its theoretical and conceptual framework from historical materialism. This paper fundamentally argues that the CHP's failure stemmed from and concretized the impasses of social democracy regarding its relation to the struggle of subordinate classes.

1965-1980 yılları arasında CHP konumunu 'ortanın solu' olarak belirleyerek bağımlı sınıfları temsil ettiğini iddia etmiştir. İşçi ve köylü sınıfının hareketliliğine önemli ölçüde bu şekilde katkıda bulunmuş olsa da, CHP'nin sosyal demokratik refah devletinin geç-1960'lar ve geç-1970'lerdeki hegemonya krizine bir yanıt olamamıştır. İki baskın ancak karşıt görüş olan sol-Kemalist ve liberal-muhafazakar yaklaşımlar CHP'nin bu başarısızlığını sırasıyla yabancı sermayenin gücü veya Cumhuriyet devletinin vesayet rejimi ile açıklamaktadır. Bu makale, sözkonusu yaklaşımların sosyal demokratik refah devletini, sınıf ilişkilerinden kaynaklanan hegemonya krizlerinin içkin olduğu kapitalist devletin toplumsal-tarihsel bir biçimi olarak anlayamadığını savunur. Bu nedenle, sözkonusu yaklaşımlara eleştirel ve kendi içinde tutarlı bir yaklaşım sunmayı amaçlar. Kapitalist devlet, siyasi partiler, hegemonya, ve sosyal demokrasi arasındaki içsel ve devingen ilişkiyi sınıf ilişkileri bağlamında incelemeyi amaçlar. Bu amaçla, kuramsal ve kavramsal çerçevesini tarihsel materyalizmden ödünç alarak çizer. Bu makale, temel olarak CHP'nin başarısızlığının sosyal demokrasinin açmazlarından kaynaklandığını ve bu açmazları somutlaştırdığını bağımlı sınıfların mücadelesi üzerinden tartışmaktadır.

Matt Kennard’s ‘Irregular Army’ is a significant contribution to the literature on the transforma... more Matt Kennard’s ‘Irregular Army’ is a significant contribution to the literature
on the transformation of the us military – and to a limited extent the uk
military – after 2001. Kennard argues that the us military recruited irregulars, namely racists, xenophobes, homophobes, and criminals (ranging from gang members to rapists and murderers) to fight the so-called War on Terror. He aims to present the full spectrum of irregular recruits in the us military and their crimes and atrocities committed against the fellow military officers and civilians particularly in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the United States. He also aims to demonstrate the social, political, and legal responsibility of government and the military in their role for the recruitment process and failure to prevent and punish such crimes. Kennard’s success in investigative journalism constitutes the core of strengths and weaknesses of the book.

Praksis, 2016

Bu makale, laiklik ilkesinin, hem devlet düzeyinde hem de toplumsal düzeyde, Cumhuriyet’in kurucu... more Bu makale, laiklik ilkesinin, hem devlet düzeyinde hem de toplumsal düzeyde, Cumhuriyet’in kurucu öğelerinden birisi olduğu savından hareketle laikliğin Türkiye’de kapitalizmin gelişmesine bağlı olarak inşa edilip dönüştürüldüğünü savunmaktadır. Marksizmden yararlanarak çizdiği teorik çerçevede devletin laiklik söyleminin inşasını ve dönüşümünü Kemalist ideoloji ve muhafazakar demokrasi hegemonya projeleri üzerinden incelemektedir. Öncelikle, Kemalist laiklik söylemini pre-kapitalist üstyapıyı tasfiye eden ve hem devlet hem de toplumsal yapıyı kapitalist modernite zemininde yeniden inşa eden ilke olarak ele almaktadır. Sonrasında, uluslararası bağımlılık koşulları içinde ulusal kapitalist süreçte 1947 sonrası laikliğin muhafazakar kaymasını değerlendirmektedir. Son olarak, muhafazakar demokrasi’nin laiklik söyleminin hem toplumsal yapının hem de devletin neoliberal-İslamcı dönüşümünü pekiştiren bir unsur olarak kabul etmektedir. Böylece, muhafazakar demokrasi projesinin hem devleti hem de toplumu dinsellik üzerinden yeniden inşa ettiğini ve böylece ilahi egemenliğin vesayeti altında sermayenin iktidarını sürdürdüğünü savunmaktadır.

In order to examine the failed coup attempt as a prolonged conflict within the state apparatus be... more In order to examine the failed coup attempt as a prolonged conflict within the state apparatus between the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) government and the Gulen community (Gulenists) by analysing both the domestic and international spheres, this paper will, firstly, briefly discuss civil-military relations in Turkey in accordance with its theoretical framework drawn from Marxism. Secondly, it will briefly discuss the relationship between the AKP government and the Gulen movement since the coup plotters were allegedly disciples and allies of the Gulen movement according to their own confessions. Thirdly, it will discuss the aftermath of the failed coup in relation to the hegemonic project of neoliberal-Islamism. In this sense, it will particularly focus on the AKP government’s discourse on national consensus, and the restructuring of the military and the field of security. Finally, it will conclude that the secular and democratic Republican regime with the rule of law should be defended, and that the class antagonisms and ill-doings of capitalism should be collectively voiced.

This article discusses academic freedom in Turkey in relation to the consolidation of the authori... more This article discusses academic freedom in Turkey in relation to the consolidation of the authoritarian framework of neoliberal-conservatism. Firstly, it summarizes the neoliberal-conservative transition of the global and domestic capitalist systems. Secondly, it summarizes the neoliberal-conservative restructuring of the higher education system. Thirdly, it examines the recent authoritarian practices aimed to curtail academic freedom. Finally, it discusses possibilities to counter such authoritarian practices to compel the neoliberal-conservative system to retreat.

is an interdisciplinary journal. The principal purpose of the journal is to publish lucid and wel... more is an interdisciplinary journal. The principal purpose of the journal is to publish lucid and welldocumented peer-reviewed articles that discuss significant social, legal and political issues in an international context. Wide-ranging in scope, the journal welcomes scholarly essays that cut across disciplinary boundaries, and reflect original and critical thinking on the latest developments in the theory and practice of social sciences. These areas include, but are not limited to, the fields of anthropology, sociology, law, politics, history, international relations, culture, gender, migration, diaspora and ethnic studies. RoSS publishes two issues a year (Spring and Autumn). One of these may be a special issue composed of selected conference papers.

This article examines Erdogan’s interpretation of the roles of the President and the government i... more This article examines Erdogan’s interpretation of the roles of the President and the government in order to present a prospective on future of the Turkish political context.

This paper focuses on the political role of the Turkish Armed Forces which was formulated to guar... more This paper focuses on the political role of the Turkish Armed Forces which was formulated to guard the Republican state's ideology based on modernity. Turkey had undergone several military coups; however, the military managed to retain its image as the guardian of the modern Republic. However, modernity is very much related to the notion of democracy, and civilian supremacy over the military is one of the significant principles of democracy. Thus, this paper seeks to answer the question of how the military managed to articulate democracy into its guardianship role even during the coups or through behind-the-scenes political influence by unpacking the state's hegemonic project of modernity, one of the elements of which is democracy. This paper argues that the political role of the military is historically contingent regarding the understanding of modernity in accordance with the understanding of the state and its ideology.