Henri J Barkey | Lehigh University (original) (raw)
Papers by Henri J Barkey
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey, 2019
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey, 2019
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey, 2019
The Middle East Journal, 1998
Le defi kurde, ou le reve fou de l'independance, by Chris Kutschera. Paris: Bayard Editions, ... more Le defi kurde, ou le reve fou de l'independance, by Chris Kutschera. Paris: Bayard Editions, 1997. 313 pages. Notes to p. 334. Index to p. 340. Gloss. to p. 348. Bibl. to p. 350. FF160 paper. With the majority of the Kurdish population divided among four principal countries, the modern history of the Kurds seems to be an endless saga of cross-border betrayals by their own kinsmen and allies, manipulations by powerful states, and above all of hardship, death and destruction. This aspect of the story has been well known to all observers of the Middle East. What has also been an enduring theme of the Kurdish story is the will and determination of so many, primarily in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, to pursue often ill-defined goals, be they independence, autonomy or identity. The veteran French journalist Chris Kutschera's new book on the Kurds covers the contemporary story of all these betrayals, manipulations and rebellions, as well as the tragic mistakes made by real and purported leaders of the Kurds. This is a highly readable account of events starting with the debacle of the Kurdish insurrection in Iraq following the 1975 Algiers Accord between the shah of Iran, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, and the then Iraqi strongman, Saddam Husayn. The book, which is divided into three sections that discuss the Kurdish experience in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, does not pretend to explain many of the issues that have bedeviled most observers of the Kurdish scene: the enduring rivalry between the two factions in Iraq, the mistakes made by their leaders in the aftermath of the 1991 Gulf War, or the ease with which the many different Kurdish groups have allowed themselves to become the tools of foreign and neighboring states' interests. Instead, Kutschera sets out to give a vivid description of the events that have made their mark on contemporary Kurdish history: the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the ensuing ill-fated revolt in Iranian Kurdistan, the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88), the 1991 creation of the autonomous region in northern Iraq and its near demise in September 1996, the 1998 gassing of Halabja, and the rise of the many Kurdish groups, including the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), in Turkey. Of the three accounts, the Iraqi one is the strongest and most riveting. It reflects the author's rich knowledge of the events, terrain and personalities involved. As the Iraqi Kurds rebounded from their 1975 defeat, they underwent a myriad of ideological transformations and concluded numerous alliances, all of which brought them little of value. Undoubtedly because they were located in an area where such external alliances appeared to make sense, the Kurdish leaders always seemed ready to hitch their fortunes to "geopolitical analyses" that were extremely shortsighted. …
Contemporary Studies in Economic and Financial Analysis
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The Iran-Iraq War, 1989
The Iraqi invasion of Iran on 22 September 1980 found the new Turkish military regime barely ten ... more The Iraqi invasion of Iran on 22 September 1980 found the new Turkish military regime barely ten days old. Notwithstanding its declared neutrality and pronounced readiness to mediate between the belligerents, Turkey was to benefit — both politically and economically — from the persistence of the war at a time when it was facing one of the most critical challenges of its modern history.
Studies in Comparative International Development, 1994
This is an attempt at a systematic comparison of the heterodox stabilization plans instituted by ... more This is an attempt at a systematic comparison of the heterodox stabilization plans instituted by Argentina and Israel in 1985. Despite the remarkably similar stabilization plans instituted, Israel managed to dramatically reduce its inflation rate, while Argentina's experience was exactly the opposite. This article suggests that the explanation for the different outcomes can be found in the variations in state power, autonomy, and capacity. In Israel, state power was more effectively mobilized to pursue the goal of stabilization than in Argentina, where the state was riddled by special interests and lacked any semblance of cohesion. If you pay close attention to what I have said you will find no more determined defender [of capital] than myself, for 1 know that the defense of the interests of businessmen, industrialists, merchants is the defense of the very state itself. (Juan Peron speaking to members of the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange, circa 1944, quoted in Crawley 1984, 75-76) We don't see ourselves as a government ... but in our concept the Histradut is the beginnings of the Jewish socialist state, and who knows but we may succeed and have one? (David Ben-Gurion addressing the Third Histradut Convention, 1927, quoted in Teveth 1987, 345). W ithin two weeks of each other in 1985, Argentina and Israel independently implemented strikingly similar economic stabilization measures. It was not the convergence in timing that attracted attention to these cases, but rather the unique approach designed to combat their common affliction: raging inflation. Dubbed "heterodox" for diverging from standard orthodox prescriptions by freezing wages, prices, and the exchange rate, the programs did not result in similar outcomes. Although the rate of inflation diminished dramatically with the plans' adoption, only Israel managed to sustain a relatively low rate. In Argentina, by contrast, inflation returned with a vengeance leading to two bouts with hyperinflation.
Comparative Political Studies, 1989
Import Substituting Industrialization (ISI) strategies that were instituted with great expectatio... more Import Substituting Industrialization (ISI) strategies that were instituted with great expectations in Latin America and elsewhere have not produced the desired results. Instead, ISI has been blamed for giving rise to inefficient economic structures and even for the emergence of Bureaucratic Authoritarian States. This article argues that the problems generally attributed to ISI are, in fact, due to a lack of state autonomy. What causes the loss of autonomy is the emergence of powerful and fiercely competing private sector interests intent on maximizing their share of “economic rents.” The resulting private sector-state dynamic hampers the formulation of long-term policies. The operation of this dynamic is demonstrated through a case study of Turkey in the 1970s, where the state, paralyzed by private sector competition, just witnessed the collapse of its political economy.
The International Spectator, 2008
Turkey could not have a more vigorous advocate for its quest for European Union accession than th... more Turkey could not have a more vigorous advocate for its quest for European Union accession than the United States. Successive administrations in Washington have strongly asserted that Turkey is an intrinsic part of Europe, that historically and politically, Ankara has played a critical role in the defence of Europe against the Soviet Union and that now it is an indispensable country in bridging the civilisational divide. In the early 1970s, the United States decided to locate Turkey in Europe, bureaucratically speaking of course. Turkey, which used to be in the Near East bureau in the State Department and elsewhere in the bureaucracy, was transferred to the European divisions of the respective administrative agencies. Hence it is perhaps ironic that after arguing for decades that Turkey is a European country, the United States, through its Iraq invasion, has in one bold stroke managed to push Turkey back into the Middle East. Of course, other events, especially Turkish domestic politics, have also played a role in making this perceptual move possible. Simply stated, as United States security concerns shifted east and away from Europe, it was only natural, though far from intentional, that Washington would take Ankara along with it. This article will analyse the impact of the United States' policies in the Middle East on European Union-Turkish relations. How has Washington's war on Iraq, its bras de fer with Iran, its pursuit of a democratisation agenda for the Middle East and its approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict helped shape EU views of Turkey's accession process? It should be stressed
The Middle East Journal, Jul 1, 2008
Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East, by ... more Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East, by Quil Lawrence. New York: Walker & Co. 2008. xvi + 322 pages. Maps. Photos. Key events to p. 331. Notes to p. 350. Sel. bibl. to p. 354. Acknowl. to p. 356. Index to p. 366. $25.95. Reviewed by Henri J. Barkey Quil Lawrence, a reporter for the BBC/ PRI's The World program, provides an almost personal account of the Iraqi Kurds' struggle since the end of the 1991 Gulf War. Lawrence, who spent the better part of the last seven years reporting from Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan in particular, has not only closely observed developments on the ground but also has had a great deal of access to many of the struggle's protagonists. He describes the continuous and yet contradictory aspects of Kurdish politics: the burning desire for independence tempered by the pragmatic realization that as Kurds they stand a better chance of obtaining both security and prosperity as part of a democratic and federal state of Iraq. The contradictions do not end with the national vision. Lawrence also points to the tension between the desire for democratic politics in Kurdistan and the stranglehold the traditional Kurdish political parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of Masoud Barzani and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) of Jalal Talabani, have over the economy and the polity. Similarly, tensions simmer beneath the surface of the Kurdish administration that contradict the image of harmony and efficiency that the KDP and the PUK try to exude. Still, the Kurds are no different from any other ethnic group or nation that has experienced the ups and downs and growing pains of coming of age. No such group has ever attained its goals without divisions and contradictions. Lawrence's book is an account of the difficulties and opportunities that stand before the Kurds. The complexities of Iraq, the impact of the invasion, the miscalculations that haunted the subsequent occupation, and the regional dynamics all conspire to make Kurdish decision-making an enormous task. Lawrence details all the developments with a good eye for the surrounding tableau. He provides the reader with analysis and heretofore unknown anecdotes that help illustrate his points. Starting with the American role, one that never seems to have a real fix or anchor when it comes to the Kurds, everyone it seems is involved in complicated efforts at trying to project the future of Iraq. The Kurdish-American relationship goes through all the gyrations, from when Kurdish representatives are kept waiting at the US State Department entrance in 1991 by an official who did not have the courage to cancel a meeting with them, to the decision to deploy two Kurdish brigades to bolster the American "surge" in 2007. …
The Political Economy of Industrialization: a Case Study of Turkey 1960-80. Henri J Barkey Gradua... more The Political Economy of Industrialization: a Case Study of Turkey 1960-80. Henri J Barkey Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Pennsylvania, 1984.
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey, 2019
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey, 2019
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey, 2019
The Middle East Journal, 1998
Le defi kurde, ou le reve fou de l'independance, by Chris Kutschera. Paris: Bayard Editions, ... more Le defi kurde, ou le reve fou de l'independance, by Chris Kutschera. Paris: Bayard Editions, 1997. 313 pages. Notes to p. 334. Index to p. 340. Gloss. to p. 348. Bibl. to p. 350. FF160 paper. With the majority of the Kurdish population divided among four principal countries, the modern history of the Kurds seems to be an endless saga of cross-border betrayals by their own kinsmen and allies, manipulations by powerful states, and above all of hardship, death and destruction. This aspect of the story has been well known to all observers of the Middle East. What has also been an enduring theme of the Kurdish story is the will and determination of so many, primarily in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, to pursue often ill-defined goals, be they independence, autonomy or identity. The veteran French journalist Chris Kutschera's new book on the Kurds covers the contemporary story of all these betrayals, manipulations and rebellions, as well as the tragic mistakes made by real and purported leaders of the Kurds. This is a highly readable account of events starting with the debacle of the Kurdish insurrection in Iraq following the 1975 Algiers Accord between the shah of Iran, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, and the then Iraqi strongman, Saddam Husayn. The book, which is divided into three sections that discuss the Kurdish experience in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, does not pretend to explain many of the issues that have bedeviled most observers of the Kurdish scene: the enduring rivalry between the two factions in Iraq, the mistakes made by their leaders in the aftermath of the 1991 Gulf War, or the ease with which the many different Kurdish groups have allowed themselves to become the tools of foreign and neighboring states' interests. Instead, Kutschera sets out to give a vivid description of the events that have made their mark on contemporary Kurdish history: the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the ensuing ill-fated revolt in Iranian Kurdistan, the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88), the 1991 creation of the autonomous region in northern Iraq and its near demise in September 1996, the 1998 gassing of Halabja, and the rise of the many Kurdish groups, including the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), in Turkey. Of the three accounts, the Iraqi one is the strongest and most riveting. It reflects the author's rich knowledge of the events, terrain and personalities involved. As the Iraqi Kurds rebounded from their 1975 defeat, they underwent a myriad of ideological transformations and concluded numerous alliances, all of which brought them little of value. Undoubtedly because they were located in an area where such external alliances appeared to make sense, the Kurdish leaders always seemed ready to hitch their fortunes to "geopolitical analyses" that were extremely shortsighted. …
Contemporary Studies in Economic and Financial Analysis
[Jump to content ...
The Iran-Iraq War, 1989
The Iraqi invasion of Iran on 22 September 1980 found the new Turkish military regime barely ten ... more The Iraqi invasion of Iran on 22 September 1980 found the new Turkish military regime barely ten days old. Notwithstanding its declared neutrality and pronounced readiness to mediate between the belligerents, Turkey was to benefit — both politically and economically — from the persistence of the war at a time when it was facing one of the most critical challenges of its modern history.
Studies in Comparative International Development, 1994
This is an attempt at a systematic comparison of the heterodox stabilization plans instituted by ... more This is an attempt at a systematic comparison of the heterodox stabilization plans instituted by Argentina and Israel in 1985. Despite the remarkably similar stabilization plans instituted, Israel managed to dramatically reduce its inflation rate, while Argentina's experience was exactly the opposite. This article suggests that the explanation for the different outcomes can be found in the variations in state power, autonomy, and capacity. In Israel, state power was more effectively mobilized to pursue the goal of stabilization than in Argentina, where the state was riddled by special interests and lacked any semblance of cohesion. If you pay close attention to what I have said you will find no more determined defender [of capital] than myself, for 1 know that the defense of the interests of businessmen, industrialists, merchants is the defense of the very state itself. (Juan Peron speaking to members of the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange, circa 1944, quoted in Crawley 1984, 75-76) We don't see ourselves as a government ... but in our concept the Histradut is the beginnings of the Jewish socialist state, and who knows but we may succeed and have one? (David Ben-Gurion addressing the Third Histradut Convention, 1927, quoted in Teveth 1987, 345). W ithin two weeks of each other in 1985, Argentina and Israel independently implemented strikingly similar economic stabilization measures. It was not the convergence in timing that attracted attention to these cases, but rather the unique approach designed to combat their common affliction: raging inflation. Dubbed "heterodox" for diverging from standard orthodox prescriptions by freezing wages, prices, and the exchange rate, the programs did not result in similar outcomes. Although the rate of inflation diminished dramatically with the plans' adoption, only Israel managed to sustain a relatively low rate. In Argentina, by contrast, inflation returned with a vengeance leading to two bouts with hyperinflation.
Comparative Political Studies, 1989
Import Substituting Industrialization (ISI) strategies that were instituted with great expectatio... more Import Substituting Industrialization (ISI) strategies that were instituted with great expectations in Latin America and elsewhere have not produced the desired results. Instead, ISI has been blamed for giving rise to inefficient economic structures and even for the emergence of Bureaucratic Authoritarian States. This article argues that the problems generally attributed to ISI are, in fact, due to a lack of state autonomy. What causes the loss of autonomy is the emergence of powerful and fiercely competing private sector interests intent on maximizing their share of “economic rents.” The resulting private sector-state dynamic hampers the formulation of long-term policies. The operation of this dynamic is demonstrated through a case study of Turkey in the 1970s, where the state, paralyzed by private sector competition, just witnessed the collapse of its political economy.
The International Spectator, 2008
Turkey could not have a more vigorous advocate for its quest for European Union accession than th... more Turkey could not have a more vigorous advocate for its quest for European Union accession than the United States. Successive administrations in Washington have strongly asserted that Turkey is an intrinsic part of Europe, that historically and politically, Ankara has played a critical role in the defence of Europe against the Soviet Union and that now it is an indispensable country in bridging the civilisational divide. In the early 1970s, the United States decided to locate Turkey in Europe, bureaucratically speaking of course. Turkey, which used to be in the Near East bureau in the State Department and elsewhere in the bureaucracy, was transferred to the European divisions of the respective administrative agencies. Hence it is perhaps ironic that after arguing for decades that Turkey is a European country, the United States, through its Iraq invasion, has in one bold stroke managed to push Turkey back into the Middle East. Of course, other events, especially Turkish domestic politics, have also played a role in making this perceptual move possible. Simply stated, as United States security concerns shifted east and away from Europe, it was only natural, though far from intentional, that Washington would take Ankara along with it. This article will analyse the impact of the United States' policies in the Middle East on European Union-Turkish relations. How has Washington's war on Iraq, its bras de fer with Iran, its pursuit of a democratisation agenda for the Middle East and its approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict helped shape EU views of Turkey's accession process? It should be stressed
The Middle East Journal, Jul 1, 2008
Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East, by ... more Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East, by Quil Lawrence. New York: Walker & Co. 2008. xvi + 322 pages. Maps. Photos. Key events to p. 331. Notes to p. 350. Sel. bibl. to p. 354. Acknowl. to p. 356. Index to p. 366. $25.95. Reviewed by Henri J. Barkey Quil Lawrence, a reporter for the BBC/ PRI's The World program, provides an almost personal account of the Iraqi Kurds' struggle since the end of the 1991 Gulf War. Lawrence, who spent the better part of the last seven years reporting from Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan in particular, has not only closely observed developments on the ground but also has had a great deal of access to many of the struggle's protagonists. He describes the continuous and yet contradictory aspects of Kurdish politics: the burning desire for independence tempered by the pragmatic realization that as Kurds they stand a better chance of obtaining both security and prosperity as part of a democratic and federal state of Iraq. The contradictions do not end with the national vision. Lawrence also points to the tension between the desire for democratic politics in Kurdistan and the stranglehold the traditional Kurdish political parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of Masoud Barzani and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) of Jalal Talabani, have over the economy and the polity. Similarly, tensions simmer beneath the surface of the Kurdish administration that contradict the image of harmony and efficiency that the KDP and the PUK try to exude. Still, the Kurds are no different from any other ethnic group or nation that has experienced the ups and downs and growing pains of coming of age. No such group has ever attained its goals without divisions and contradictions. Lawrence's book is an account of the difficulties and opportunities that stand before the Kurds. The complexities of Iraq, the impact of the invasion, the miscalculations that haunted the subsequent occupation, and the regional dynamics all conspire to make Kurdish decision-making an enormous task. Lawrence details all the developments with a good eye for the surrounding tableau. He provides the reader with analysis and heretofore unknown anecdotes that help illustrate his points. Starting with the American role, one that never seems to have a real fix or anchor when it comes to the Kurds, everyone it seems is involved in complicated efforts at trying to project the future of Iraq. The Kurdish-American relationship goes through all the gyrations, from when Kurdish representatives are kept waiting at the US State Department entrance in 1991 by an official who did not have the courage to cancel a meeting with them, to the decision to deploy two Kurdish brigades to bolster the American "surge" in 2007. …
The Political Economy of Industrialization: a Case Study of Turkey 1960-80. Henri J Barkey Gradua... more The Political Economy of Industrialization: a Case Study of Turkey 1960-80. Henri J Barkey Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Pennsylvania, 1984.
The State and the Industrialization Crisis in Turkey