Frans Paul van der Putten | Leiden University (original) (raw)

Papers by Frans Paul van der Putten

Policy Brief, Dec 17, 2015

China’s initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as ‘One Belt, One Road’, aims to connect Asi... more China’s initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as ‘One Belt, One Road’, aims to connect Asia, Africa, Europe and their near seas. Under the definition contained in Xi Jinping’s New Security Concept stating that ‘development equals security’, OBOR can be conceptualized as the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today. This has major implications for geopolitical relations and stability in various regions. It would be beneficial for the European Union (EU) member states to invest in a common response to OBOR, as opposed to engaging with this initiative primarily at the national level.

This Clingendael Policy Brief explores how the EU’s existing policy tools and frameworks might be used for enhanced Sino–European security cooperation in relation to OBOR. It is argued that if the European Union works with China under the framework of the EU–China strategic partnership, to align with, inter alia, the planned restructuring of its European Neighbourhood Policy, as well as projects included under its European Maritime Security Strategy and Partnership Instrument to link with the so-called ‘Belt’ and ‘Road’ projects, this would entail true added value for the EU. These steps should be part of the EU’s new Global Strategy for Foreign Policy and Security, which is due in June 2016.

Clingendael Report, Dec 11, 2015

This Clingendael Report explores how China’s rise as an influential global actor relates to the p... more This Clingendael Report explores how China’s rise as an influential global actor relates to the position of liberal values in international relations, in particular to Western policies of promoting liberal values.

Clingendael Report, Nov 6, 2015

For its economic prosperity the Netherlands is very dependent on its international environment, a... more For its economic prosperity the Netherlands is very dependent on its international environment, and is therefore not immune to external events and developments. As the annual review of the 2015 Clingendael Monitor, ‘A world without order?’ revealed, today’s international relations are characterised by two important trends, i.e. the changing global balance of power and mounting tensions between superpowers. In light of the global interconnectedness of the Dutch economy, the question arises as to what these geopolitical developments (could) mean for the economic position of the Netherlands.

Two major uncertainties are shaping the regional order in East Asia. The first is uncertainty reg... more Two major uncertainties are shaping the regional order in East Asia. The first is uncertainty regarding the
rise of China: Will it continue and, if so, how will this affect the relations between the PRC and other
actors? The second is uncertainty about the future role of the United States: Will America continue to be a
leading security actor in East Asia, and if so, what will this mean for the way in which Sino-US rivalry will
play out? The strategic behaviour of all countries in the region, including the US and China themselves, is
fundamentally influenced by these two major uncertainties.

Clingendael Asia Forum, Jun 28, 2011

Should the United States be able to deter China from acting forcefully against its neighbours, th... more Should the United States be able to deter China from acting forcefully against its neighbours, then its greater involvement could result in greater stability in the region. However, China is rapidly becoming too strong—not just economically and diplomatically but also militarily—for the United States to maintain an unquestionable capacity to intervene successfully if necessary. Against this background, it seems more likely that Washington’s approach would have a destabilizing effect on the South China Sea.

East Asia Forum, Oct 13, 2015

US allies should urge Washington to refrain from seeking cyber deterrence through retaliation as ... more US allies should urge Washington to refrain from seeking cyber deterrence through retaliation as long as the United States itself conducts similar cyber-espionage operations against China and other nations. They should send the message that foreign intelligence-gathering for national security purposes without any limitations can no longer be regarded as legitimate. Instead new norms are needed that put limits on intelligence operations.

Clingendael Policy Brief, Sep 15, 2015

Only a few months before two recent cyber attacks against the United States Office of Personnel M... more Only a few months before two recent cyber attacks against the United States Office of Personnel Management were discovered, the US government had announced that it would retaliate against major cyber attacks. How will the US respond to the OPM attacks, for which it seems to hold China responsible? This Policy Brief discusses various options for deterring similar cyber attacks in the future. It concludes that covert cyber attacks against China appear to be the most likely US response. However, this Policy Brief also notes that such a course of action would be detrimental to international stability. Countries such as the Netherlands, which to an important degree depend on the United States for security, should urge Washington to refrain from seeking cyber deterrence through retaliation as long as the United States itself conducts similar cyber-espionage operations against China and other nations. Instead, those countries should work with the United States towards establishing norms that halt the proliferation of state-sponsored espionage and covert cyber operations across borders. Only with such norms in place can a strategy of deterrence against state-sponsored cyber attacks be effective.

Clingendael Report, Sep 14, 2015

China is in the process of expanding its military role under UN command in Africa, at a time when... more China is in the process of expanding its military role under UN command in Africa, at a time when Chinese commercial interests and civilian presence in the African continent is growing fast. This Clingendael Report focuses on China’s dispatch of a force protection unit to Mali with the UN’s peacekeeping force MINUSMA and the insights that can be derived from this deployment with regard to: a) its operational aspects, including possibilities for Sino–European cooperation at the local level; b) China’s stance towards UN peacekeeping operations; and c) the relevance of peacekeeping operations for the protection of Chinese civilians and economic assets in Africa. Compared with its relatively large economic role throughout Africa, China’s involvement in crisis management in conflict areas remains modest. The deployment of a force protection unit to Mali does not constitute a significant change in this regard. However, this deployment does highlight China’s aim to strengthen its position within the UN and in UN peacekeeping. It also suggests that the build-up of a military presence under UN command, which may eventually open up new possibilities for protecting citizens and economic assets in Africa, could be another long-term aim.

Clingendael report, Aug 25, 2015

Deterrence has a long history in the context of maintaining law and order and as a military strat... more Deterrence has a long history in the context of maintaining law and order and as a military strategy. It became a tenet in the international security environment of the Cold War as a response to the existence of nuclear weapons. The concept has since been further developed in both academic and policy terms. But how relevant is deterrence in relation to, for example, ambiguous warfare as used during the invasion of Crimea by ‘little green men’ last year? The recent major cyber attack on the American government, through which data on millions of (ex-)employees was acquired, also adds relevance to the question how effective and relevant deterrence is in relation to these non-traditional threats.

Clingendael Commentary, Apr 23, 2008

Confrontation is escalating between China and the West over human rights and the Olympic Games. O... more Confrontation is escalating between China and the West over human rights and the Olympic Games. One important new development is the call to boycott French products that is circulating among Chinese internet users. Given China's long history of anti-foreign boycotts, this threat of limited market access should be taken seriously.

Clingendael Report, Mar 26, 2015

This report aims to assess how the Chinese involvement in ports along the Asia–Europe maritime co... more This report aims to assess how the Chinese involvement in ports along the Asia–Europe maritime corridor – from the South China Sea to the Mediterranean Sea – is relevant for the European Union (EU), in particular when seen in the context of the One Belt, One Road concept.

The Chinese government is currently developing an ambitious programme of maritime infrastructure construction along the main Asia–Europe shipping route. China’s initiative for a so-called ‘21st Century Maritime Silk Road’ is aimed at port development in South-East Asia, around the Indian Ocean and in the eastern Mediterranean region. The Silk Road Economic Belt initiative, that has been launched earlier, is aimed at infrastructure cooperation in a zone that stretches from Xinjiang (the north-western part of China) to the Baltic Sea. The Chinese government uses the term ‘One Belt, One Road’ to refer to the combination of these two initiatives.

This ‘One Belt, One Road’ concept has significant consequences for the European Union, which are explored in this report. One possible consequence could be that China will have increasing leverage over the trade routes between China and the EU. Another potential consequence could be that Europe’s role as a hub in international transport and logistics decreases to the benefit of other regions such as Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and China itself. Indeed, while both of these consequences are likely to occur, it is not clear to what extent this might be the case. In order to gain a better understanding of such developments, this report outlines China’s involvement in maritime infrastructure, as well as the broader context of its role in shipping and railways between China and Europe.

Clingendael Monitor 2015, Feb 16, 2015

The Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ has published the Clingendael ... more The Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ has published the Clingendael Monitor 2015. This report shows an international order that increasingly will be conditioned by the relations between the great powers.

Conflicts in Ukraine, the Middle East and North Africa leads to increasing instability in the EU’s immediate environment. Moreover these conflicts cause rising tensions between the great powers.

At the same time, bleak reflections about the ‘return of geopolitics’ or ‘a new Cold War’ would be too simplistic and would neglect the broad multilateral cooperative arrangements made by the great powers. This will also be the case for the emerging powers like China and India, who will strive for cooperation under certain conditions, in addition to their own immediate interests. Tensions often coexist with cooperation between powerful states. The international order is therefore most likely to be a fusion of a multilateral as well as a multipolar global order.

Together with two in-depth studies that have yet to be published, this summary report constitutes the Clingendael Monitor 2015. The Clingendael Monitor is published yearly as part of the Strategic Monitor of the Dutch government.

Clingendael Monitor 2014: Peacekeeping operations in a changing world, Jun 2, 2014

The Netherlands takes part in peacekeeping operations for reasons ranging from those of principle... more The Netherlands takes part in peacekeeping operations for reasons ranging from those of principle (maintaining the international legal order) to those based on economic (trade, raw materials) and security (the nation’s own physical security) considerations. As an open society, the Netherlands is by definition vulnerable to international developments, which means that contributing to stability and security and upholding core principles that facilitate and regulate international business are matters of national interest. In a world of increasingly globalised challenges, it is therefore necessary for the Netherlands to contribute to stability and security in distant places in order to protect itself to the greatest extent possible against the adverse effects of conflict and instability.

At the same time, however, the Netherlands’ resources are limited. To adequately and effectively safeguard Dutch interests in a world of continuously changing threats, the Netherlands must set priorities and, of fundamental importance, cooperate with partners in multilateral and other contexts.

This study has already been published in Dutch as part of the larger Clingendael Strategic Monitor 2014 (Een wankele wereldorde: Clingendael Strategische Monitor 2014, edited by Jan Rood) in the context of the Clingendael Strategic Monitor Project. A Clingendael Monitor is published yearly and is commissioned by the Dutch government.

Europe's World, Jun 15, 2009

China’s rise is the forerunner of what Newsweek’s Editor Fareed Zakaria has called ‘the rise of t... more China’s rise is the forerunner of what Newsweek’s Editor Fareed Zakaria has called ‘the rise of the rest’, meaning the non-Western China’s emerging role as a major international security actor heralds an overall decline in the power of the West, but clearly it is one that will affect Europe more than the United States. The U.S. will retain its position as most influential actor in international security, even though the gap between it and other powers may be narrowing. Europe is already being overtaken by China as the second most influential player, so the question is not whether Europe will be a less powerful actor in international security, because that process cannot be avoided, but whether Europe will still be capable of protecting its interests around the world.

International Herald Tribune, Apr 6, 2008

In order to understand why today the state is overly strong we should look to the period before 1... more In order to understand why today the state is overly strong we should look to the period before 1949, when the current political system came into being. In the century before 1949 China suffered severely from political instability. The weakness of the central government led to widespread violence and famine. After 1916, when it collapsed altogether, the disasters to which the population was exposed became even greater. The lack of an effective central government resulted in many millions of deaths.

Financial Times, Aug 11, 2009

The EU does not have an investment review system comparable to those of the US, Australia or Japa... more The EU does not have an investment review system comparable to those of the US, Australia or Japan. The best-known review body is the Committee on Foreign Investment in the US (Cfius), established in 1975 and strengthened by the Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007. Cfius investigates transactions that involve foreign governments, national security threats or control of critical infrastructure. While the UK, France and Germany have systems to review sensitive takeovers, none is as developed as Cfius. More importantly, it is essential that the EU as a whole has one review system. Europe can hardly afford to turn away foreign investors, including state-controlled entities. Europe’s need for Chinese investment is likely to increase, and without collective bargaining power on the European side China is able to play one country off against another.

This book examines the roles played by China and Europe in the domain of international security i... more This book examines the roles played by China and Europe in the domain of international security in the 21st century.

Bringing together Chinese and European expertise on the Sino-European Security relationship , this book positions Europe - both the EU and the major national actors - and China in a global security context. It offers not merely an elaboration of the theme of bilateral security relations, but also introduces a wider view on Europe and China as global security actors. The chapters cover four main themes: the perceptions of and actual relations between Europe and China as security actors; relations of China and Europe with third parties such as the US, Russia, and Iran; Europe and China as actors in multilateral security approaches; Europe and China as (potential) security actors in each other’s technological domain or region.

Given the increasingly prominent roles that both China and Europe play in international security as permanent members of the UN Security Council (in the European case, through the informal and partial representation of the UK and France), through their extensive global economic interests, and their important relations with the USA, this book provides a timely examination of the current state and future developments in the Sino-European relationship.

There is a significant uncertainty around US security commitment to East Asia over the next 15-20... more There is a significant uncertainty around US security commitment to East Asia over the next 15-20 years, underpinned by China's economic and military rise. This book, co-edited by Elena Atanassova-Cornelis and Frans-Paul van der Putten, investigates how and whether this affects the present-day strategic perceptions and behaviour of East Asian nations, and of the US itself.

By exploring how regional actors deal with uncertainties that are inherent to the current geopolitical situation in East Asia, the contributors demonstrate that strategic uncertainty has become a major factor in the shaping of the security order in East Asia, which has resulted in the emergence of alternative models of order that do not necessarily exclude America.

Table of contents

Introduction: Why strategic uncertainty? - by Elena Atanassova-Cornelis and Frans-Paul Van der Putten

PART I: EVOLVING REGIONAL SECURITY ORDER IN EAST ASIA - KEY PERSPECTIVES
1. Theoretical Approaches to Asia's Changing Security Order, by Nick Bisley
2. East Asian Security, Policy Debates and American Leadership, by Robert Sutter
3. China's Approach to the US Role in East Asia: The Dynamics of Volatile Competition, by Shi Yinhong

PART II: EAST ASIAN RESPONSES TO STRATEGIC UNCERTAINTY
4. 'Keeping the United States In': Japan and Regional Order in East Asia, by Kuniko Ashizawa
5. The US Security Role in South Korea: Issues that Test South Korean Confidence in the US Commitment, by Larry Niksch
6. Political Resolve and Strategic Uncertainty in Taiwan-US Relations, by Alexis Littlefield
7. New Strategic Uncertainty and Security Order in Southeast Asia, by Carlyle A. ThayerP

ART III: ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF REGIONAL SECURITY ORDER
8. A US-China Dual Leadership in East Asia?, by Quansheng Zhao
9. Non-Traditional Security Cooperation and Northeast Asian Regional Order, by Jaewoo Choo
10. Power Bumps on the Way to Regional Community: Asia's Mixed Security Logics, by Alice Ba

Conclusion: A post-US regional order in the making? East Asia's security futures, by Frans-Paul van der Putten and Elena Atanassova-Cornelis

Brussels-Beijing: Changing the Game? Nicola Casarini ed., Feb 2013