Maura Cronin | Mary Immaculate College, University of Limerick (original) (raw)
Papers by Maura Cronin
A review of 'Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 1630-1830 by David Dickson.'David ... more A review of 'Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 1630-1830 by David Dickson.'David Dickson's monumental work analyzes society in the southern Irish counties of Cork, Kerry, and west Waterford in the two centuries before the Great Famine, addressing the evolution of a key region and exploring plantation, cultural assimilation, and socioeconomic change. It not only reconstructs contemporary society but illuminates developments in the region and beyond in the following century when the twin forces of reforming state and emergent nationalism undermined the "old colony."Ye
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A review of 'King Dan: the rise of Daniel O'Connell, 1775-1829 by Patrick M. Geoghegan.&#... more A review of 'King Dan: the rise of Daniel O'Connell, 1775-1829 by Patrick M. Geoghegan.'This very readable work is the first volume of a proposed two-volume study of the life and political career of Daniel O'Connell, concentrating on his career up to the granting of Catholic emancipation in 1829. One might ask whether there was any need for such a work given the range of similar studies, from that by O'Faolain in 1938 through those of O'Ferrall (1985) and MacDonagh (1988), as well as edited volumes by MacCartney (1980), and Nowlan and O'Connell (1991). Many of the themes dealt with in Geoghegan's first volume have already been given considerable attention in these earlier works. For example, O'Connell's ebullient personality and his straddling of the Gaelic and Anglicised worlds form the core of O'Faolain's aptly entitled King of the Beggars', O'Ferrall's Daniel O'Connell and the birth of Irish democracy has teased out the mechanics and dynamics of the emancipation campaign - and especially the role of the Waterford clergy - in laying the foundation of O'Connell's political machine; and MacDonagh's Hereditary bondsman: Daniel O'Connell 1775-1829 has explored the impact of family and locality on O'Connell's political evolution, as well as the tensions in his public personality between statesman and popular agitator. The essay collections have further extended the examination of O'Connell's career to cover such issues as his position as a folk hero, his social and economic beliefs, his impact, and his reputation in the wider European context.Ye
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The political movement for Irish home rule and agrarian reform led by Charles Stewart Parnell in ... more The political movement for Irish home rule and agrarian reform led by Charles Stewart Parnell in the 1880s collapsed in disarray with the O’Shea divorce case of 1891. This case revealed many of the internal fissures within Parnell’s movement, but it did not cause them. During its decade-long existence, the movement had been held together by a potent mix of centralisation and flexibility, Parnell maintaining tight control through a pledge-bound party and a centralised leadership, yet simultaneously encouraging the multiple expectations of the many interest groups within the rank and file.1 Thus, the meaning of Parnellism varied from one constituent group to the next. To farmers it meant anything from mere rent reduction to a complete revolution in land ownership. To party activists and the non-farming public its interpretation ranged from limited political independence, through the ‘restoration’ of the Irish parliament of 1782, to the establishment of a separate republic. To Catholic churchmen, suspicious though many were of both Parnell’s socio-denominational background and his authoritarian leadership style, Parnellism nonetheless meant a clerical share in political power.2
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Dictionary of Irish Biography, Oct 1, 2009
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Dictionary of Irish Biography, Oct 1, 2009
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Irish Historical Studies, Nov 1, 2013
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Ye
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Four Courts Press eBooks, 2001
How were political ideas and popular memories transmitted in early nineteenth century Ireland? Mo... more How were political ideas and popular memories transmitted in early nineteenth century Ireland? More specifically from the vantage point of this chapter, how widely was the rebellion of 1798 remembered in the decades before the Famine? The changing treatment of the rebellion by historians and political apologists has already been considered by Whelan and Cullen while Dunne has examined both contemporary 'subaltern' voices as well as the politics of commemoration in both 1898 and the recent bicentenary. However, there has been little serious attempt to explore nineteenth century memories 'from below'that is, from the cos iithui,,tjr, those sections of the population whose opinions were rendered inaccessible to both contemporaries and historians by reason of social status, language, or a combination of the two.'There is, of course, no clear-cut divide between elite and popular memories. We know that those writing 'from above', whether hostile or sympathetic towards the rebellion, took much of their evidence 'from below' either from loyalist or rebel survivors of '98 or from those who experienced the ensuing pacification.' Equally though this still remains a matter of conjecture memoirs and commentaries on the rebellion must have percolated downwards to determine what was 'remembered' about the event. On the other hand, there were vital differences between the memories from above and from below, and it is on these differences that the present chapter concentrates. The opinions 'from above' must be considered first. The process of sentimentalising rebellion was evident even before the hoped-for event had begun, the United Irishmens Paddyc Resource, published in 1795, stressing the onset of a 'bright reforming age', the impending triumph of 'Sweet Liberty' and the courage of 'Erin's sons',3 However, it was in the immediate aftermath of the rebellion that the
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Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2010
This chapter explores the construction of class identity and respectability among Irish middle-cl... more This chapter explores the construction of class identity and respectability among Irish middle-class women, particularly those of the lower middle class, in the 120 years after the great famine of 1845–50. Such an exploration is fraught with difficulty, since the related concepts of class and respectability are notoriously difficult to define. Irish society was certainly status-conscious — class-based terminology being used increasingly from the 1870s onwards1 — yet neither urbanisation nor industry was sufficiently developed to allow clear-cut economic stratification. This makes it very difficult to pinpoint the Irish middle-class boundaries, particularly at its lower reaches. Where did the working class end and the middle class begin? Was class determined by the nature of employment (paid or otherwise)? Did the criteria for class differ between country and town? Did the same class indicators apply to women as to men? And was the quest for respectability a concept that divided one class from another or provided a bridge between them?
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Daniel O’Connell’s campaigns for reform and repeal during the 1830s and 1840s were characterized ... more Daniel O’Connell’s campaigns for reform and repeal during the 1830s and 1840s were characterized by the assembling of large crowds, particularly during the so-called ‘Repeal Year’ of 1843. Such crowd occasions have been given some well-deserved and overdue attention by historians in recent years, the latest example being Gary Owens’s groundbreaking work aptly entitled ‘Nationalism without words’.1 The present study examines the same general area but from a somewhat different vantage point, concentrating particularly on the ways in which the crowds at those meetings were formed and controlled. A number of key questions are posed. Were O’Connellite meetings manifestations of spontaneous political excitement or the result of careful manipulation? How was social order and decorum preserved at such huge gatherings? What windows are opened by these meetings into popular politicization in pre-famine Ireland?
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Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2009
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Irish Historical Studies, May 1, 2020
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Irish Economic and Social History, Dec 1, 2019
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The welfare implications of the shift out of paid employment, occuring during a period of sustain... more The welfare implications of the shift out of paid employment, occuring during a period of sustained expansion in the Irish economy, are also tackled by Bourke. The conclusion reached is unlikely to please the sisterhood (there are few consolations for the brotherhood either), particularly socialist feminists: on balance, women gained from the stay-at-home strategy, though there was a diminution in their economic independence. No doubt Husbandry to Housewifery will simulate a range of responses. This is a measure of its success. It is an intellectually-courageous and pioneering work that opens up a range of intriguing issues relating to the historical experience of women in Irish society.
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A review of 'Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 1630-1830 by David Dickson.'David ... more A review of 'Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 1630-1830 by David Dickson.'David Dickson's monumental work analyzes society in the southern Irish counties of Cork, Kerry, and west Waterford in the two centuries before the Great Famine, addressing the evolution of a key region and exploring plantation, cultural assimilation, and socioeconomic change. It not only reconstructs contemporary society but illuminates developments in the region and beyond in the following century when the twin forces of reforming state and emergent nationalism undermined the "old colony."Ye
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A review of 'King Dan: the rise of Daniel O'Connell, 1775-1829 by Patrick M. Geoghegan.&#... more A review of 'King Dan: the rise of Daniel O'Connell, 1775-1829 by Patrick M. Geoghegan.'This very readable work is the first volume of a proposed two-volume study of the life and political career of Daniel O'Connell, concentrating on his career up to the granting of Catholic emancipation in 1829. One might ask whether there was any need for such a work given the range of similar studies, from that by O'Faolain in 1938 through those of O'Ferrall (1985) and MacDonagh (1988), as well as edited volumes by MacCartney (1980), and Nowlan and O'Connell (1991). Many of the themes dealt with in Geoghegan's first volume have already been given considerable attention in these earlier works. For example, O'Connell's ebullient personality and his straddling of the Gaelic and Anglicised worlds form the core of O'Faolain's aptly entitled King of the Beggars', O'Ferrall's Daniel O'Connell and the birth of Irish democracy has teased out the mechanics and dynamics of the emancipation campaign - and especially the role of the Waterford clergy - in laying the foundation of O'Connell's political machine; and MacDonagh's Hereditary bondsman: Daniel O'Connell 1775-1829 has explored the impact of family and locality on O'Connell's political evolution, as well as the tensions in his public personality between statesman and popular agitator. The essay collections have further extended the examination of O'Connell's career to cover such issues as his position as a folk hero, his social and economic beliefs, his impact, and his reputation in the wider European context.Ye
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
The political movement for Irish home rule and agrarian reform led by Charles Stewart Parnell in ... more The political movement for Irish home rule and agrarian reform led by Charles Stewart Parnell in the 1880s collapsed in disarray with the O’Shea divorce case of 1891. This case revealed many of the internal fissures within Parnell’s movement, but it did not cause them. During its decade-long existence, the movement had been held together by a potent mix of centralisation and flexibility, Parnell maintaining tight control through a pledge-bound party and a centralised leadership, yet simultaneously encouraging the multiple expectations of the many interest groups within the rank and file.1 Thus, the meaning of Parnellism varied from one constituent group to the next. To farmers it meant anything from mere rent reduction to a complete revolution in land ownership. To party activists and the non-farming public its interpretation ranged from limited political independence, through the ‘restoration’ of the Irish parliament of 1782, to the establishment of a separate republic. To Catholic churchmen, suspicious though many were of both Parnell’s socio-denominational background and his authoritarian leadership style, Parnellism nonetheless meant a clerical share in political power.2
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Dictionary of Irish Biography, Oct 1, 2009
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Ye
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Four Courts Press eBooks, 2001
How were political ideas and popular memories transmitted in early nineteenth century Ireland? Mo... more How were political ideas and popular memories transmitted in early nineteenth century Ireland? More specifically from the vantage point of this chapter, how widely was the rebellion of 1798 remembered in the decades before the Famine? The changing treatment of the rebellion by historians and political apologists has already been considered by Whelan and Cullen while Dunne has examined both contemporary 'subaltern' voices as well as the politics of commemoration in both 1898 and the recent bicentenary. However, there has been little serious attempt to explore nineteenth century memories 'from below'that is, from the cos iithui,,tjr, those sections of the population whose opinions were rendered inaccessible to both contemporaries and historians by reason of social status, language, or a combination of the two.'There is, of course, no clear-cut divide between elite and popular memories. We know that those writing 'from above', whether hostile or sympathetic towards the rebellion, took much of their evidence 'from below' either from loyalist or rebel survivors of '98 or from those who experienced the ensuing pacification.' Equally though this still remains a matter of conjecture memoirs and commentaries on the rebellion must have percolated downwards to determine what was 'remembered' about the event. On the other hand, there were vital differences between the memories from above and from below, and it is on these differences that the present chapter concentrates. The opinions 'from above' must be considered first. The process of sentimentalising rebellion was evident even before the hoped-for event had begun, the United Irishmens Paddyc Resource, published in 1795, stressing the onset of a 'bright reforming age', the impending triumph of 'Sweet Liberty' and the courage of 'Erin's sons',3 However, it was in the immediate aftermath of the rebellion that the
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Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2010
This chapter explores the construction of class identity and respectability among Irish middle-cl... more This chapter explores the construction of class identity and respectability among Irish middle-class women, particularly those of the lower middle class, in the 120 years after the great famine of 1845–50. Such an exploration is fraught with difficulty, since the related concepts of class and respectability are notoriously difficult to define. Irish society was certainly status-conscious — class-based terminology being used increasingly from the 1870s onwards1 — yet neither urbanisation nor industry was sufficiently developed to allow clear-cut economic stratification. This makes it very difficult to pinpoint the Irish middle-class boundaries, particularly at its lower reaches. Where did the working class end and the middle class begin? Was class determined by the nature of employment (paid or otherwise)? Did the criteria for class differ between country and town? Did the same class indicators apply to women as to men? And was the quest for respectability a concept that divided one class from another or provided a bridge between them?
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Daniel O’Connell’s campaigns for reform and repeal during the 1830s and 1840s were characterized ... more Daniel O’Connell’s campaigns for reform and repeal during the 1830s and 1840s were characterized by the assembling of large crowds, particularly during the so-called ‘Repeal Year’ of 1843. Such crowd occasions have been given some well-deserved and overdue attention by historians in recent years, the latest example being Gary Owens’s groundbreaking work aptly entitled ‘Nationalism without words’.1 The present study examines the same general area but from a somewhat different vantage point, concentrating particularly on the ways in which the crowds at those meetings were formed and controlled. A number of key questions are posed. Were O’Connellite meetings manifestations of spontaneous political excitement or the result of careful manipulation? How was social order and decorum preserved at such huge gatherings? What windows are opened by these meetings into popular politicization in pre-famine Ireland?
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Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2009
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Irish Historical Studies, May 1, 2020
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The welfare implications of the shift out of paid employment, occuring during a period of sustain... more The welfare implications of the shift out of paid employment, occuring during a period of sustained expansion in the Irish economy, are also tackled by Bourke. The conclusion reached is unlikely to please the sisterhood (there are few consolations for the brotherhood either), particularly socialist feminists: on balance, women gained from the stay-at-home strategy, though there was a diminution in their economic independence. No doubt Husbandry to Housewifery will simulate a range of responses. This is a measure of its success. It is an intellectually-courageous and pioneering work that opens up a range of intriguing issues relating to the historical experience of women in Irish society.
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