SANI PANHWAR | Mehran. U.E.T, Jamshoro Pakistan (original) (raw)

Papers by SANI PANHWAR

I nf or m a ti ongi ventom ebyZa f r ul l aKha ni n a ni nter vi ew i nL ondon on 22 M a y 1970. ... more I nf or m a ti ongi ventom ebyZa f r ul l aKha ni n a ni nter vi ew i nL ondon on 22 M a y 1970. 47 Fr onti erP r ovi nce,theP unj a b,S i ndh,Ba l uchi s ta n a ndKa s hm i r ,w i thAf gha ni s ta n a sthecentr e".Ci vi l& M i l i ta r y Ga zette,13 J une1933.S eer epor tofDr .B S .M oonj e' si nter vi ew w i th theAs s oci a tedP r es si nBom ba y on 12 J une 1933 i n w hi ch hea ccus edM us l i m sof' dr ea m i ngofas epa r a tes over ei gnf eder a ti on, ca l l edP a ki s ta ncom pos ed of theN or th-W es tFr onti erP r ovi nce,theP unj a b, S i ndh, Ba l uchi s ta n a ndKa s hm i r ,w i th Af gha ni s ta n a sthecentr e". Civil & Military Gazette, 13 J une1933. 52 S ee Gul s ha n R a i ' sa r ti cl esunderthe ti tl esof' Com m una lP r obl em i n the P unj a b a nd Br i ti s h I m per i a lI nter es ts ' , ' T he P a ki s ta n M enta l i ty'a nd "T he P a ki s ta n M enta l i ty a nd the P unj a b M us l i m s ". I bi d.

... On all matters of general public importance resolutions could be moved by members and divisio... more ... On all matters of general public importance resolutions could be moved by members and divisions taken. ... His Majesty (King George V) made two important announcements ... with the Government of India above them all, and possessing power to interfere in case of misgovernment ...

Efforts at Retrieval-Close of Lord Auckland's Administration-Embarrassments of his Position-Opini... more Efforts at Retrieval-Close of Lord Auckland's Administration-Embarrassments of his Position-Opinions of Sir Jasper Nicolls-Efforts of Mr. George Clerk-Despatch of the First Brigade-Appointment of General Pollock-Despatch of the Second Brigade-Expected Arrival of Lord Ellenborough-Further Embarrassments. At this time the Governor-General and his family were resident at Calcutta. The period of Lord Auckland's tenure of the vice-regal office was drawing to a close. He was awaiting the arrival of his successor. It had seemed to him, as the heavy periodical rains began slowly to give place to the cool weather of the early winter, that there was nothing to overshadow the closing scenes of his administration, and to vex his spirit with misgivings and regrets during the monotonous months of the homeward voyage. The three first weeks of October brought him only cheering intelligence from the countries beyond the Indus. The Envoy continued to report, with confidence, the increasing tranquillity of Afghanistan. The Douranee insurrection seemed to have been suppressed, and there was nothing stirring in the neighbourhood of Caubul to create anxiety and alarm. History of The War In Afghanistan; Copyright © www.sanipanhwar.com 3 embryo war to his successor, and that, therefore, the treasury would soon replenish itself. The prospect was sufficiently cheering, and he was eager to depart; but the old year wore to a close, and found Lord Auckland pacing, with a troubled countenance, the spacious apartments of Government House-found him the most luckless of rulers and the most miserable of men. Never was statesman so cast down; never was statesman so perplexed and bewildered. The month of December was one of painful anxiety; of boding fear; of embarrassing uncertainty. There was no official information from Caubul. The private accounts received from Jellalabad and Peshawur, always brief, often vague and conflicting, excited the worst apprehensions without dispelling much of the public ignorance. In this conjuncture, government were helpless. The Caubul force, cut off from all support, could by no possibility be rescued. The utmost vigour and determination-the highest wisdom and sagacity-could avail nothing at such a time. The scales had fallen from the eyes of the Governor-General only to show him the utter hopelessness of the case. In this terrible emergency he seems to have perceived, for the first time, the madness of posting a detached force in a foreign country, hundreds of miles from our own frontier, cut off from all support by rugged mountains and impenetrable defiles. Before a single brigade could be pushed on to the relief of the beleaguered force, the whole army might be annihilated. Clearly Lord Auckland now beheld the inherent viciousness of the original policy of the war, and, in sorrow and humiliation, began to bethink himself of the propriety of abandoning it.

BOOK V. (1841-1842.)-CHAPTER I. (November, 1841.) The Outbreak at Caubul-Approaching Departure of... more BOOK V. (1841-1842.)-CHAPTER I. (November, 1841.) The Outbreak at Caubul-Approaching Departure of the Envoy-Immediate Causes of the Rebellion-Death of Sir Alexander Burnes-His Character-Spread of the Insurrection-Indecision of the British Authorities .. .. .. .. 97 CHAPTER II. (November, 1841.) Progress of the Insurrection-Attempted Movement on the City-Attack on Mahomed Sheriff's Fort-Loss of the Commissariat Fort-Captain Mackenzie's Defence-Capture of Mahomed Sheriff's Fort-Attempts to corrupt the Enemy .. .. .. 111 CHAPTER III. (November, 1841.) Progress of the Insurrection-General Elphinstone-His Infirmities-Recall of Brigadier Shelton to Cantonments-Capture of the Ricka-bashee Fort-Intrigues with the Afghan Chiefs-The Envoy's Correspondence with Mohun Lal .. .. ..

The present Edition of the "History of the War in Afghanistan" is a reproduction of the three-vol... more The present Edition of the "History of the War in Afghanistan" is a reproduction of the three-volumed Edition of 1857, which was thoroughly revised, and much improved by the kindly aid of many of the chief actors in the scenes described. I do not think that I can make it any better. Only one alleged error has been brought to my notice since the last Edition was published. It is stated, in Chapter IV., that "Mr. Harford Jones, a civil servant of the Company, who was made a Baronet for the occasion, was deputed to Teheran to negotiate with the Ministers of the Shah." This was first published in 1851. After a lapse of twenty-three years, I have recently been informed by the son of Sir Harford Jones, that his father was not made a Baronet in consideration of prospective but of past services. It is certain that Mr. Harford Jones rendered good service to the East India Company, but it is equally certain that His Majesty' s Government were not very prodigal in their grants of honours to the Company' s servants. The Baronetcy was created in 1807, when the Persian Mission was under consideration; but I must admit that there is a difference between coincidences and consequences-and, therefore, as I cannot establish the fact stated, I am willing to withdraw the assertion of it, whatever may be my own convictions. J. W. K. Rose-Hill, March 1874. moment. I might not please them by any more special recognition of their kindness; but there is one whom such praise and gratitude as mine can no longer reach, and whom I may therefore name without offence. Among others who were at the trouble to reperuse this book, for the purpose of aiding its revision for the present edition, the appearance of which has been retarded by accidental circumstances, was the late Sir Robert Harry Inglis. I believe that this, which he assured me was a labour of love, was the last literary task which he ever set himself. His final list of corrigenda was sent to me, indeed, only a few days before the occurrence of that event which, although there be good and wise and genial men still among us, has left a gap in society, which cannot easily be filled by one so good, so wise, and so genial. Of all the privileges of literature, the greatest, perhaps, is that it makes for its followers kind and indulgent friends, who sometimes transfer to the writer the interest awakened by his book. I owe to this Work some cherished friendships; but none more cherished than that which has now become both a pleasing and a painful reminiscence. London, January, 1857. thought it sufficient to fuse these materials into my text, and to leave the reader to fix or not to fix his faith upon the unsupported assertions of an unknown writer. 1 I would make another observation regarding the execution of this Work. The more notorious events of the War, which stand fully revealed in military despatches and published blue-books, have not been elaborated with the care, and expanded into the amplitude, which their importance may seem to demand. These Volumes may be thought, perhaps, rather deficient in respect of military details. Compelled to condense somewhere, I have purposely abstained from enlarging upon those events, which have already found fitting chroniclers. The military memoir-writers, each one on his own limited field, have arrayed before us all the strategical operations of the Campaign from the assemblage of Fane' s army in 1838, to the return of Pollock' s at the close of 1842; but the political history of the War has never been written. For information on many points of military interest, not sufficiently dwelt upon in these volumes, I would therefore refer the reader to the works of Havelock, Hough, Barr, Eyre, Stacy, Neill, and other soldierly writers. The progress of events in Upper Sindh after the capture of Khelat, I have not attempted to narrate. The military operations in that part of the country have found an intelligent annalist in Dr. Buist. I need only now, after gratefully acknowledging my obligations to all who have aided me with original papers, or with information otherwise conveyed (and I have largely taxed the patience of many during the progress of this work), offer one more word of apology. I know that my scholarly Oriental friends will revolt against my spelling of Oriental names. I have only to bow beneath their correcting hand, and fling myself upon their mercy. I have written all the names in the old and vulgar manner, most familiar to the English eye, and, in pronunciation, to the English ear; and I believe that the majority of readers will thank me for the barbarism. Bletchingley, October, 1851. 1 I n m os tca s esIha ve ha d the or i gi na ll etter sa nd docum entsi n m y pos s es s i on-i n the r es t,a uthenti ca ted copi es. T he tr a ns l a ti onsa r e of f i ci a ltr a ns l a ti ons ,ver i f i ed,i n s om e ofthe m os t i m por ta nt i ns ta nces ,a si n the tr ea ti esi n BookV.,by oneofthem os ta ccom pl i s hedP er s i a n s chol a r si n theki ngdom .

Russell, R. V. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, 4 vo... more Russell, R. V. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, 4 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1916), volume 2. Ethnology -- India -- Madhya Pradesh. Caste -- India -- Madhya Pradesh. Caste.

Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied h... more Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied heavily upon the support of the province's powerful landed elite. The relationship between the two was one of mutual benefit, with the British using their landed allies to ensure the maintenance of order and effective economic accumulation in exchange for state patronage. Over a century and a half later, the politics of Pakistani Punjab continues to be dominated by landowning politicians, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power. In order to answer the question of why this is so, this thesis uses a historical institutionalist approach to argue that the administrative framework emerging out of the initial bargain between the colonial state and the landed classes gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab that allowed the latter to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so, the landed elite were also able to reinforce their bargain with the colonial state and, after independence, the Pakistani military establishment, perpetuating a relationship that facilitated the pursuit of the interests of the actors involved. In order to account for this path-dependent process of institutional development, this thesis treats the initial period of colonial rule in Punjab as a 'critical juncture', tracing the factors that led the British to rely on the landed elite for support, and enter into the bargain between the two actors that drove subsequent institutional developments. The thesis then explores the mechanisms used to perpetuate this arrangement over time, focusing in particular on the use, by the state and the landed elite, of legislative interventions, bureaucratic power, and electoral politics, to reinforce and reproduce the institutional framework of politics in Punjab. Finally, the thesis also looks at points in time during which this dominant institutional path has been challenged, albeit unsuccessfully, with a view towards understanding both the circumstances under which such challenges can emerge, and the lessons that can be learnt from these episodes with regards to the prospects for the creation of a democratic and participatory politics in the province.

The American Historical Review, 1958

List of Paragraphs 1. Traditions of origin 2. Caste subdivisions 3. Social Customs 4. The Kumhār ... more List of Paragraphs 1. Traditions of origin 2. Caste subdivisions 3. Social Customs 4. The Kumhār as a village menial 5. Occupation 6. Breeding pigs for sacrifices 7. The goddess Demeter 8. Estimation of the pig in India 9. The buffalo as a corn-god 10. The Dasahra festival 11. The goddess Devi 1. Traditions of origin Kumhār, Kumbhār.-The caste of potters, the name being derived from the Sanskrit kumbh, a water-pot. The Kumhārs numbered nearly 120,000 persons in the Central Provinces in 1911 and were most numerous in the northern and eastern or Hindustānispeaking Districts, where earthen vessels have a greater vogue than in the south. The caste is of course an ancient one, vessels of earthenware having probably been in use at a very early period, and the old Hindu scriptures consequently give various accounts of its origin from mixed marriages between the four classical castes. "Concerning the traditional parentage of the caste," Sir H. Risley writes, 1 "there seems to be a wide difference of opinion among the recognised authorities on the subject. Thus the Brahma Vaivārtta Purāna says that the Kumbhakār or maker of water-jars (kumbka), is born of a Vaishya woman by a Brāhman father; the Parāsara Samhita makes the father a Mālākār (gardener) and the mother a Chamār; while the Parāsara Padhati holds that the ancestor of the caste was begotten of a Tili woman by a Pattikār or weaver of silk cloth." Sir Monier Williams again, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, describes them as the offspring of a Kshatriya woman by a Brāhman. No importance can of course be attached to such 1 Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Kumhār. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol. IV. Copyright © www.sanipanhwar.com 2 statements as the above from the point of view of actual fact, but they are interesting as showing the view taken of the formation of castes by the old Brāhman writers, and also the position given to the Kumhār at the time when they wrote. This varies from a moderately respectable to a very humble one according to the different accounts of his lineage. The caste themselves have a legend of the usual Brāhmanical type: "In the Kritayuga, when Maheshwar (Siva) intended to marry the daughter of Hemvanta, the Devas and Asuras 2 assembled at Kailās (Heaven). Then a question arose as to who should furnish the vessels required for the ceremony, and one Kulālaka, a Brāhman, was ordered to make them. Then Kulālaka stood before the assembly with folded hands, and prayed that materials might be given to him for making the pots. So Vishnu gave his Sudarsana (discus) to be used as a wheel, and the mountain of Mandāra was fixed as a pivot beneath it to hold it up. The scraper was Adi Kūrma the tortoise, and a rain-cloud was used for the water-tub. So Kulālaka made the pots and gave them to Maheshwar for his marriage, and ever since his descendants have been known as Kumbhakār or maker of water-jars." Potter and his wheel 2. Caste subdivisions The Kumhārs have a number of subcastes, many of which, as might be expected, are of the territorial type and indicate the different localities from which they migrated to the Central Provinces. Such are the Mālwi from Mālwa, the Telenga from the Telugu country in Hyderābād, the Pardeshi from northern India and the Marātha from the Marātha Districts. Other divisions are the Lingāyats who belong to the sect of this name, 2 Gods and demons. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol. IV. Copyright © www.sanipanhwar.com 3 the Gadhewāl or Gadhere who make tiles and carry them about on donkeys (gadha), the Bardia who use bullocks for transport and the Sungaria who keep pigs (suar). Certain endogamous groups have arisen simply from differences in the method of working. Thus the Hāthgarhia 3 mould vessels with their hands only without using the wheel; the Goria 4 make white or red pots only and not black ones; the Kurere mould their vessels on a stone slab revolving on a stick and not on a wheel; while the Chakere are Kumhārs who use the wheel (chāk) in localities where other Kumhārs do not use it. The Chhutakia and Rakhotia are illegitimate sections, being the offspring of kept women. 3. Social Customs Girls are married at an early age when their parents can afford it, the matches being usually arranged at caste feasts. In Chānda parents who allow a daughter to become adolescent while still unwed are put out of caste, but elsewhere the rule is by no means so strict. The ceremony is of the normal type and a Brāhman usually officiates, but in Betūl it is performed by the Sawāsa or husband of the bride's paternal aunt. After the wedding the couple are given kneaded flour to hold in their hands and snatch from each other as an emblem of their trade. In Mandla a bride price of Rs. 50 is paid. The Kumhārs recognise divorce and the remarriage of widows. If an unmarried girl is detected in criminal intimacy with a member of the caste, she has to give a feast to the caste-fellows and pay a fine of Rs. 1-4 and five locks of her hair are also cut off by way of purification. The caste usually burn the dead, but the Lingāyat Kumhārs always bury them in accordance with the practice of their sect. They worship the ordinary Hindu deities and make an offering to the implements of their trade on the festival of Deothān Igāras. The village Brāhman serves as their priest. In Bālāghāt a Kumhār is put out of caste if a dead cat is found in his house. At the census of 1901 the Kumhār was ranked with the impure castes, but his status is not really so low. Sir D. Ibbetson said of him: "He is a true village menial; his social standing is very low, far below that of the Lohār and not much above the Chamār. His association with that impure beast, the donkey, the animal sacred to Sitala, the smallpox goddess, pollutes him and also his readiness to carry manure and sweepings." As already seen there are in the Central Provinces Sungaria and Gadheria subcastes which keep donkeys and pigs, and these are regarded as impure. But in most Districts the Kumhār ranks not much below the Barhai and Lohār, that is in what I have designated the grade of village menials above the impure and below the cultivating castes. In Bengal the Kumhārs have a much higher status and Brāhmans will take water from their hands. But the gradation of caste in Bengal differs very greatly from that of other parts of India. 4. The Kumhār as a village menial 3 Hāth, hand and garhna to make or mould. 4 Gora, white or red, applied to Europeans.

List of Paragraphs 1. General notice. 2. Subdivisions. 3. Marriage customs. 4. Religion and funer... more List of Paragraphs 1. General notice. 2. Subdivisions. 3. Marriage customs. 4. Religion and funeral rites. 5. Social customs. 6. Goats and sheep. 7. Blanket-weaving. 8. Sanctity of wool. 1. General notice. Gadaria, Gādri. 1-The occupational shepherd caste of northern India. The name is derived from the Hindi gādar and the Sanskrit gandhāra, a sheep, the Sanskrit name being taken from the country of Gandhāra or Kandahār, from which sheep were first brought. The three main shepherd castes all have functional names, that of the Dhangars or Marātha shepherds being derived from dhan, small stock, while the Kuramwārs or Telugu shepherds take their name like the Gadarias from kuruba, a sheep. These three castes are of similar nature and status, and differ only in language and local customs. In 1911 the Gadarias numbered 41,000 persons. They are found in the northern Districts, and appear to have been amongst the earliest settlers in the Nerbudda valley, for they have given their name to several villages, as Gadariakheda and Gādarwāra. 2. Subdivisions. The Gadarias are a very mixed caste. They themselves say that their first ancestor was created by Mahādeo to tend his rams, and that he married three women who were fascinated by the sight of him shearing the sheep. These belonged to the Brāhman, Dhīmar and Barai castes respectively, and became the ancestors of the Nikhar, Dhengar and Barmaiyan subcastes of Gadarias. The Nikhar subcaste are the highest, their name meaning pure. Dhengar is probably, in reality, a corruption of Dhangar, the name of the Marātha shepherd caste. They have other subdivisions of the common territorial type, as Jheria or jungly, applied to the Gadarias of Chhattīsgarh; Desha from desh, country, 1 This article is based on information collected by Mr. Hīra Lāl in Jubbulpore, and the author in Mandla. 7. Blanket-weaving. While ordinary cultivators have now taken to keeping goats, sheep are still as a rule left to the Gadarias. These are of course valued principally for their wool, from which the ordinary country blanket is made. The sheep 3 are shorn two or sometimes three times a year, in February, June and September, the best wool being obtained in February from the cold weather coat. Members of the caste commonly shear for each other without payment. The wool is carded with a kamtha, or simple bow with a catgut string, and spun by the women of the household. Blankets are woven by men on a loom like that used for cotton cloth. The fabric is coarse and rough, but strong and durable, and the colour is usually a dark dirty grey, approaching black, being the same as that of the raw material. Every cultivator has one of these, and the various uses to which it may be put are admirably described by 'Eha' as follows: 4 "The kammal is a home-spun blanket of the wool of black sheep, thick, strong, as rough as a farrier's rasp, and of a colour which cannot get dirty. When the Kunbi (cultivator) comes out of his hole in the morning it is wrapped round his shoulders and reaches to his knees, guarding him from his great enemy, the cold, for the thermometer is down to 60°Fahrenheit. By-and-by he has a load to carry, so he folds his kammal into a thick pad and puts it on the top of his head. Anon he feels tired, so he lays down his load, and arranging his kammal as a cushion, sits with comfort on a rugged rock or a stony bank, and has a smoke. Or else he rolls himself in it from head to foot, like a mummy, and enjoys a sound sleep on the roadside. It begins to rain, he folds his kammal into an ingenious cowl and is safe. Many more are its uses. I cannot number them all. Whatever he may be called upon to carry, be it forest produce, or grain or household goods, or his infant child, he will make a bundle of it with his kammal and poise it on his head, or sling it across his back, and trudge away." 8. Sanctity of wool. Wool is a material of some sanctity among the Hindus. It is ceremonially pure, and woollen clothing can be worn by Brāhmans while eating or performing sacred functions. In many castes the bridegroom at a wedding has a string of wool with a charm tied round his waist. Religious mendicants wear jatas or wigs of sheep's wool, and often carry woollen charms. The beads used for counting prayers are often of wool. 3 The following particulars are taken from the Central Provinces Monograph on Woollen Industries, by Mr. J. T. Marten. 4 A Naturalist on the Prowl, 3rd ed., p. 219. In the quotation the Hindustāni word kammal, commonly used in the Central Provinces, is substituted for the Marāthi word kambli. Gadba 1. Description and structure of the tribe. Gadba, Gadaba. 5-A primitive tribe classified as Mundāri or Kolarian on linguistic grounds. The word Gadba, Surgeon-Major Mitchell states, signifies a person who carries loads on his shoulders. The tribe call themselves Guthau. They belong to the Vizagapatam District of Madras, and in the Central Provinces are found only in the Bastar State, into which they have immigrated to the number of some 700 persons. They speak a Mundāri dialect, called Gadba, after their tribal name, and are one of the two Mundāri tribes found so far south as Vizagapatam, the other being the Savars. 6 Their tribal organisation is not very strict, and a Bhatra, a Parja, a Muria, or a member of any superior caste may become a Gadba at an expenditure of two or three rupees. The ceremony consists of shaving the body of the novice, irrespective of sex, clean of hair, after which he or she is given to eat rice cooked in the water of the Ganges. This is followed by a feast to the tribe in which a pig must be killed. The Gadbas have totemistic exogamous septs, usually named after animals, as gutāl dog, angwān bear, dungra tortoise, surangai tiger, gūmal snake, and so on. Members of each sept abstain from killing or injuring the animal or plant after which it is named, but they have no scruple in procuring others to do this. Thus if a snake enters the hut of a person belonging to the Gūmal sept, he will call a neighbour of another sept to kill it. He may not touch its carcase with his bare hand, but if he holds it through a piece of rag no sin is incurred. 2. Marriage. Marriage is adult, but the rule existing in Madras that a girl is not permitted to marry until she can weave her own cloth does not obtain in the Central Provinces. 7 As a rule the parents of the couple arrange the match, but the wishes of the girl are sometimes consulted and various irregular methods of union are recognised. Thus a man is permitted with the help of his friends to go and carry off a girl and keep her as his wife, more especially if she is a relation on the maternal side more distant than a first cousin. Another form is the Paisa Mundi, by which a married or unmarried woman may enter the house of a man of her caste other than her husband and become his wife; and the Upaliya, when a married woman elopes with a lover. The marriage ceremony is simple. The bridegroom's party go to the girl's house, leaving the parents behind, and before they reach it are met and stopped by a bevy of young girls and men in their best clothes from the bride's village. A girl comes forward and demands a ring, which one of the 5 This article is compiled from an excellent monograph contributed by Surgeon-Major Mitchell of Bastar State, with extracts from Colonel Glasfurd's Report on Bastar (Selections from the Records of the Government of India in the Foreign Department, No. 39 of 1863).

Articles on Castes and Tribes of the Central Provinces in Alphabetical Order The articles which a... more Articles on Castes and Tribes of the Central Provinces in Alphabetical Order The articles which are considered to be of most general interest are shown in capitals Agaria (Iron-worker) .

Unfinished Autobiography of Sayed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, 2020

Sindh, Autobiography of Sayed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, Jamshoro

Books by SANI PANHWAR

HINDI-speaking Districts.-The western tract includes the Saugor, Damoh, Jubbulpore, Narsinghpur, ... more HINDI-speaking Districts.-The western tract includes the Saugor, Damoh, Jubbulpore, Narsinghpur, Hoshangabad, Nimar and Betul Districts which lie principally in the Nerbudda Valley or on the Vindhyan Hills northwest of the Valley. In most of this area the language is the Bundeli dialect of Western Hindi, and in Nimar and Betul a form of the Rajputana dialects. The eastern tract includes the Raipur, Bilaspur and Drug Districts and adjacent Feudatory States. This country is known as Chhattisgarh, and the language is the Chhattisgarhi dialect of Eastern Hindi. MARATHI.-Amraoti, Akola, Buldana and Yeotmal Districts of Berar, and Nagpur, Bhandara, Wardha and Chanda Districts of the Nagpur Plain. TELUGU.-Sironcha tahsil of Chanda District. Telugu is also spoken to some extent in the adjacent tracts of Chanda and Bastar States. TRIBAL or Non-Aryan dialects.-Mandla, Seoni, Chhindwara, and part of Balaghat Districts on the Satpura Range in the centre. Sarguja, Jashpur, Udaipur, Korea, and Chang Bhakar States on the Chota Nagpur plateau to the northeast. Bastar and Kanker States and parts of Chanda and Drug Districts on the hill-ranges south of the Mahanadi Valley to the southeast. In these areas the non-Aryan or Kolarian and Dravidian tribes form the strongest element in the population but many of them have abandoned their own languages and speak Aryan vernaculars.

The American Historical Review, 1958

Unfinished Autobiography of Sayed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, 2020

Sindh, Autobiography of Sayed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, Jamshoro

The Transfer of Power in India, 1957

This book will originally printed in 1957, it will be recognized as the definitive account of the... more This book will originally printed in 1957, it will be recognized as the definitive account of the events leading up to the partition of India and the transfer of power from England. V. P. Menon (Vappala Pangunni Menon birth: 30 September 1893, death: 31 December 1965), the author was a prominent Government official during this period. He has written a detailed narrative of events as he witnessed them.

V. P. Menon was son of a school headmaster in Kerala, Menon worked as a railway stoker, coal miner and Bangalore tobacco company clerk before gaining a junior post in the Indian Civil Service. By working assiduously, Menon rose through the ranks to become the highest serving Indian officer in British India. In 1946, he was appointed Political Reforms Commissioner to the British Viceroy. His long association with constitutional developments in India, fortified by subsequent research has enabled him to write with knowledge and experience of the great problems faced and overcome in the struggle for independence, from the early days in the thirties to the transfer itself in 1947.

V. P. Menon was the Constitutional Adviser to the last three Viceroys during British rule in India. He was the only Indian in Mountbatten’s inner team. Menon’s plan for the partition of India into two Dominions was the one that was eventually adopted. It was Menon who realized the need to get the Princely States to accede to India before the date of independence and that Mountbatten was the ideal person to facilitate this. He is also called the Architect of Modern India.

Note-Two russalas of the Bengal Local Horse remained in charge of the baggage during the attack.

If the Ameers should evince a disposition to place themselves in entire political dependence upon... more If the Ameers should evince a disposition to place themselves in entire political dependence upon the British Government, permanently receiving its troops, and having its protection against all external enemies, we instructed Colonel Pottinger, in that case, merely to receive their overtures, and state that be would submit them for our consideration; and we intimated to him, that we should expect him, in forwarding such overtures, to explain, in the fullest detail, his views of the advantages, or disadvantages, of acceding to them, informing himself minutely of all points of probable difference between the Sinde Government and the neighbouring States, other than Lahore. Lastly, we stated that, under any form of alliance, the British Government will be anxious not to afford its guarantee to the Ameers, on points of merely internal administration. Although, from the long experience of Runjeet Sing's character, we entertained but little apprehension of his persisting in his invasion of Sinde, we thought it right to request the Bombay Government, without at once taking any ostensible steps, to adopt the necessary measures for having a body of troops in readiness, to act upon the requisition of Colonel Pottinger; and, at the same time, we requested the Government of Fort St. George to attend to any requisition which might be made by the Governor in Council at Bombay, for temporarily occupying any of the stations of the Bombay Army by the troops of the Madras Presidency. We also made known the existing state of the question to the Commander-in-chief and the Lieutenant-Governor of Agra, and requested their opinion as to the course of operations which it would be most desirable to resort to, in the event of our being forced into hostilities with the Ruler of Lahore. I am desired by the Governor-General in Council to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 19th, 29th, and 30th ultimo. His Lordship in Council having maturely considered the several circumstances detailed in the above communications, has desired me to convey to you the following orders. His Lordship in Council entertains the conviction, that the Government of India cannot view with indifference any disturbance of the existing relations of peace between the several States occupying the banks of that river. The first effect of hostilities between the Governments of Lahore and Sinde must be to postpone, for a period, the limit of which cannot be foreseen, the attainment of the object to which the British Government attaches so much importance, of again rendering the Indus the channel of a safe and extensive commerce. The position, likewise, of Sinde, in reference to the British territories, to Afghanistan, the Punjab, and to the share which it possesses in the command of the Indus, must ever induce the Government of India to watch the political condition of that country with anxious attention, and dispose it to cultivate a close connection, on terms which may be beneficial to both parties, with the Sinde Government. It is, at the same time, the anxious desire of the Governor-General in Council, that the important object of maintaining tranquility, and the present distribution of power, along the line of the Indus, should be attained by recourse to no other means than those of amicable negotiation.

As a concept the guiding principle of Pakistan's foreign policy which we call Bilateralism suffer... more As a concept the guiding principle of Pakistan's foreign policy which we call Bilateralism suffers from no confusion or complexity. The idea of conducting and developing our relations with each of the great powers on a bilateral basis, identifying areas of cooperation with one without repudiating an alliance with another and thus evolving an internally consistent and integrated policy requires no justification and implies no moral pretence The normal mode of maintaining relations between any two countries great or small, is to base them on their joint perception of their mutual interest. Abstracted from the realities and pressures of our turbulent age, Bilateralism is not a newfangled notion. The experience, however of injecting this principle into the body of a country's external relations reveals a certain organic growth. It unfolds important implications and corollaries of the idea which are not always clearly perceived. Having been associated with this experience in government from 1958, I feel that these implications are of more than ephemeral interest. When an idea is sloganized, its original rationale or its concomitants tend to become nebulous. Its edges are blurred, its nuances eclipsed. To put the concept of Bilateralism in perspective, therefore it is necessary that we recall the changes in the global environment of Pakistan's nascency, early development and maturity, and review the adjustments that Pakistan and other Third World countries made to them.