Sergei Tatevosov | Moscow State University (original) (raw)
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Papers by Sergei Tatevosov
Linguistics
In the growing body of literature on nonculmination one question seems to have attracted less att... more In the growing body of literature on nonculmination one question seems to have attracted less attention than it may deserve: why do some but not all accomplishment predicates allow for nonculminating interpretations? The goal of this paper is to review attested restrictions on nonculminating accomplishments and to explore one specific aspect of their meaning. Assuming, with the literature on predicate decomposition, that accomplishments minimally consist of a process and change of state components, I focus on the temporal structure of the former. The main empirical finding of the study is that a nonculminating reading is unavailable if contextually relevant parts of this component are arranged by the temporal precedence relation in a unique way.
Linguistics and Philosophy, 2016
The Linguistic Review, 2016
We examine aspect, eventuality type and transitivity alternations in two types of nominalization ... more We examine aspect, eventuality type and transitivity alternations in two types of nominalization in Ossetian, an Iranian language spoken in East Caucasus, focusing on how deverbal nominals differ from fully inflected clauses projected by the same VPs. The main empirical finding of the study is: nominalizations exhibit a wider range of syntactic and semantic possibilities than fully inflected clauses. The finite verb in Ossetian is either perfective or imperfective and shows Slavic-type aspectual composition, but (prefixless) nominalizations are aspectless and are associated with English-type aspectual composition. Besides, deverbal nominals allow for transitivity alternations even if a corresponding finite verb does not. Our account for the observed pattern is based on the hypothesis that in the course of derivation, the range of options available at the VP level is narrowed down by the elements of functional structure, specifically, Asp and T. We argue that the role of Asp is to im...
Pragmatics & Beyond New Series, 2003
Lisbon B inding Workshop Workshop on B …, 2005
In this paper, we analyze data from Karachay-Balkar (Altaic, Turkic) that are problematic for mos... more In this paper, we analyze data from Karachay-Balkar (Altaic, Turkic) that are problematic for most current theories of binding. We argue that the notion of event, defined syntactically, is necessary for delimiting a binding domain of a certain class of anaphoric ...
Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 2014
Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Sessi... more Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Aspect (2000)
Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations a Cross Linguistic Perspective 2010 Isbn 978 90 272 5541 9 Pags 35 68, 2010
Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting muc... more Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting much attention. In this paper, we contribute to the field by examining one specific type of such an interaction not much addressed in the literature so far—that between ...
In the literature on predicate decomposition, different proposals can be found about subevental s... more In the literature on predicate decomposition, different proposals can be found about subevental structure of accomplishment event predicates like 'close' or 'break'. Taking a nondecompositional analysis in (1) as a point of departure, in -(5) I represent a few recent proposals articulated within the event semantics framework. (In (1) I use a neo-Davidsonian association of arguments with events via thematic roles, but this choice plays no role in what follows, see Kratzer 2003 for discussion. For simplicity, I represent arguments as individual constants). (1) || John close the door || = λe[close(e) ∧ agent(John)(e) ∧ theme(door)(e)] (2) λe∃s [close(e) ∧ agent(John)(e) ∧ closed(the door)(s) ∧ cause(s)(e)] (Kratzer 2000 and elsewhere, von Stechow, Paslawska 2004) (3) λe [agent(John)(e) ∧ ∃e′[closing(e′) ∧ theme(the door)(e) ∧ cause(e′)(e)] (Pylkkänen 2002) (4) λyλe∃e 1 ∃e 2 [e = S (e 1 ∪e 2 ) ∧ activity(e 1 ) ∧ agent(e 1 )=John ∧ theme(e 1 )=door ∧ becomeopen(e 2 ) ∧ arg(e 2 )=theme(e 1 ) ∧ INCR(e 1 , e 2 , C(e 2 ))], where S (e 1 ∪e 2 ) is a singular entity created out of e 1 and e 2 , INCR is an incremental relation between events w.r.t. to the incremental chain. (Rothstein 2004) (5) λe∃e 2 ∃e 3 ∃e 4 ∃e 5 [close-a(e 2 ) ∧ Causing(e 2 ) ∧ e = e 2 ⊕e 3 ∧ e 2 → e 3 ∧ Subject(John)(e 2 ) ∧ close-p(e 4 ) ∧ Process(e 4 ) ∧ e 3 = e 4 ⊕e 5 ∧ e 4 → e 5 ∧Subject(the door)(e 4 ) ∧ close-s(e 5 ) ∧ State(e 5 ) ∧ Subject(the door)(e 5 )] (Ramchand 2003, 2005
Overview. In this paper, I want to make explicit parallelism between reflexive resultatives in (1... more Overview. In this paper, I want to make explicit parallelism between reflexive resultatives in (1) in English (as opposed to bare resultatives, and what Shvedova (ed.) 1980: §1434 calls Intensive-Resultative Aktionsart (IRA) in Russian, exemplified in (2). I propose an analysis where both classes of expressions possess the same underlying structure, hence their similarities, but differ as to the later stages of semantic derivation. Data. The main observation suggesting that and are alike has to do with their semantic interpretation. (1) and (2) differ from their non-derived counterparts, Tourists walked and Tyristy (po)guljali 'Tourists walked', in much the same way. Both indicate that there is a property of the subject that gradually changes in the course of the walking event. When the subject acquires this property to a certain degree, the event culminates, and the subject enters the result state.
1. Aspect and modality Progressive: the complete event exists in some world different from our wo... more 1. Aspect and modality Progressive: the complete event exists in some world different from our world inertia worlds (Dowty 1979, Portner 1998) worlds in the continuation branch of the event (Landman 1992) Perfect: modal presuppositions Portner 2003: modal presupposition to derive current relevance Katz 2003: modal presupposition to derive temporal properties Modal perfective… ☺ ☺ ☺ ☺ Modal Slavic perfective! To say that the perfective sentence is true in our world we need to make sure that the event does not continue in other (relevant) worlds as long as it falls under the same event description. Evidence from aspectual composition 2. Introducing aspectual composition Aspectual composition: interaction between properties of a verbal predicate and properties of its argument(s) in determining telicity of VP and/or a clause. Aspectual composition has been discussed systematically at least since Verkuyl 1972. The verb eat can head either telic of atelic VP depending on characteristics o...
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 2010
Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting muc... more Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting much attention. In this paper, we contribute to the field by examining one specific type of such an interaction not much addressed in the literature so far—that between ...
Affix Ordering Across Languages and Frameworks, 2015
Causation in Grammatical Structures, 2014
Problem. It is commonly assumed that the function of the causative morpheme is introducing a new ... more Problem. It is commonly assumed that the function of the causative morpheme is introducing a new argument into the argument structure of a verb. In this paper, we discuss novel data from Karachay-Balkar that are problematic for this view. To account for these data we ...
Linguistics
In the growing body of literature on nonculmination one question seems to have attracted less att... more In the growing body of literature on nonculmination one question seems to have attracted less attention than it may deserve: why do some but not all accomplishment predicates allow for nonculminating interpretations? The goal of this paper is to review attested restrictions on nonculminating accomplishments and to explore one specific aspect of their meaning. Assuming, with the literature on predicate decomposition, that accomplishments minimally consist of a process and change of state components, I focus on the temporal structure of the former. The main empirical finding of the study is that a nonculminating reading is unavailable if contextually relevant parts of this component are arranged by the temporal precedence relation in a unique way.
Linguistics and Philosophy, 2016
The Linguistic Review, 2016
We examine aspect, eventuality type and transitivity alternations in two types of nominalization ... more We examine aspect, eventuality type and transitivity alternations in two types of nominalization in Ossetian, an Iranian language spoken in East Caucasus, focusing on how deverbal nominals differ from fully inflected clauses projected by the same VPs. The main empirical finding of the study is: nominalizations exhibit a wider range of syntactic and semantic possibilities than fully inflected clauses. The finite verb in Ossetian is either perfective or imperfective and shows Slavic-type aspectual composition, but (prefixless) nominalizations are aspectless and are associated with English-type aspectual composition. Besides, deverbal nominals allow for transitivity alternations even if a corresponding finite verb does not. Our account for the observed pattern is based on the hypothesis that in the course of derivation, the range of options available at the VP level is narrowed down by the elements of functional structure, specifically, Asp and T. We argue that the role of Asp is to im...
Pragmatics & Beyond New Series, 2003
Lisbon B inding Workshop Workshop on B …, 2005
In this paper, we analyze data from Karachay-Balkar (Altaic, Turkic) that are problematic for mos... more In this paper, we analyze data from Karachay-Balkar (Altaic, Turkic) that are problematic for most current theories of binding. We argue that the notion of event, defined syntactically, is necessary for delimiting a binding domain of a certain class of anaphoric ...
Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 2014
Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Sessi... more Proceedings of the Twenty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Aspect (2000)
Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations a Cross Linguistic Perspective 2010 Isbn 978 90 272 5541 9 Pags 35 68, 2010
Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting muc... more Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting much attention. In this paper, we contribute to the field by examining one specific type of such an interaction not much addressed in the literature so far—that between ...
In the literature on predicate decomposition, different proposals can be found about subevental s... more In the literature on predicate decomposition, different proposals can be found about subevental structure of accomplishment event predicates like 'close' or 'break'. Taking a nondecompositional analysis in (1) as a point of departure, in -(5) I represent a few recent proposals articulated within the event semantics framework. (In (1) I use a neo-Davidsonian association of arguments with events via thematic roles, but this choice plays no role in what follows, see Kratzer 2003 for discussion. For simplicity, I represent arguments as individual constants). (1) || John close the door || = λe[close(e) ∧ agent(John)(e) ∧ theme(door)(e)] (2) λe∃s [close(e) ∧ agent(John)(e) ∧ closed(the door)(s) ∧ cause(s)(e)] (Kratzer 2000 and elsewhere, von Stechow, Paslawska 2004) (3) λe [agent(John)(e) ∧ ∃e′[closing(e′) ∧ theme(the door)(e) ∧ cause(e′)(e)] (Pylkkänen 2002) (4) λyλe∃e 1 ∃e 2 [e = S (e 1 ∪e 2 ) ∧ activity(e 1 ) ∧ agent(e 1 )=John ∧ theme(e 1 )=door ∧ becomeopen(e 2 ) ∧ arg(e 2 )=theme(e 1 ) ∧ INCR(e 1 , e 2 , C(e 2 ))], where S (e 1 ∪e 2 ) is a singular entity created out of e 1 and e 2 , INCR is an incremental relation between events w.r.t. to the incremental chain. (Rothstein 2004) (5) λe∃e 2 ∃e 3 ∃e 4 ∃e 5 [close-a(e 2 ) ∧ Causing(e 2 ) ∧ e = e 2 ⊕e 3 ∧ e 2 → e 3 ∧ Subject(John)(e 2 ) ∧ close-p(e 4 ) ∧ Process(e 4 ) ∧ e 3 = e 4 ⊕e 5 ∧ e 4 → e 5 ∧Subject(the door)(e 4 ) ∧ close-s(e 5 ) ∧ State(e 5 ) ∧ Subject(the door)(e 5 )] (Ramchand 2003, 2005
Overview. In this paper, I want to make explicit parallelism between reflexive resultatives in (1... more Overview. In this paper, I want to make explicit parallelism between reflexive resultatives in (1) in English (as opposed to bare resultatives, and what Shvedova (ed.) 1980: §1434 calls Intensive-Resultative Aktionsart (IRA) in Russian, exemplified in (2). I propose an analysis where both classes of expressions possess the same underlying structure, hence their similarities, but differ as to the later stages of semantic derivation. Data. The main observation suggesting that and are alike has to do with their semantic interpretation. (1) and (2) differ from their non-derived counterparts, Tourists walked and Tyristy (po)guljali 'Tourists walked', in much the same way. Both indicate that there is a property of the subject that gradually changes in the course of the walking event. When the subject acquires this property to a certain degree, the event culminates, and the subject enters the result state.
1. Aspect and modality Progressive: the complete event exists in some world different from our wo... more 1. Aspect and modality Progressive: the complete event exists in some world different from our world inertia worlds (Dowty 1979, Portner 1998) worlds in the continuation branch of the event (Landman 1992) Perfect: modal presuppositions Portner 2003: modal presupposition to derive current relevance Katz 2003: modal presupposition to derive temporal properties Modal perfective… ☺ ☺ ☺ ☺ Modal Slavic perfective! To say that the perfective sentence is true in our world we need to make sure that the event does not continue in other (relevant) worlds as long as it falls under the same event description. Evidence from aspectual composition 2. Introducing aspectual composition Aspectual composition: interaction between properties of a verbal predicate and properties of its argument(s) in determining telicity of VP and/or a clause. Aspectual composition has been discussed systematically at least since Verkuyl 1972. The verb eat can head either telic of atelic VP depending on characteristics o...
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 2010
Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting muc... more Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting much attention. In this paper, we contribute to the field by examining one specific type of such an interaction not much addressed in the literature so far—that between ...
Affix Ordering Across Languages and Frameworks, 2015
Causation in Grammatical Structures, 2014
Problem. It is commonly assumed that the function of the causative morpheme is introducing a new ... more Problem. It is commonly assumed that the function of the causative morpheme is introducing a new argument into the argument structure of a verb. In this paper, we discuss novel data from Karachay-Balkar that are problematic for this view. To account for these data we ...