Marc Sanjaume-Calvet | Universitat Pompeu Fabra y EUTM-UPC (original) (raw)

Papers by Marc Sanjaume-Calvet

Regional & Federal Studies

London School of Economics and Political Science, May 7, 2020

Independence referendums are comparatively rare-and even more so when conducted without the appro... more Independence referendums are comparatively rare-and even more so when conducted without the approval of the relevant central government. Jaume López and Marc Sanjaume-Calvet assess the case of Catalonia in 2017, and how the differing strategic priorities and culture of Spanish and Catalonian governments led to the referendum, repressive countermeasures and resulting stalemate.

Resum Aquest article analitza el referèndum d'independència celebrat a Escòcia el 18 de setem... more Resum Aquest article analitza el referèndum d'independència celebrat a Escòcia el 18 de setembre de 2014. En primer lloc, descriu els elements principals del procés fins a la celebració del referèndum fent referència als principals acords institucionals i al suport de l'opinió pública. En segon lloc, s'analitzen les implicacions per al debat constitucional britànic i el model de devolució. En tercer lloc, es discuteix el cas escocès dins el marc de l'estudi de les secessions i els referèndums sobre aquesta qüestió. L'article conclou que el cas analitzat és un exemple d'acomodació democràtica de les demandes secessionistes plantejades per les nacions sense Estat a les democràcies plurinacionals al s. XXI. Paraules clau: independència, demandes secessionistes, Escòcia, referèndum Resumen El presente artículo analiza el referéndum de independencia celebrado en Escocia el 18 de septiembre de 2014. En primer lugar, describe los elementos principales del proceso ha...

Catalonia: A New Independent State in Europe?, 2016

Enrahonar. An international journal of theoretical and practical reason, 2018

Citizenship in Segmented Societies

Politics and Governance, 2021

In this thematic issue we discuss what we really know about the explanations for secessionism. Ov... more In this thematic issue we discuss what we really know about the explanations for secessionism. Over the last few decades, an increasing number of new analyses on secessionism have appeared, regarding both its normative and its empirical dimensions. We can distinguish at least three types of research questions that categorise the current analyses of secessionism: normative, explanatory, and pragmatic. Political theorists work mainly on the moral and political right to unilaterally secede, answering questions such as “under what conditions” this right is legitimate and “who” has this moral right (Requejo & Sanjaume-Calvet, 2015; Sanjaume‐Calvet, 2020). Despite the importance of normative theories, these approaches do not provide explanations for secessionism, although most of them are built on implicit explanations of these phenomena. The field of explanatory theories of secession focuses mainly on the individual and/or aggregate preconditions and variables that correlate (or not) wit...

The book Strategies of Secession and Counter-Secession edited by professors Ryan D. Grifiths and ... more The book Strategies of Secession and Counter-Secession edited by professors Ryan D. Grifiths and Diego Muro is a major and necessary contribution to the study of secessionism. The book should be read not only by scholars and students of territorial politics but by practitioners and political actors too. The chapters gathered in this volume offer useful reflections to understand this global phenomenon.

La presente tesis doctoral analiza la legitimidad de la secesion en el contexto de las democracia... more La presente tesis doctoral analiza la legitimidad de la secesion en el contexto de las democracias liberales. Este es un debate reciente en la teoria politica ya que la secesion ha sido un tema excluido por las teorias de la democracia. La tesis defiende la necesidad de incorporar principios y criterios que permitan analizar la legitimidad de la secesion desde la misma teoria democratica. Las contribuciones academicas de la tesis son de dos tipos. En primer lugar, de tipo analitico y normativo porque propone unos principios y criterios aplicados al debate de la secesion y analiza las teorias existentes. En segundo lugar, mediante el estudio empirico de la legitimacion de la secesion en los casos de Quebec, Escocia y Cataluna tambien se anade una contribucion empirica sobre la legitimacion de la secesion. El conjunto de la tesis doctoral es un compendio de cuatro articulos independientes pero relacionados por un mismo tema y dos breves capitulos de introduccion y conclusiones. El pri...

Catalonia is about to move from secessionism to secession, according to its newly elected Governm... more Catalonia is about to move from secessionism to secession, according to its newly elected Government. Will Catalonia be a new State of Europe? The emergence of a new state in the international system depends not only on internal mobilization but also on external factors, such as Great Powers’ recognition of the new actor. Therefore, it is a phenomenon that is hard to predict (Coggins 2014). Liberal democracies have seen a revival of regionalism and secessionism since the 1970s, however; independence has actually been rare and mostly circumscribed to newly created states such as those emerging from the dissolution of the USSR and Yugoslavia (Pavkovic and Radan 2007).

Nations and Nationalism, 2018

En un article al diari Ara de fa tot just tres anys, 1 el catedràtic Ferran Requejo (1951) feia s... more En un article al diari Ara de fa tot just tres anys, 1 el catedràtic Ferran Requejo (1951) feia seva la famosa política de Mikhaïl Gorbatxov (1931) i recomanava que Catalunya seguís la doctrina Sinatra. Segons Requejo, calia establir un programa i una estratègia política My Way per tenir un paper rellevant a la comunitat internacional. El temps li ha donat la raó: una Declaració de sobirania votada per una majoria del Parlament el gener del 2013 amb el suport de la societat civil ha acabat conformant i internacionalitzant un procés català sui generis. D'una banda, sense cabuda aparent a la legalitat espanyola; de l'altra, amb una àmplia legitimitat popular i empès per grans mobilitzacions pacífiques. Sense saber-ne el desenllaç, podem dir que el procés català és «especial» perquè reuneix característiques peculiars. En primer lloc, combina la proposta d'autodeterminació interna dins un estat que es desitja federal-«Vol que Catalunya sigui un Estat?»-amb l'autodeterminació externa-«En cas afirmatiu, vol que Catalunya sigui un estat independent?». En segon lloc, expressa voluntat de consens a la vegada que es prepara per a la radicalitat que requereix l'oposició frontal del Govern espanyol al projecte. Finalment, sembla ser un moviment de base que a la vegada implica les elits polítiques. Ara bé, això no vol dir que la doctrina catalana sigui una rara avis. En general, cal dir que els secessionistes dins les democràcies liberals avui segueixen la doctrina Sinatra: cada moviment 1 REQUEJO, «Tocqueville i Sinatra». A l'hora de buscar referents sobre el dret a decidir, Catalunya tradicionalment ha girat el cap cap al Quebec, i més recentment, cap a Escòcia. Miralls on trobar-hi doctrina que empari el dret a decidir dels catalans i catalanes. Però la realitat és molt tossuda i cada país és un món. Per això hem de traçar un camí propi per decidir lliurement el nostre futur.

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2021

Abstract This paper analyses the relationship between the COVID-19 crisis and multinationalism in... more Abstract This paper analyses the relationship between the COVID-19 crisis and multinationalism in Spain from two complementary angles. First, it provides an overview on how the multinational and decentralized character of Spanish territorial politics shapes the response to the crisis. We find that the management of the crisis reflects and exacerbates the main features of the Spanish territorial model as a case of incomplete federalism with severe intergovernmental deficits. Second, we analyze the effects of the pandemic on Catalan self-determination demands through a brief description of parties, public opinion and governmental reactions. We argue that Catalan secessionism faces several new impediments as a result of the pandemic, but we also find that the COVID-19 crisis provides a window of opportunity for this movement regarding grievance-building and regional governmental performance and salience. We conclude with a general reflection on the ambivalent impact of COVID-19 crisis on Spanish regionalism and territorial politics. Overall, the COVID-19 crisis does not seem to mean an improvement but a potential setback for the accommodation of national diversity.

The Politics of Legislative Debates, 2021

The Spanish political system limits individual MP participation in parliamentary debate favoring ... more The Spanish political system limits individual MP participation in parliamentary debate favoring parties and parliamentary groups. Using data of the 7th to 10th legislative terms of Spain’s lower chamber (2000–2016) to explore the role of inter- and intra-party factors to MP floor participation, results show that parties and groups constrain MP behavior through three mechanisms. First, monitoring over MP activity ensures MP discipline and predicts very well how much MPs speak and for how long. Second, committee assignments help parliamentary groups regulate MP floor access reducing it to a few relevant MPs. Third, a strong executive minimizes dissent within the majority group in the chamber. Given these mechanisms and a set of rules that privilege party and group structure and restrain parliamentary fragmentation and individuation, legislative debate in Spain features just a few MPs within a model of representation that strongly favors central party-structure control over candidate-...

Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2021

This article explores the strategic functions of independence referendums. These referendums are ... more This article explores the strategic functions of independence referendums. These referendums are normally framed as popular decisions on statehood over a certain territory. However, I argue that the popular will does not always have the decisory function that plebiscitarian theories suggest. In fact, actual decision referendums are rare; often independence referendums are instead used strategically as a leverage and signalling tactic. The article is structured as follows. First, I propose two key criteria to classify independence referendums regarding actors and timing. Through the application of these criteria, I build a typology proposing four main uses of referendums: leverage, signalling, decision and ratification. Second, I focus on the specific case of leverage referendums. I argue that analyzing the outcomes of leverage referendums can provide some clues about why secessionists still call for these referendums even though they almost never result in internationally recognized...

Regional & Federal Studies

London School of Economics and Political Science, May 7, 2020

Catalonia: A New Independent State in Europe?, 2016

Enrahonar. An international journal of theoretical and practical reason, 2018

Citizenship in Segmented Societies

Politics and Governance, 2021

Nations and Nationalism, 2018

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2021

The Politics of Legislative Debates, 2021

Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2021

Este artículo analiza la reciente situación política en Cataluña relativa al derecho a decidir y ... more Este artículo analiza la reciente situación política en Cataluña relativa al derecho a decidir y al proceso soberanista. El texto ofrece un recorrido por las principales decisiones políticas tomadas a partir de la Declaración de Soberanía y el pacto de legislatura en Cataluña. Una vez definido el contexto, los autores comparan la propuesta federal del PSOE con la del PSC y con las demandas del Estatuto de Autonomía de 2006. Ante la naturaleza de los modelos federales analizados se contrapone el del federalismo por tratados como una forma de abordar el conflicto democrático. Se argumenta que sin una política de reconocimiento, habilitación y reconciliación, la legitimación de la secesión resulta reforzada.

The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state... more The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self-determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be "conservative" in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state. 2 This principle of national self-determination was formulated by US president Woodrow Wilson based on his famous 14 points: A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the population concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. . 3 The term status quo refers to a principle apparently opposed to that of the national self-determination defended by secessionist political actors, that of the territorial integrity of existing states, that is, the application of the principle of self-determination only to the states. 4 Political liberalism has been developed in practice in parallel with state-building and nation-building processes led by state institutions . At least to some extent it explains the misrepresentation and marginalization of minority nations in political liberal theories until recent times.

La situación política en Cataluña genera hoy muchas comparaciones con el caso quebequense 1 . Per... more La situación política en Cataluña genera hoy muchas comparaciones con el caso quebequense 1 . Pero los paralelismos con la provincia francófona de Canadá son de largo recorrido: desde la ley de política lingüística adoptada a principios de los años 80, hasta las últimas propuestas en materia de inmigración e interculturalidad, pasando por la representación en la UNESCO, Quebec ha sido un espejo para Cataluña. El expresidente catalán Jordi Pujol se refería en 2010, en Nueva York, al cargo que ostentó durante más de dos décadas en estos términos: "Durante veintitrés años he sido Presidente de Cataluña. En lenguaje americano dirían que he sido el Gobernador de Cataluña. Pero sería más exacto hacer la comparación con Canadá y el Quebec. En Cataluña y en España, he sido el equivalente del Primer Ministro de Quebec. Eso es, el Primer Ministro de una provincia canadiense que por lengua y cultura, memoria histórica, conciencia colectiva y voluntad política tiene una personalidad política propia diferenciada dentro de Canadá" 2 .

To determine their political status, peoples have chosen to involve their populations in a democr... more To determine their political status, peoples have chosen to involve their populations in a democratic process culminating in a referendum relating
to such status, and notably that of a sovereign and independent State.

Quebec has twice chosen to take this route. Scotland followed a similar path, which led to the organisation of the referendum of 18 September 2014. Catalonia also attempted to choose such a route. While this approach has been the preferred option in recent exercices of the right to self-determination, a new approach of a democratic nature is also emerging as an alternative.
To implement its right of self-determination, and achieve national independence or greater autonomy, a people can rely on its constituent power and initiate a process aiming to give the people their own fundamental law. This is the avenue that the Catalan government and parliament appear to have chosen, adopting a roadmap that focuses around a constituent process and the drafting of a Constitution for an independent Catalonia.

There are many reasons that might favor an initiative to draft a basic law in the exercise of the right of self-determination. They relate to the necessity of defining one people’s own constitutional identity, but also of resolving the constitutional stalemate that often explains demands for independence and autonomy. In describing the values on which a political community
rests and which guide institutions in the governance of the State, a constitution may become an instrument that gives a people an identity, both among citizens themselves and in the international community. A constitution is, first and foremost, a document aiming to establish the basis on which the life of a nation rests. It organises public life around a founding
text that can become a tool for which a people desirous of taking part in the democratic life of the nation can take ownership.

The exercise of constituent power can lead a people to draft a basic law which implies increased autonomy and the need to reform the constitution of the State to which the people belong. But it may also generate a confrontation between two constitutional orders and contribute to demonstrating that only additional autonomy or national independence will allow the people to fully express its constitutional identity. The adoption of a constitution and its approval by the people in a referendum as is envisaged in Catalonia can thus become a valid exercise of the right of self-determination. This approval could compel a state to fulfil its obligation to negotiate in response to the exercice by a people of their right to choose expressed in its first constitution.

The results of the referendum held in United Kingdom on its future relationship with the European Union show that a majority of voters (51,9%) favored the “Brexit” option and expressed their will to leave the EU. This act of British self-determination clashed with the wishes of the peoples of Scotland (62%) as well as of Northern Ireland (56%) who voted in favor of the option of remaining in the EU.

After Brexit, and because of their own acts of self-determination, the First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon has suggested that a second referendum on independence is highly likely and Northern Ireland’s First Minister Martin McGuinness called for a referendum on a united Ireland.260 This suggests that the democratic right of self-determination of peoples, which has emerged
is well and alive. And to use Ernest Renan’s brilliant metaphor, that it is a “plébiscite de tous les jours”.

http://www.raco.cat/index.php/Idees/article/view/315518/405623

Catalonia is about to move from secessionism to secession, according to its newly elected Governm... more Catalonia is about to move from secessionism to secession, according to its newly elected Government. Will Catalonia be a new State of Europe? The emergence of a new state in the international system depends not only on internal mobilization but also on external factors, such as Great Powers' recognition of the new actor. Therefore, it is a phenomenon that is hard to predict (Coggins 2014). Liberal democracies have seen a revival of regionalism and secessionism since the 1970s, however; independence has actually been rare and mostly circumscribed to newly created states such as those emerging from the dissolution of the USSR and Yugoslavia (Pavkovic and Radan 2007).

Just as happened in Greece on January 25, the election in Spain later this year will transform th... more Just as happened in Greece on January 25, the election in Spain later this year will transform the political landscape. At the core of this transformation is the emergence of the new political party Podemos. Founded only in January 2014, it emerged immediately as a political force to be reckoned with: in its performance in the May 2014 European elections, its leaders’ presence in the media and its ability to mobilize its supporters.

(2015) "Independència, dret a decidir i autogovern a Escòcia: 2012 – 2015", Anuari del Conflicte ... more (2015) "Independència, dret a decidir i autogovern a Escòcia: 2012 – 2015", Anuari del Conflicte Social UB 2014.

Cap poble no pot pretendre exercir la democràcia a l'interior d'un altre poble; la democràcia és ... more Cap poble no pot pretendre exercir la democràcia a l'interior d'un altre poble; la democràcia és aquella forma de govern que es dóna lliurement cada poble, no el govern, més o menys paternal, més o menys padrastre, que hi exerceixen els altres.

En un article al diari Ara de fa tot just tres anys, 1 el catedràtic Ferran Requejo (1951) feia s... more En un article al diari Ara de fa tot just tres anys, 1 el catedràtic Ferran Requejo (1951) feia seva la famosa política de Mikhaïl Gorbatxov (1931) i recomanava que Catalunya seguís la doctrina Sinatra. Segons Requejo, calia establir un programa i una estratègia política My Way per tenir un paper rellevant a la comunitat internacional. El temps li ha donat la raó: una Declaració de sobirania votada per una majoria del Parlament el gener del 2013 amb el suport de la societat civil ha acabat conformant i internacionalitzant un procés català sui generis. D'una banda, sense cabuda aparent a la legalitat espanyola; de l'altra, amb una àmplia legitimitat popular i empès per grans mobilitzacions pacífiques. Sense saber-ne el desenllaç, podem dir que el procés català és «especial» perquè reuneix característiques peculiars. En primer lloc, combina la proposta d'autodeterminació interna dins un estat que es desitja federal -«Vol que Catalunya sigui un Estat?»-amb l'autodeterminació externa -«En cas afirmatiu, vol que Catalunya sigui un estat independent?». En segon lloc, expressa voluntat de consens a la vegada que es prepara per a la radicalitat que requereix l'oposició frontal del Govern espanyol al projecte. Finalment, sembla ser un moviment de base que a la vegada implica les elits polítiques.

La secessió a la ciència política La literatura especialitzada sobre la secessió és força nova a ... more La secessió a la ciència política La literatura especialitzada sobre la secessió és força nova a l'acadèmia. La ciència política «normativa i empírica» no girà la mirada envers aquest fenomen fins a la darrera dècada del segle passat. Fou la caiguda de la Unió Soviètica el fet que incentivà els politòlegs, especialment els d'Estats Units, a treballar sobre la secessió d'una manera específica. En aquest article, Marc Sanjaume tracta tres qüestions que han abordat aquests estudis: en primer lloc, l'aspecte teòric normatiu, que s'interroga sobre la legitimitat del fenomen; en segon lloc, el teòric explicatiu, que cerca explicacions o factors que ens ajudin a entendre per què es produeixen secessions al món; i, finalment, esmenta alguns estudis empírics i es pregunta què se sap de la secessió. Però abans, l'autor assenyala la conveniència d'establir una definició d'aquest fenomen.

Regional and Federal Studies, 2018

Nations and Nationalism, 2018

International Studies Review, 2016

This book is an important contribution to the field of secession and state emergence studies at v... more This book is an important contribution to the field of secession and state emergence studies at various levels. The empirical research behind it allows Professor Coggins to formulate a solid hypothesis based on the recent literature on the topic. Her basic tenet is the importance of recognition by the international system to explain state emergence; this is not new, but the whole book provides a solid argument to sustain her thesis and includes several other crucial findings.

The book is a very well-written piece with a solid structure. The introductory chapter (chapter 1) and the historical approach (chapter 2) put the research into the framework of state emergence generally. The author shows the difficulties encountered in explaining the birth and survival of new states by simply...

Ressenya del llibre "La revolució ètica" de Francesc Torralba.

Ce texte discute de la situation politique prévalant en Catalogne depuis l’avènement de l’État de... more Ce texte discute de la situation politique prévalant en Catalogne depuis l’avènement de l’État des autonomies en 1978 et analyse son incapacité à renouveler ses institutions. L’accent est d’abord mis dans ce texte sur les avancées majeures faites par les forces favorables à l’indépendance de la Catalogne face à un État central de plus en plus opposé aux revendications autonomistes des Catalans. Selon les critères internationaux reconnus, le mouvement de mobilisation des Catalans constitue une réponse démocratique forte en réponse aux tentatives de Madrid qui tente d’endiguer leurs demandes légitimes de reconnaissance et d’habilitation. Deux logiques politiques et constitutionnelles s’affrontent : d’une part, le gouvernement de Madrid cherche à imposer son autorité juridique sans autre concession et, d’autre part, le gouvernement de la Catalogne, fort d’une légitimité populaire exceptionnelle et sans cesse croissante, tente par divers moyens de faire connaître ses revendications. Ce texte discute aussi de la question du déficit démocratique territorial en Espagne en explorant diverses formules d’aménagement de la diversité nationale (dont l’autonomie régionale, le fédéralisme multinational, la sécession) et en évalue leurs chances de succès.