Michal Kolmaš | Metropolitan University Prague (original) (raw)

Refereed papers by Michal Kolmaš

Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 2024

Although there is a clear rise in academic interest in region formation, theoretical approaches o... more Although there is a clear rise in academic interest in region formation, theoretical approaches of the topic vary greatly, stemming from geopolitical identifications of objective regional boundaries, through functionalist ideas of regional linkages, to post-structuralist ideas about fluid regional belonging. This article provides a typology of region formation approaches, based on the ontological assumptions of its authors. The typology is based on two main debates within contemporary international relations ontology: regarding the basic components of reality (material vs. ideational) and regarding the status of theories (transfactual vs. phenomenalist). The presented matrix provides an ideal-typical position for each of these four iterations and illustrates its viability in the case of region formation literature on the Asia-Pacific. Doing so, the text contributes to (meta)theoretical discussions of how regions are formed while at the same time illustrating the often-overlooked stories of region formation.

Pacific Review, 2024

The Indo-Pacific region, linking the Indian and Pacific Oceans through Southeast Asia, is becomin... more The Indo-Pacific region, linking the Indian and Pacific Oceans through Southeast Asia, is becoming increasingly significant in academic discourse and global politics. The geopolitical background of the idea is evident as it connects several major powers around China. However, can the concept serve as a cornerstone for a viable regional setting beyond geopolitics? And in extension, why do some regions institutionalize while others are unable to do the same? Drawing on social constructivism and region-building theories, we argue that three intersubjectively shared preconditions-proximity, interests, and identity-play a crucial role in regional consolidation. We posit that this framework operates as a scale, wherein meeting these conditions positively influences region formation and institutionalization. Comparing the Indo-Pacific to the Asia-Pacific and Southeast Asia, we contend that while the latter two possessed these components, the Indo-Pacific severely lacks shared ideas of proximity and identity, and the component of interests remains contested. We conclude that this limitation significantly hampers the possibility of the Indo-Pacific emerging as a viable and intersubjectively shared regional framework.

Journal of International Relations and Development, 2023

Why do some actors possess more leverage to diffuse norms than others? Although it is often assum... more Why do some actors possess more leverage to diffuse norms than others? Although it is often assumed that norm diffusion simply “happens” through the interaction of political and cultural systems, we argue that individuals and institutional flexibility play a crucial role in the success and failure of norm diffusion. Analyzing the contending interpretation and diffusion of the Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) norm between the Independent Alliance of Latin America and the Caribbean (AILAC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) within the UNFCCC, we illustrate how larger political mandates, the use of informal negotiation platforms and the skills and connections of negotiators played a crucial role in the respective success and failure of norm diffusion. While the more flexible and ad-hoc AILAC was able to effectively diffuse its interpretation of CBDR into the climate regime, the strictly intergovernmental ASEAN was unable to do the same. These findings advance the literature on norm entrepreneurs from the Global South and support several assumptions of the informal institutions theory. They also show, however, the importance of individuals as a defining condition of both norm entrepreneurship and the functioning of institutional platforms.

International Politics, 2023

This article discusses the usefulness of studying regional powers through a 'politicsof-scale' le... more This article discusses the usefulness of studying regional powers through a 'politicsof-scale' lens. We argue that this approach, borrowed from political geography, helps to better understand whether and how actors navigate the complex landscape of 'scales' in international politics. The combination of regional powers literature with political geography allows us to grasp the unexplored nuances of how power behaviour transcends regional and global levels and what actors (beyond the state) and processes constitute it. We test the empirical applicability of 'politics-of-scale' with the help of two country studies within the field of environmental politics: Japan, whose regional power status has been contested, but has used cooperation in the field of environment to establish itself as a regional leader within different spaces of its neighbourhood and Australia, which has reconstructed its climate regionalism in order support domestic politics and related to important domestic interest groups.

Asia Europe Journal, 2023

The Visegrad Group format — coordinated policy forum for Czechia, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary — ... more The Visegrad Group format — coordinated policy forum for Czechia, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary — has been dubbed as a significant policy tool that advocates the interests and builds synergies among the four partners. The “Visegrad Four + ” format, which coordinates foreign relations of these four countries, has been narrated as the key foreign policy venue of the V4, and the V4 + Japan is often understood as the key partnership within this format. Due to the recently growing Chinese influence in Central and Eastern Europe, and the impacts of the war in Ukraine in 2022, many have come to expect the coordination to strengthen and ramify. This article argues, however, that the V4 + Japan platform represents only a marginal policy forum and is unlikely to gain any significant political momentum in the foreseeable future. Basing the analysis on a set of interviews with the V4 and Japanese policymakers, the paper posits three reasons that have prevented the deepening of the V4 + Japan coordination: (i) there are significant limits to socialization in the group, (ii) there are diverse threat perceptions among V4 members, and (iii) there is little interest in deepening economic coordination vis-a-vis third parties. These findings question the viability of foreign policy coordination among the Visegrad Group members, and highlight the impediments for the expansion of V4 + Japan cooperation.

Global Environmental Politics, 2023

Although it is often assumed that the Common but Differentiated Responsibilities norm has been th... more Although it is often assumed that the Common but Differentiated Responsibilities norm has been the key instrument in structuring normative and practical functioning of the international climate regime, I argue that this principle has never become collectively shared and coherently applied. I propose three reasons that have prevented this principle from reaching a status of a collectively shared norm: i) developed countries have failed to internalize it, ii) developing countries have failed to unite behind it and iii) CBDR's key tenets have become so fiercely contested that they have prevented a coherent political implementation. This dynamic has undermined the legitimacy of the climate regime, and disillusioned many members of the developing bloc. Since the CBDR principles are key to a well-functioning climate regime, a radical action by the developed countries must be taken to advance CBDR into a collective shared normative status and political guidance.

The Indo-Pacific in the Post-Trump Era: Expectations and Challenges, 2021

Recent security changes in East Asia have prompted Japan to re-evaluate its role in the region. W... more Recent security changes in East Asia have prompted Japan to re-evaluate its role in the region. While remaining tied to the US-Japan alliance, Japan is finding ways to prepare for a post-alliance security environment in East Asia. It has done so through fostering minilateral security and multilateral economic frameworks, which complement the bilateral security guarantee. This trend marks a legacy of Shinzo Abe’s premiership and is likely to continue in the future.

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 2021

Although Norwegian and Japanese fishermen killed almost identical numbers of whales in the last t... more Although Norwegian and Japanese fishermen killed almost identical numbers of whales in the last two decades, they were subject to a largely uneven attention from the international community. While Japan was significantly shamed by all actors, the attention on Norwegian whalers was much smaller. Why is that? The article first conceptualizes the gaps in contemporary shaming literature and shows that whereas lots has been written on why and how states shame, much less has been written about why some actors are shamed more and some less. To remedy that, it then adopts post-structural theoretical position and the methodology of discourse analysis to deconstruct anti-whaling campaigns against Japan and Norway. The analysis shows that whereas Japanese culture was often depicted as cruel and barbarous, and its science as faulty and illegitimate, Norway was largely spared of this discourse. I argue that this difference can be ascribed to differing identities between the Euro-American anti-whaling camp and Japan.

Australian Journal of International Affairs, 2020

Shaming in international relations has been extensively analysed as a normative practice that aim... more Shaming in international relations has been extensively analysed as a normative practice that aims to persuade the target to comply with certain norms. Recently, IR scholars have identified cases, in which this process failed or antagonised the target. But although these studies have shown us how shaming works, they have not fully explained under what conditions shaming works. To remedy this, the article analyses the role of shaming in Japanese whaling controversy. In 2018, Japan announced its withdrawal from the International Whaling Commission, defying three decades of sustained international pressure. I identify two versions of shaming of Japanese whaling: premoratorium ‘soft' and post-moratorium ‘hard' shaming. The former, although less confrontational, had normative impact on Japanese society and policymaking, leading Tokyo to accept the moratorium and scale down on its whaling operations. The latter, marked by attacks of NGOs and heated discourse, had an opposite outcome and helped conservative policy entrepreneurs formulate a ‘cultural wars’ narrative that prevented the inception of anti-whaling norm. The reason for this difference, I argue, lies in Japanese domestic political culture, which played a defining role in the success/fail of shaming strategies. For shaming to be successful then, careful understanding of the target society is essential.

Social Science Japan Journal, 2020

The Japanese discipline of international relations has been understood as a product of interactio... more The Japanese discipline of international relations has been understood as a product of interaction with its Western other, formed and developed much like Japanese contested identity. But although much attention has been paid to how the discipline emerged and evolved, only very little has been written about how does the discipline look like now. In order to remedy that, we apply a sociology of knowledge perspective to find out whether the Japanese discipline of IR does still posses distinct qualities or if there has been a growing influence of its Euro-American counterpart, We proceed in two steps: 1) we analyse 175 articles from Japanese language IR journals Kokusai seiji, Kokusai mondai, Kokusai anzen hoshō, Heiwa kenkyū, Ajia kenkyū, Revaiasan and Nenpō seijigaku, and dissect them according to topics, focus, author background and theories/methods used. 2) We conduct four case studies of IR education at Japanese universities to demonstrate how the discipline is taught, with focus on the lecturer background, experience and syllabus composition. Our findings suggest that although there remains a preoccupation with diplomatic history, loose methodology and either realist or atheoretical studies, there is a clear trend of convergence to Euro-American standards, especially in university education.

Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 2019

The article aims to understand the practical relevance of Shinzo Abe's recent security changes an... more The article aims to understand the practical relevance of Shinzo Abe's recent security changes and their role in Abe's general security strategy. It argues that although Shinzo Abe's goal is a revision of Japan's postwar security posture, there is still a plethora of legal, normative (popular) and practical constraints that prevent him from doing so. In order to illustrate these constraints, the article analyses the first practical implementation of the new security legislature: Japanese peacekeeping operation in South Sudan in 2016 through 2017.

The Pacific Review, 2018

The article tries to understand the dynamics of Japanese national identity and Abe Shinzo's revis... more The article tries to understand the dynamics of Japanese national identity and Abe Shinzo's revisionism. It argues that although Abe has launched the strongest ever attack on Japanese pacifist identity, there remain institutional and emotional constraints that prohibit this change from materializing. Theoretically, it tries to reconcile social constructivist and post-structural approaches to Japan's policy change and presses forward a sedimentation model that can explain the contemporary dynamics. Methodologically, the article builds on narrative analysis – it uncovers the revisionist narratives and shows how these interact with societal pressures. This is shown on two particular case studies: Abe's push for constitutional revision and Abe's attempt to transform school education. Within these case studies, the article shows that although Abe commands strong popular support and a hugely revisionist mindset, his societal and political changes have been rather limited.

Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 2019

This article argues that Donald Trump's Asian strategy hardly marks a radical transformation from... more This article argues that Donald Trump's Asian strategy hardly marks a radical transformation from Barack Obama's 'pivot to Asia'. This is because the 'pivot to Asia' never really existed. Although Obama was successful in building legitimacy for the strategy through international norms, he failed to translate his lofty rhetoric into practice. Much of his original pivot components (building a constructive relationship with China, coordinating with Asian allies and multilateralism in ASEAN and TPP) has either failed or did not live up to expectations. Donald Trump was adamant that the Asian pivot was a bad strategy and that he would not follow it. But although he completely discarded Obama's legitimisation of the rebalance (as Trump speaks pragmatically and does not care about international norms), in actuality he has followed many of Obama's policies, and even improved on some of them. That being said, Trump's 'pivot actions' appear to be erratic, pragmatic short-term actions rather than a meticulously planned long-term strategy similar to Obama's rebalance (which did not materialise). Thus, while Obama failed to transform the pivot into an effective strategy, neither is Trump's effectiveness backed by a coherent Asian strategy.

Japanese Journal of Political Science, 2018

For the last few decades, the discipline of international relations has been littered with anarch... more For the last few decades, the discipline of international relations has been littered with anarchy. Since Waltz's Theory of international politics, it has been assumed that states are formally equal sovereign unitary actors operating in an anarchic world system and that their identities and interests are defined by the very existence of anarchy. This article shatters this conception. It offers a 'hierarchical worldview' in order to illustrate that the very concepts of state, sovereignty and anarchy are discursive creations inherently tied to the practice of hierarchy. I use a case study of Japanese national identity to illustrate this practice. The narratives of Japan as an autonomous and sovereign state were inextricably linked to Japan's hierarchical relationship towards Asia and the West (prewar) and the United States (postwar). Japan's sovereignty and autonomy were then formulated within the practice of hierarchy.

The Pacific Review, Dec 29, 2017

The aim of this article is to interpret Tokyo's pivotal role in the Kyoto Protocol negotiations a... more The aim of this article is to interpret Tokyo's pivotal role in the Kyoto Protocol negotiations as a practice of reconstructing Japan's identity of an ‘international’ and ‘independent’ country. The text bases this argument in poststructural national identity scholarship, which believes that discursive differentiation to international forces (‘others’) plays a decisive role in formulating state's identity. For most parts of the post-war history, United States served as the most significant other for Japan's self construction. Japan narrated itself as a ‘weak’ and ‘subservient’ country dominated by the ‘dominant’ West. This narrative, however, has been significantly altered after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Japan's identity entrepreneurs began describing Japan as an ‘independent’ or ‘normal’ country, one that proactively contributes to world affairs. Tokyo's legitimization of the Kyoto Protocol was in line with this identity reconstruction. The image of a proactive environmental leader created a symbol of Kyoto that overshadowed the opponents of the Protocol, and lead Japan to ratify it albeit the United States chose to withdraw from it. Once the ratification was over, however, the practical implementation failed to comply with Japan's symbolic commitment.

Asia-Pacific Social Science Review, 2017

In the recent years, much has been written about Japan's security " normalization, " that is, the... more In the recent years, much has been written about Japan's security " normalization, " that is, the resurgence of Japan as a " proactive contributor to world peace. " This article aims to add to this debate, but it will approach it from a novel angle. Basing its epistemology in critical security studies, I investigate the relationship between national identity and Japan's foreign policy (i.e., its normalization). The article dismisses realist assumptions that Japan's security rejuvenation is a reaction to the changing balance of power in Asia. Rather, it argues that the normalization is a product of Japan's discursive practice of victimization, that is, situating itself as a victim of foreign pressure. The identity of a victim is reproduced through the practice of " othering " —differentiating from various " others. " For most parts of the 20th century, the United States served as the focal other to Japan's self-identification. In the last two decades, however, Japan's identity has become practiced through differentiation to China. The article illustrates this process on the case study of Japan's primary discourse on the Senkaku/ Diaoyu island dispute of 2010 through 2014. Japan's narrative on the dispute has managed to depict China as a coercive, immoral and abnormal state that bullies subsequently weak, coerced, but moral and lawful Japan. By writing Japan as a coerced, yet lawful state protecting the status quo, Tokyo succeeded in persuading the United States to subdue the disputed territory under its nuclear umbrella. Through the process of victimization of a weak Japan then, the Prime Minister Abe Shinzo managed to propagate the new security legislature as a means of reconstruction of Japan from weak to a normal state.

Edit: This article was originally written in May 2015, but unfortunately it took two and half years to publish it due to various reasons.

Mezinárodní vztahy/Czech Journal of International Relations, Apr 2017

The article interprets the role of national identity in contemporary international relations scho... more The article interprets the role of national identity in contemporary international relations scholarship. It distinguishes two main approaches – the social constructivist and post-structural approaches – and shows their deficiencies. To overcome them, it offers a third way to approach identity that builds on a pragmatic combination of these two schools. It proposes grasping identity according to the extent of its sedimentation. At the lowest level of sedimentation, identity entrepreneurs fight for their visions of identity. The middle level is where more concrete demarcations are made. The most sedimented identites take on the form of a culture as defined by social con-structivists. The identities in all the layers interact with each other, both positively (less sedimented layers accelerate changes in more sedimented layers) and negatively (deeper identities inhibit changes in lower levels).

China Report, Aug 2016

China’s rise has inspired a variety of interpretations arguing for either its potentially disrupt... more China’s rise has inspired a variety of interpretations arguing for either its potentially disruptive or alternatively its benign impact on Asia–Pacific security. This article aims to contribute to this debate. It focuses on the upsurge in Beijing’s multilateral diplomacy since the beginning of the 1990s, which has been reflected in China’s willingness to take part in many regional institutions, such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Six Party Talks (6PT), East Asia Summit (EAS) or Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). But what are China’s motivations for participation in these institutions? Are they instrumental, driven by pragmatic self-interest, or moral, driven by normative values of peace? Or, has China merely accepted the need to play a socially ‘appropriate’ role within the region? The article offers a theoretically informed typology of the different kinds of motivation that can explain China’s multilateral diplomacy in the last three decades. It argues that whereas social motivation played a decisive part in the first phase of China’s multilateralism,´instrumental motivation can be seen as defining the more recent phase.

Perspectives, Sep 2014

Article tries to interpret the 'multilateral' shift in Japan's foreign policy in the last two dec... more Article tries to interpret the 'multilateral' shift in Japan's foreign policy in the last two decades. It does so by introducing a typology of motivations and connects them to discursive legitimization strategies.

Mezinárodní vztahy/Czech Journal of International Relations, Jul 2016

The aim of this consultation is to identify the roots of Japan’s perception of multilateralism th... more The aim of this consultation is to identify the roots of Japan’s perception of multilateralism through the work of two pre-war Japanese scholars – Chomin Nakae and Sakuzo Yoshino. The article assumes that intellectual and cultural traditions influence modern perceptions of basic political concepts. Japan is a country which has long been marked as isolationist and militarist, and whose political thinking has been disregarded by the discipline of international relations. However, on the example of Nakae and Yoshino’s thought, we can observe that the idea of international cooperation had been researched well before the end of the 19th century. However, Japanese scholars projected their cultural and sociopolitical background into their perception of multilateralism. Nakae depicted a vision of a functional long term cooperation uniting Western and Confucian thought; meanwhile, Yoshino saw multilateralism as a way towards the emancipation of the enlightened Japanese man.

Cílem konzultace je identifikovat kořeny japonského vnímání multilateralismu v díle dvou zástupců předválečného japonského myšlení – Čómina Nakaeho a Sakuzóa Jošina. Text vychází z předpokladu, že intelektuální a kulturní tradice ovlivňuje moderní vnímání základních politických konceptů. Japonsko bylo dlouho označováno za izolacionistickou a militaristickou zemi a jeho politické myšlení není v mezinárodních vztazích ve velké míře reflektováno. Přitom právě na příkladu učení Nakaeho a Jošina je vidět, že idea mezinárodní spolupráce byla teoretikům vlastní již v druhé polovině devatenáctého století, byť vycházeli z odlišného kulturního a sociopolitického prostředí. Nakae předestřel vizi funkční dlouhodobé spolupráce protínající západní a konfuciánské myšlení, Jošino viděl v multilateralismu cestu k emancipaci osvíceného Japonce.

Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 2024

Pacific Review, 2024

Journal of International Relations and Development, 2023

International Politics, 2023

Asia Europe Journal, 2023

Global Environmental Politics, 2023

The Indo-Pacific in the Post-Trump Era: Expectations and Challenges, 2021

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 2021

Australian Journal of International Affairs, 2020

Social Science Japan Journal, 2020

Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 2019

The Pacific Review, 2018

Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 2019

Japanese Journal of Political Science, 2018

The Pacific Review, Dec 29, 2017

Asia-Pacific Social Science Review, 2017

Edit: This article was originally written in May 2015, but unfortunately it took two and half years to publish it due to various reasons.

Mezinárodní vztahy/Czech Journal of International Relations, Apr 2017

China Report, Aug 2016

Perspectives, Sep 2014

Mezinárodní vztahy/Czech Journal of International Relations, Jul 2016

This book interprets the changing nature of Japanese foreign policy through the concepts of ident... more This book interprets the changing nature of Japanese foreign policy through the concepts of identity, culture and memory. It goes beyond rational interpretation of material interests and focus on values and ideas that are inseparable and pervasive in Japanese domestic and foreign policy. A set of chapters written by established Japanese and foreign experts show the nuances of Japanese self-images and their role in defining their understanding of the world. Stemming from historical memories of World War Two, the reconciliation between Japan and other Asian countries, the formation of Japanese self in media discourse to the role of self-perception in defining Japanese contemporary foreign and economic policies, the book offers a holistic insight into Japanese psyche and its role in the political world. It will be of utmost interest not only to the scholars of Japanese foreign policy, but also to a wide public interested in understanding the uniqueness of Japanese state and its people

Routledge, 2019

The book deconstructs Abe Shinzo's narrative of a beautiful Japan in order to show the way the Pr... more The book deconstructs Abe Shinzo's narrative of a beautiful Japan in order to show the way the Prime Minister aims to change Japan's national identity. It then identifies constraints on societal and institutional level that prevent him from achieving it. Doing that, the book tries to understand why the change to Japanese identity and foreign policy, although so heavily promoted by Japan's political elite, is so difficult and slow.

Charles University Press, 2016, Aug 2016

This book focuses on the differences in discourse perception of multilateralism between the Unite... more This book focuses on the differences in discourse perception of multilateralism between the United States, European Union and Japan, on the cases of war on terror and kyoto proceedings.

Non-Western Reflection on Politics (Peter Lang, book chapter), 2013

Article examines Japan's and the US' interpretation of multilateralism in their primary discourse... more Article examines Japan's and the US' interpretation of multilateralism in their primary discourse connected to War on Terror.

This monography introduces the concept of multilateralism and its variations in non-western regio... more This monography introduces the concept of multilateralism and its variations in non-western regions. It focuses on integration in four different world regions - Arab, African, Latin American and Asian.