David Thunder | University of Navarra (original) (raw)

Monographs by David Thunder

Thunder makes the most detailed and powerful case anyone has yet made…that we should give our dee... more Thunder makes the most detailed and powerful case anyone has yet made…that we should give our deepest ethical commitments full play in what we do as citizens. Not only does personal ethical integrity require it; liberal democracy is in danger if citizens wall off the role of citizen from the norms and values that make for a worthy human life. Citizenship and the Pursuit of the Worthy Life is the ‘against the grain’ book that those of us who do not buy the separationist thesis have long been looking for.”

—Nicholas Wolterstorff, Noah Porter Professor Emeritus of Philosophical Theology, Yale University

Edited Volumes by David Thunder

Polycentric Governance and the Good Society: A Normative and Philosophical Investigation offers a... more Polycentric Governance and the Good Society: A Normative and Philosophical Investigation offers an examination of the idea of polycentric governance as one of the pillars of a flourishing human society. Rather than following the conventional path of suppressing complexity and diversity for the sake of reaching agreement on justice and political stability, David Thunder and Pablo Paniagua see complexity and diversity as assets that should be leveraged to make the "Open Society" a more prosperous, resilient, and flourishing place to live. Polycentric Governance and the Good Society provides valuable food for thought for academics and students looking for a probing, cross-disciplinary discussion of the ethos and institutions of liberal democracy under conditions of social pluralism. Although the volume includes diverse disciplinary lenses, such as public choice theory, MacIntyrean social theory, and constitutional law, the driving concern is to exhibit the potential advantages of polycentric approaches to governance and social coordination for constructing a feasible and morally attractive social order. This is the first extended academic work to explore in depth the advantages, not only from an economic and organizational standpoint but also from a broader ethical, sociological, and anthropological perspective, of polycentric governance arrangements.

This collection of essays offers thoughtful discussions of major challenges confronting the theor... more This collection of essays offers thoughtful discussions of major challenges confronting the theory and practice of citizenship in a globalized, socially fragmented, and multicultural world. The traditional concept of citizenship as a shared ethnic, religious, and/or cultural identity has limited relevance in a multicultural world, and even the connection between citizenship and national belonging has been put in jeopardy by increasing levels of international migration and mobility, not to mention the pervasive influence of a global economy and mass media, whose symbols and values cut across national boundaries. Issues addressed include the ethical and practical value of patriotism in a globalized world, the standing of conscience claims in a morally diverse society, the problem of citizen complicity in national and global injustice, and the prospects for a principled acceptance by practising Muslims of a liberal constitutional order. In spite of the impressive diversity of philosophical traditions represented in this collection, including liberalism, pragmatism, Confucianism, Platonism, Thomism, and Islam, all of the volume’s contributors would agree that the crisis of modern citizenship is a crisis of the ethical values that give shape, form, and meaning to modern social life. This is one of the few edited volumes of its kind to combine penetrating ethical discussion with an impressive breadth of philosophical traditions and approaches.

Journal Articles by David Thunder

Kritische Gesellschaftsforschung, 2023

There is something quite misleading about the way the problem of “misinformation,” which I take t... more There is something quite misleading about the way the problem of “misinformation,” which I take to mean (intentionally or unintentionally) inaccurate/misleading and harmful information, is typically presented. One gets the distinct impression that there is a certain quantity of “misinformation” that can be straightforwardly identified by authorities, and then targeted by a variety of mitigation measures. On this picture, the regulator, whether a private Big Tech company, an organ of the State, or an international organ of governance such as the European Commission, can confidently identify “misinformation,” to wit, content that is inaccurate, misleading and harmful to this or that public value (e.g., public health, trust in public institutions, or rule of law), and then craft a strategy for restricting such content while giving due weight to the value of freedom of expression. This picture, as I shall argue in this paper, vastly oversimplifies the nature of the threat posed by misinformation, and virtually ignores the significant risks of interventions designed to censor or suppress it, in particular the risk of wittingly or unwittingly sabotaging the truth- seeking function of public inquiry and debate. I argue that it is not possible to reliably picking out a special class of persons uniquely qualified to arbitrate ongoing political and scientific debates, and consequently, that the whole enterprise of curbing misinformation, at least in the context of unfolding political and scientific debates, is a fool's errand.

Jurisprudence: An International Journal of Legal and Political Thought, 2012

John Finnis’s Human Rights and Common Good is a wide-ranging selection of Finnis’s essays in poli... more John Finnis’s Human Rights and Common Good is a wide-ranging selection of Finnis’s essays in political and social philosophy spanning the period from 1968 to 2007. The underlying thread holding all of these essays together is twofold: first, the claim that human flourishing is attained through the pursuit of a range of mutually incommensurable but individually intelligible ‘basic goods’; and second, the claim that our rights as human beings are derived from our dignity as rational, ‘spiritual’ beings capable of thoughts and choices that transcend the material world. In this critical review, I argue that while Finnis’s arguments are both rigorous and wide-ranging, they are burdened by some serious cracks in the foundations. Two stand out in particular: first, an incomplete justification for human dignity; and second, an excessively abstract or rationalistic account of human nature and the basic goods, unmoored from the sorts of constraints necessary to yield Finnis’s practical conclusions, whether the constraint of a divine lawgiver, or that of a purposeful universe.

Josephinum Journal of Theology, 2009

This essay defends traditional or "magisterial" Catholics against three charges which, if true, s... more This essay defends traditional or "magisterial" Catholics against three charges which, if true, seem to imply that they are dysfunctional or defective citizens. The three charges in question are: first, that Catholics disrespect their fellow citizens' autonomy by failing to offer public reasons for policies and laws; second, that they are half-hearted democrats; and third, that they surrender their political judgment to politically incompetent authorities. It is argued that Catholics should be acquitted of all three charges, and that far from undermining citizenship, the Catholic faith affords citizens significant moral and spiritual resources for resisting political oppression and injustice.

Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, 2009

A free society requires a citizenry that is capable of taking personal responsibility for betteri... more A free society requires a citizenry that is capable of taking personal responsibility for bettering their lot, and voluntarily promoting and protecting public goods such as education, health, public order, peace, and justice. Although the law backed by force can have some success at compelling people to make contributions to the public exchequer, refrain from criminal activity, honor legal contracts, and so on, an economically and politically free society cannot rely exclusively on the threat of coercion to induce in citizens a sense of social responsibility. On the contrary, a free society depends on a well‐entrenched sense of responsibility that is internalized and actualized by citizens in their everyday lives. But any realistic attempt to frame an ideal of social responsibility must confront two serious challenges presented by the complexity and scale of modern societies, namely the challenge of knowing the content of our responsibilities and the challenge of finding the motivation to discharge them. With these challenges in view, this essay assesses the power of prevailing accounts of citizenship to generate an effective sense of social responsibility, and proposes some guiding principles to inform a broader theory of responsibility that might synthesize the strengths of political accounts while transcending some of their limitations.

American Journal of Political Science, 2006

In this article, I show that the assumptions underpinning John Rawls's so-called "duty of civilit... more In this article, I show that the assumptions underpinning John Rawls's so-called "duty of civility" ought to lead one not to affirm the duty but to reject it. I will begin by setting out in its essentials the content and rationale of the "duty of civility," which lies at the heart of Rawls's ideal of public reason. Secondly, I will argue that the very premises allegedly underpinning the duty of civility-namely, the values of reciprocity and political autonomy, and the burdens of judgment-in fact rule it out. Thirdly, I will suggest that if my argument against the duty of civility is correct, then one recent attempt to salvage political liberalism and reasonableness from the charge of incoherence fails. Finally, I draw some challenging lessons from our discussion for political liberalism and the liberal tradition as a whole.

Political Theory, 2009

Crowder’s peculiar brand of value pluralism seems to hold as a constant the value of a fairly hig... more Crowder’s peculiar brand of value pluralism seems to hold as a constant the value of a fairly high degree of reflective autonomy, as if a person’s ability to step back and make fundamental assessments of the broad parameters of her life were essential to any worthwhile way of life. But it is far from clear to me that, say, the Muslim wife of the Malay fisherman who “has no desire to leave her village community, since her identity is closely defined by her roles as wife, mother, and Muslim” (127),9 and never seriously entertains other ways of life, is leading an impoverished life or needs to be “rescued” from her fate by a liberal education. In short, though some element of freedom is essential for any life to go well, critical autonomy as envisaged by Crowder is not.

Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy, 2014

The question I propose to tackle in this paper is one that goes to the heart of legal ethics: Can... more The question I propose to tackle in this paper is one that goes to the heart of legal ethics: Can a good person be a lawyer? In other words, is the practice of law compatible with the wholehearted pursuit of a good human ife? Although much thought has been put into this question in the academy,' this topic deserves, indeed requires, ongoing reflection and discussion. Yet the widespread neglect of the ethical dimension of the lawyer's role is reinforced by current tendencies within the academy to treat the role of a lawyer as
quite distinct from the moral judgments or "impositions" of his conscience. With this in mind, I aim in this essay to contribute towards a healing of the breach between the lawyer's reasoning and choices qua lawyer and his reasoning and choices qua human person, i.e. to contribute towards a restoration of the ethical integrity of legal practice, both in the academy and in the profession.

Journal of Business Ethics, 2017

In a 2015 article entitled “The Irrelevance of Ethics,” MacIntyre argues that acquiring the moral... more In a 2015 article entitled “The Irrelevance of Ethics,” MacIntyre argues that acquiring the moral virtues would undermine someone’s capacity to be a good trader in the financial system and, conversely, that a proper training in the virtues of good trading directly militates against the acquisition of the moral virtues. In this paper, we reconsider MacIntyre’s rather damning indictment of financial trading, arguing that his negative assessment is overstated. The financial system is in fact more internally diverse and dynamic, and more reformable, than suggested by MacIntyre’s treatment. The challenge at the heart of MacIntyre’s claims can be crystallized in the question, “under which conditions, if any, can a person be an effective trader and simultaneously live a worthy human life?” We conclude that there are realistic possibilities of integrity and growth in moral virtue for those who work in the financial sector, at least for those operating in a work environment minimally permissive toward virtue, provided they possess characters of integrity and genuine aptitude for the skills and attitudes required in their professional tasks.

The Heythrop Journal, 2020

One of the central problems of contemporary political and moral thought is how to reconcile the c... more One of the central problems of contemporary political and moral thought is how to reconcile the cultural and social roots of morality with its objectivity or rational warrant, whether in the personal or political sphere. David Golemboski's reconstruction of Adam Smith's impartial spectator (European Journal of Political Theory, onlinefirst February 23rd 2015) provides a useful first approximation to this problem. What interests me is not whether Golemboski's critique of Smith's impartial spectator hits the mark, but rather, to what extent Golemboski's reconstruction of Smith's impartial spectator succeeds at addressing the problem of moral parochialism, as Golemboski claims. I shall argue in what follows that upon examination, Golemboski's reconstructed impartial spectator, far from resolving the problem of moral parochialism, actually exposes the limits of the value of impartiality as a resource for overcoming parochial prejudice, and the necessity of framing the problem of parochialism less as a matter of social and cultural bias than as a matter of the conditions of possibility of sound moral judgment.

University of Toronto Quarterly, 2016

What sort of contribution to the public weal constitutes a natural extension of the goals and val... more What sort of contribution to the public weal constitutes a natural extension of the goals and values of humanities scholarship, and what sort a betrayal? This essay aims to shed light on this question by restating one historically influential conception of humanities scholarship and speculating about how humanities scholarship thus understood might play a positive role in society without betraying its own distinctive mission. The view of humanities scholarship adopted here is inspired by a broad humanistic tradition developed by thinkers like Wilhelm von Humboldt, John Henry Newman, and Karl Jaspers. This tradition views humanistic scholarship not only as the soul of the university, but also as a promoter of high culture and truth in society at large. In the context of the increasingly fashionable notion of ‘‘public humanities,’’ this essay offers a restate- ment of the traditional view of humanities scholarship and a brief discussion of the challenges of ‘‘doing public humanities’’ while honouring a broadly Humboldtian ideal of humanistic research and teaching.

Journal of Social Philosophy

Political Theory, 2014

In a recent article in Political Theory (40, 5: 573–601), entitled “Human Rights, Freedom, and Po... more In a recent article in Political Theory (40, 5: 573–601), entitled “Human Rights, Freedom, and Political Authority,” Laura Valentini proposes a “freedom-centered” account of human rights. On this account, “human rights are derived from the universal right to freedom, namely each person’s innate right to a sphere of agency within which to pursue her ends and goals without being subject to the will of others” (574). In spite of its prima facie appeal, I argue that Valentini’s theory does not do a good job at explaining some of our settled convictions about the content of human rights and that she offers an implausibly restrictive view of our reasons for respecting human rights. I conclude by very briefly presenting the main elements of a broader perfectionist and dignitarian account of human rights, which seems more consistent with our settled convictions on these matters.

Political Theory, 2009

In "Two Concepts of Liberal Pluralism," 1 George Crowder pits William Galston's "pro-toleration" ... more In "Two Concepts of Liberal Pluralism," 1 George Crowder pits William Galston's "pro-toleration" liberalism against his own "autonomy-based" liberalism, and argues for the philosophical and moral superiority of the latter. Pro-toleration liberals argue for the maximal political accommodation of group diversity within the constraints of civic unity and public order, even permitting the existence of groups unfriendly to individual autonomy, provided they respect their members' right of exit. Autonomy-based liberals, by contrast, view a "substantial" ideal of autonomy, involving the capacity for critical reflection about one's way of life, as a "central public ideal" to be promoted and safeguarded through state intervention. Crowder's main claim is that the assumptions of tolerationist liberals (in particular, the right of exit and value pluralism), pushed to their logical conclusion, lead to a pro-autonomy position. But since he himself shares these assumptions, he himself is committed to autonomy-based liberalism as a cogent and plausible political theory in its own right. While I accept that Galston's notion of "expressive liberty" is insufficiently developed, I will argue here that Crowder pushes the argument towards a much more demanding ideal of autonomy than is warranted by Galston's assumptions. Furthermore, Galston's argument aside, I shall argue that the pro-autonomy position favored by Crowder is susceptible to some fatal objections. If my argument goes through, then the most plausible

Book Chapters by David Thunder

Polycentric Governance and the Good Society: A Normative and Philosophical Investigation. Co-edited by David Thunder and Pablo Paniagua (Lexington Books, 2024), pp. 19-39, 2024

This essay could be seen as a contribution to this broad re-valorization of social and institutio... more This essay could be seen as a contribution to this broad re-valorization
of social and institutional complexity. I propose to tap into a broadly
neo-Aristotelian account of human flourishing along similar lines to Alasdair
MacIntyre’s, to illuminate the benefits of social complexity and differentiation for humans’ well-being, and infer from this account some fundamental
principles of sound social coordination and good governance. My argument on behalf of social complexity goes further than that of most other authors insofar as it shows, in an explicit way, how a highly differentiated social landscape configured by a plurality of independent normative orders provides an indispensable social infrastructure for free and flourishing human life, and how this ethical interpretation of complexity might shape our approach to social coordination and good governance.

Reading Rasmussen and Den Uyl: Critical Essays on Norms of Liberty, ed. Aeon Skoble, 2008

The book, "Norms of Liberty," offers a refreshing new voice in the debate about the nature and no... more The book, "Norms of Liberty," offers a refreshing new voice in the debate about the nature and normative grounds of a free society. Though I disagree with the version of liberalism Rasmussen and Den Uyl propose, and ultimately find their derivation of it from neo-Aristotelian ethics unconvincing, this book will stimulate a valuable debate about the prospects for a rapprochement between liberal normative theory and neo-Aristotelian ethics. One of the most salient contributions of Norms of Liberty, at least in this reader’s opinion, is its reminder that we must somehow rise to the challenge of grounding our political principles in a view of the good life without mistaking them for the whole of the good life; while one of its most significant shortcomings is its adoption of an absolute principle of negative liberty rather than a more moderate principle of freedom to be interpreted and applied by practical reason in conjunction with other requirements of human flourishing.

Contemporary Challenges to Conscience: Legal and Ethical Frameworks for Professional Conduct, ed. A. Stepkowski (Peter Lang, 2019), 2019

The chapter presents a balanced assessment of the merits of seeking conscience- based exemptions ... more The chapter presents a balanced assessment of the merits of seeking conscience- based exemptions to general legal obligations as a strategy for fighting injustice when one happens to find oneself in a community that dissents from the conventions and practices of the majority or ruling party. Dissenting communities, in cases where they face intran- sigent majorities or powerful and stubborn ruling elites, may find themselves compelled to seek out responses to injustice that fall short of full-scale social reform. Among these second-best responses are measures that reduce the costs of dissent from injustice. In this category, it is preferable to secure the liberty of all from any obligation to act unjustly than to seek special conscience-based exemptions from a requirement to engage in unjust con- duct, since the former is less burdensome on dissenters and more consistent with the rule of law than the latter. Some of these second-best responses to injustice may tempt dissenters to put their own security or immunity from prosecution ahead of the imperative to bring an end to grave injustices in their society, and may encourage the wider society to view dissenters as harmless sects to be tolerated rather than serious interlocutors who deserve to be listened to. In conclusion, more direct and confrontational style of engagement, even in a politically unfavorable climate, may be more effective than the pursuit of conscience- based exemptions at making an injustice socially conspicuous.

Disciplines of the City: New Forms of Governance in Today's Postmetropolises, ed. Julia Urabayen and Jorge León Casero (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2019), 2019

The tasks of governance in the modern world, or at least in many parts of it, must contend with a... more The tasks of governance in the modern world, or at least in many parts of it, must contend with a breathtaking range of associations inhabiting the same social and geographic spaces, with diverse cultural, religious, educational, artistic, and economic ends, and dramatically different internal governance structures, whether formal or informal. Thus, governance today is often a very messy business indeed, in which the watchword is probably not unilateral control but multi-lateral coordination. In this essay I wish to examine some of the challenges of governance in a highly complex and interdependent society, using moderate to large-scale modern cities as a sort of laboratory to prime our imagination and explore some potential strategies for tackling these challenges.

—Nicholas Wolterstorff, Noah Porter Professor Emeritus of Philosophical Theology, Yale University

Kritische Gesellschaftsforschung, 2023

Jurisprudence: An International Journal of Legal and Political Thought, 2012

Josephinum Journal of Theology, 2009

Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, 2009

American Journal of Political Science, 2006

Political Theory, 2009

Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy, 2014

Journal of Business Ethics, 2017

The Heythrop Journal, 2020

University of Toronto Quarterly, 2016

Journal of Social Philosophy

Political Theory, 2014

Political Theory, 2009

Polycentric Governance and the Good Society: A Normative and Philosophical Investigation. Co-edited by David Thunder and Pablo Paniagua (Lexington Books, 2024), pp. 19-39, 2024

Reading Rasmussen and Den Uyl: Critical Essays on Norms of Liberty, ed. Aeon Skoble, 2008

Contemporary Challenges to Conscience: Legal and Ethical Frameworks for Professional Conduct, ed. A. Stepkowski (Peter Lang, 2019), 2019

Disciplines of the City: New Forms of Governance in Today's Postmetropolises, ed. Julia Urabayen and Jorge León Casero (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2019), 2019

Engaging Authority: Citizenship and Political Community, ed. Trevor Stack and Rose Luminiello (Rowman & Littlefield International, 2022), 2022

The stories we tell ourselves about our society and way of life may be more or less beneficial or... more The stories we tell ourselves about our society and way of life may be more or less beneficial or harmful, just or unjust, true or false. But there is no escaping them. We are interpretive and self-interpretive beings, and our self-interpretation is inevitably mediated through images and stories. My intention in this essay is to critically examine one such story which I take to be especially relevant to the modern democratic self-government, namely, the myth of the sovereign, self-governing people. I argue that as long as we remain trapped within the confines of the myth of the sovereign, self-governing people as it has emerged in the context of the modern nation-state, our ability to imagine new and better possibilities will be severely hampered. I suggest that if we are willing to rethink self-government in a polycentric, consociational manner, and conceptualize the national community as united by a shared commitment to basic norms of civility and justice rather than by submission to a putatively “sovereign” government or State, then we can recover a more empirically workable and normatively attractive concept of the self- governing people.

Rethinking Democracy for Post-Utopian Worlds: Alternative Projects After the Sovereign State, ed. Julia Urabayen and Jorge León Casero (Spring, 2024), 2024

In this chapter, I would like to consider an alternative, “post-sovereign” way of conceptualizing... more In this chapter, I would like to consider an alternative, “post-sovereign” way of conceptualizing the polity, in particular with a view to rethinking how political authority is distributed and organized. I wish to engage in a form of “realistically utopian” thinking (to use Rawls’s term) to imagine a way of organizing a polity that prescinds from the notion that one actor, such as the State, is the supreme source of law and order within a territory. The purpose of this thought experiment is less to propose a specific blueprint for political order, than to expand our moral and political imagination by exploring forms of political life that are not contemplated by the dominant paradigm of the sovereign State. I will suggest that such forms of political life are not only imaginable but also attractive and consistent with plausible assumptions about human nature and political behaviour.

Culture, Secularisation and Democracy: Lessons from Alexis de Tocqueville, ed. Hans-Martien ten Napel and Sophie van Bijsterveld (Routledge, 2024), 2024

Given the ineliminable tension between freedom of association and the ever more expansive ambitio... more Given the ineliminable tension between freedom of association and the ever more expansive ambitions of popular governments to shape the social fabric unilaterally in the name of ‘the people’ and in accordance with popular – or allegedly popular – conceptions of justice and good order, what sorts of mechanisms or principles might prevent a democratic government from over-powering associations or asserting such expansive regulatory prerogatives as to render them putty in the hands of the state? It is this question that I wish to explore in this chapter, starting out from a broadly Tocquevillian perspective on democracy and group life. While I begin by viewing the problem through a Tocquevillian lens, I ultimately seek a solution in an institutional proposal that takes us beyond Tocqueville’s answer to this problem.

Reading Rasmussen and Den Uyl: Critical Essays on Norms of Liberty, 2008

Persons, Moral Worth, and Embryos: A Critical Analysis of Pro-Choice Arguments, ed. Stephen Napier, 2011

For better or for worse, abortion has become a touchstone for the so-called "culture wars" betwee... more For better or for worse, abortion has become a touchstone for the so-called "culture wars" between liberals and secularists on one side, and conservatives and religious believers on the other. One need not embrace any particular view of abortion to recognize that this issue has the potential to divide society into conflicting factions and corrode citizens' capacity for mutual cooperation and trust, as accusations, resentment, and frustration accumulate in the face of what would appear to be insurmountable moral and philosophical differences. In this essay, I investigate whether an ideal of public reason might have something constructive to say about the abortion controversy.

Margaret S. Archer sobre Cultura y Socialización en la Modernidad Tardía (Margaret S. Archer on Culture and Socialization in Late Modernity), 2015

In this essay, I would like to do two things: first, to consider whether, or to what extent, the ... more In this essay, I would like to do two things: first, to consider whether, or to what extent, the advent of a culture in which reflexivity is a fact of life (what I shall refer to, for convenience, as a “culture of choice”) represents a genuine improvement in our way of life when compared with less reflexive, more conventional, cultures; and second – assuming with Archer that neither culture nor economy are necessarily self-perpetuating or immune from reform by human agents – what sorts of steps agents can take, whether acting individu- ally or collectively, to avail of the benefits of such a culture while reducing its social and moral costs to a minimum.

Ethics Without God? The Divine in Contemporary Moral and Political Thought, ed. Fulvio Di Blasi, Joschua P Hochschild and Jeff Langan (St. Augustine' Press, 2007), 2008

It seems fair to say that not only in the U.S., but also in most European nations, it is often co... more It seems fair to say that not only in the U.S., but also in most European nations, it is often considered at best inappropriate, at worst offensive and ignorant, to bring up religion or religious considerations in the context of a discussion of law or public policy. In recent decades, liberal political philosophers have offered a variety of moral and pragmatic rationales for principles of religious restraint in public discourse. However, a rich literature has exposed a deep incoherence in the liberal principle of religious restraint. This literature suggests that arguments for restraint are both logically self-defeating (given the wider liberal commitments of their proponents) and morally and politically untenable. But much of this criticism remains within the boundaries of liberal discourse. In this paper, I aim to move beyond the liberal model of discourse by interrogating its underlying assumptions and investigating positive alternative approaches to discourse. I begin by reviewing the established criticism of religious restraint, and suggesting that underlying it is a deeply inadequate understanding of the nature, dynamics, and goals of public discourse. I then propose a more plausible approach to discourse by turning attention away from the regulation of speech content and towards a fuller account of the virtues required for a vigorous and civil public conversation. Finally, I return to the issue of religiously-informed public discourse and offer some reflections on this contentious issue, in light of my virtue-centered model of discourse.

The Ethics of Citizenship in the 21st Century, ed. David Thunder, 2017

If we are to secure the political field for those among us brave enough to enter and virtuous eno... more If we are to secure the political field for those among us brave enough to enter and virtuous enough to serve the common good, we need to restore public confidence in the ethical value of citizenship and public service. At a theoretical level, this would require the elaboration of an attractive ideal of citizenship capable of speaking to people’s ethical concerns, and helping to combat widespread disillusionment over the perceived corruption of political life. But in this essay, rather than developing a full-fledged ideal of citizenship, I prepare the ground for such an ideal by defending the moral legitimacy of modern citizenship against some fairly influential objections. I hope that by pre-empting some serious ethical concerns about citizenship in the Western world, I can at least help pave the way for those brave enough to embark on the larger project of developing an ethical ideal of citizenship suitable for a postin- dustrialized, globalized society. The three objections I address are rooted in (i) the alleged complicity of ordinary citizens in a range of collective and institutional evils, (ii) the alleged necessity of ruthless utilitarian reasoning in political life, and (iii) the alleged incompatibility of modern citizenship with the Christian way of life.

Persons, Moral Worth, and Embryos: A Critical Analysis of Pro-Choice Arguments, ed. Stephen Napier (Spring, 2011), 2011

For better or for worse, abortion has become a touchstone for the so-called “culture wars” betwee... more For better or for worse, abortion has become a touchstone for the so-called “culture wars” between liberals and secularists on one side, and conservatives and religious believers on the other. One need not embrace any particular view of abortion to recognize that this issue has the potential to divide society into conflicting factions and corrode citizens’ capacity for mutual cooperation and trust, as accusations, resentment, and frustration accumulate in the face of what would appear to be insurmountable moral and philosophical differences. In this essay, I investigate whether an ideal of public reason might have have something constructive to say about the abortion controversy. I argue for two principal claims: first, that the highly influential Rawlsian ideal, with its focus on epistemic constraints and contractual virtues such as toleration and fairness, can neither settle the abortion dispute, nor significantly mitigate the social and political dangers associated with it. Second, I argue that the Rawlsian ideal should be supplanted by a virtue-ethical ideal, which relaxes Rawls’s epistemic constraints and draws on a richer canon of virtue. The virtue-ethical ideal of public reason, though unable to decide policy outcomes directly, may have the potential to mitigate some of the political distrust and conflict that divides prochoice and prolife citizens, and to facilitate cooperation and trust in less contested political domains.

The Ethics of Citizenship in the 21st Century, 2017

In this essay, I frame the general activity of theorizing citizenship against the fact that we hu... more In this essay, I frame the general activity of theorizing citizenship against the fact that we humans are reflexive beings: beings who interrogate the meaning of our own activities and lives. I suggest that inquiry into the ethical value of citizenship is proper to the sorts of beings we are, and meets a deep need to render our commitments and actions both intelligible and justifiable to ourselves and others. A theory of citizenship that acknowledges this philosophical impulse, illuminates the basic questions behind it, and uncovers even in a preliminary way the values and purposes served by civic identity and engagement can act as a stimulus to further reflection, and serve to give some basic orientation to moral conduct. On the other hand, an ethical theory of citizenship cannot by-pass the need for practical wisdom nor dispense with the task of moral formation. It can only illuminate and inspire people who have learnt from their participation in communities in which norms of civility and convivencia (“living-together”) are taught through example and patient instruction.

Routledge, Jun 28, 2022

This paper examines the vital contribution of neighbourhoods to the flourishing of individuals an... more This paper examines the vital contribution of neighbourhoods to the flourishing of individuals and families. Our analysis complements that of some other essays in this volume, which consider the contribution of the life of the family to a flourishing and functional social order. The central hypothesis to be explored is that (a) the neighbourhood plays a critical role, not easily replaced by other types of community such as cities and nations, in supporting the full development of individuals and families and integrating them into a multi-family community; and (b) the socializing function of neighbourhoods may be greatly enhanced by deliberate human interventions at the level of urban design, institutional design, social policy, and individual action (including several measures to be considered in this paper). The paper is a philosophical reflection on our shared experiences of neighbourhoods and family life, rather than an empirical study of a specific neighbourhood or set of neighbourhoods. Drawing on public knowledge and common experiences, we set out to explore the critical role of the neighbourhood as a structure that supports the full development of individuals and families, and integrates them into the life of a larger community.

PS: Political Science and Politics, 2004

This essay aims to consolidate the learnings of a year-long internship at The Review of Politics,... more This essay aims to consolidate the learnings of a year-long internship at The Review of Politics, during which time the author read and wrote reports on some hundred articles submitted to the journal.

Review of Politics, 2005

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Cambridge University Press and University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of Review of Politics are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Review of Politics.

Perspectives on Politics, 2015

American Political Thought, 2015

American Political Thought, 2017

The Review of Politics, 2015

Nuevas Tendencias, 2021

We cannot deal with COVID-19 if we do not learn from historical social engineering failures. A mo... more We cannot deal with COVID-19 if we do not learn from historical social engineering failures. A moderate social reformer must avoid two very harmful attitudes: first, that of the self-serving cynic, who exploits the political power and prestige of the State to ad- vance his own career, no matter the cost to society; and second, that of the naive idealist, who, blind to the unintended conse- quences of social engineering, be- lieves that progress is the outcome of technocratic interventions that treat human beings as passive sub- jects or cogs in a machine.