Tony Tai-Ting Liu | National Chung Hsing University (original) (raw)
Book Chapters by Tony Tai-Ting Liu
China and Taiwan in Africa: The Struggle for Diplomatic Recognition and Hegemony (New York: Springer), 2022
This chapter discusses Japan and the political status of Taiwan. The conclusion considers the Jap... more This chapter discusses Japan and the political status of Taiwan. The conclusion considers the Japan factor in the shaping of Taiwan's political status in the near future.
Rebalancing Asia: The Belt and Road Initiative and Indo-Pacific Strategy (New York: Springer), 2021
This chapter observes Taiwan, South Korea and Japan's respective southward policy and argues that... more This chapter observes Taiwan, South Korea and Japan's respective southward policy and argues that strengthening relations with South and Southeast Asia, complementing the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, and keeping China at arm's length is a common strategy for the three countries. Correspondingly, a number of structural challenges undermine the policies as effective balancing acts against the Belt and Road Initiative.
The Rise of K-Dramas: Essays on Korean Television and Its Global Consumption (Jefferson: McFarland & Company Inc), 2019
Noting the concepts of pop nationalism and soft power, the authors of this article seek to addres... more Noting the concepts of pop nationalism and soft power, the authors of this article seek to address the often overlooked lacunae of how non-traditional forces can be challenged by traditional nationalistic sentiments through issue linkage that sometimes suggest ambiguous causal relations. The authors examine the recent episode of China's sanction on the promotional activities of Korean actors and actresses and demonstrate how soft power can be limited in the face of provoked nationalism.
New Perspectives on China's Relations with the World: National, Transnational and International (Bristol: E-International Relations, 2019), 2019
Noting China’s recent turn towards public diplomacy, this chapter seeks to address the topic in t... more Noting China’s recent turn towards public diplomacy, this chapter seeks to address the topic in three sections. Part one examines the idea of public diplomacy and corresponding developments that took place in China since former President Hu Jintao’s emphasis on the concept in 2009. Part two looks into the idea of ‘telling a good story of China’ – an important guiding principle of China’s public diplomacy – and corresponding efforts Beijing has made towards it. Part three discusses the Confucius Institute and China Cultural Centres and their contributions towards the goals of ‘telling a good story’ and fostering people-to-people relations. This chapter concludes with some considerations on the challenges China may face in its public diplomacy endeavour.
The Routledge History of World Peace (New York: Routledge, 2019), 2019
Adopting the concepts of “negative peace” and “positive peace” proposed by Johan Galtung, this ch... more Adopting the concepts of “negative peace” and “positive peace” proposed by Johan Galtung, this chapter will explain why the relationship between China and Taiwan since 1949 has been marked by more calm than conflict. This chapter will advance the following arguments. First, it will demonstrate why 1979 marked a critical year for the establishment of negative peace in the Taiwan Strait, paying particular attention to how strategic calculations pushed Cross-strait relations towards restraint and promoted economic development. Second, it will demonstrate how the relationship between China and Taiwan took a proactive turn in 1987 when Taipei lifted marshal law and relaxed its travel ban against China. Afterwards, Cross-strait relations improved incrementally because of developments such as the establishment of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) and the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) in the early 1990s, as well as the conclusion of various economic and functional co -operation through the ARATS–SEF mechanism from 2008 to 2016. For all of these successes, the growth of a separate Taiwanese identity during the 1990s has raised the question of whether peace is merely a convenient rhetoric in Cross-strait relations.
The Routledge Handbook of Global Cultural Policy (New York: Routledge, 2017), 2017
The discussion is carried out in four parts: part one examines China’s rise and Beijing’s gradual... more The discussion is carried out in four parts: part one examines China’s rise and Beijing’s gradual adoption of a soft power strategy in foreign policy; part two discusses the development of the Confucius Institute and its strategic functions; part three notes the definition of “smart power” and the success and challenge China has encountered through the Confucius Institute, most notably the Braga incident; part four concludes with some reflections on the benefits and limitations of using cultural attraction as a diplomatic strategy.
The Palgrave Handbook of Global Counterterrorism Policy (London: Palgrave McMillan, 2017), 2017
In this chapter, the authors examine the threat that terrorism poses against China and the counte... more In this chapter, the authors examine the threat that terrorism poses against China and the countermeasures that Beijing has adopted in response. The chapter discusses China's counterterrorist (CT) policies in four parts: part one briefly reviews the development of CT thinking in Beijing since the 1950s; part two observes the sources of terrorism that China currently faces; part three examines China's current CT policies; and part four assesses the effectiveness and challenges to China's CT response.
Regional Integration: Opportunities & Challenges, Jul 2017
Since the turn of the century, the Asia-Pacific region has attracted great attention from the wor... more Since the turn of the century, the Asia-Pacific region has attracted great attention from the world in terms of regional cooperation. Such attention is not only driven in part by China’s soaring economy and its increased confidence and willingness to engage the world, Asia also seems to demonstrate an independent vibrancy in starting up new regional initiatives. Regional initiatives such as APEC and ASEAN plus and micro-regional projects such as the Greater Mekong Subregional (GMS) cooperation demonstrate that cooperation in the Asia-Pacific is not restrained to the state and its immediate concerns. Taking the Greater Tumen Initiative (GTI) as the case study, this paper seeks to clarify the development of micro-regional cooperation in Asia. A survey of the development of the GTI reveals that Asia’s open and multifaceted character is the Achilles heel that undermines the region’s progress towards cooperation.
The Future of US Warfare (New York: Routledge, 2017), 2017
Stealth technology demonstrates the civilized barbarism of modern warfare. Even though stealth te... more Stealth technology demonstrates the civilized barbarism of modern warfare. Even though stealth technology and its uses are highly innovative, they are geared toward destructive physical efficiency. Unlike other forms of weaponry and military technology, stealth technology’s characterizing feature is the use of deception to gain an advantage over an adversary. In the example of stealth technology found in contemporary military technologies such as stealth fighter aircraft and bombers, the use of deception accompanies the use of destructive force. Although this is the case for stealth technology in general, this chapter emphasizes these aspects especially concerning the F-35 Lightning II.
Power Transition in Asia (New York: Routledge, 2017), 2017
This co-authored chapter discusses power transitions in East Asian history.
The Ashgate Research Companion to Chinese Foreign Policy (Burlington: Ashgate, 2012)
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the relations between the People’s Republic of ... more This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the region of Latin America. While not of recent provenance, this relationship has been somewhat sidelined in comparison to China’s interactions with other parts of the world. This study rectifies this trend by providing a detailed process tracing the key stages in the development of the Sino-Latin American interactions. The focus is on identifying the main patterns and trends.
Thus, firstly, the chapter details the dynamism and the predicaments of Beijing’s interactions with the region during the Cold War. Secondly, by identifying the main drivers of the current strategy, this study assesses the post-Cold War dynamics of Sino-Latin American relations. Such an examination provides the background for evaluating the likely future trajectories of China’s involvement in the region.
全球格局變遷下之東亞政經發展: 台灣與日本的視角, 2012
This is an earlier Chinese version of an article collected in the Journal of International and Ad... more This is an earlier Chinese version of an article collected in the Journal of International and Advanced Japanese Studies. You can refer to the latest piece below.
USAK Yearbook of International Politics and Law Vol.5, pp.195-225, 2012
Since 9/11, Southeast Asia began to attract U.S. attention and became the U.S. second front again... more Since 9/11, Southeast Asia began to attract U.S. attention and became the U.S. second front against terrorism. Under the influence of neo-conservativism, the Bush administration changed Washington’s “benign neglect” strategy against Southeast Asia and slowly led the U.S. back to the region. Under the Obama administration, the Washington has placed its emphasis on “complete return to Southeast Asia” and adopted a smart power strategy that applies both the carrot and the stick at the same time. The Obama administration seeks to balance China’s growing regional influence, advance U.S. status in East Asia and respond to issues such as global terrorism, financial crisis and climate change. This article seeks to address U.S. policy changes in Southeast Asia and identify important factors that affect policy transformation. The authors examine the policy differences and transitions between the Bush and Obama administration.
Papers by Tony Tai-Ting Liu
安全與情報研究 (Security and Intelligence Studies), 7(2), 2024
由於海洋經濟在沿海國家經濟發展扮演重要的角色，成為拓展經濟和社會發展空間的重要載體，又中國是個依賴海洋經濟的國家，故特別強調海洋經濟發展的重要性，因為海洋經濟為海洋強國的基礎與核心。本文的主要研... more 由於海洋經濟在沿海國家經濟發展扮演重要的角色，成為拓展經濟和社會發展空間的重要載體，又中國是個依賴海洋經濟的國家，故特別強調海洋經濟發展的重要性，因為海洋經濟為海洋強國的基礎與核心。本文的主要研究目的為瞭解習近平上臺後中國的海洋科學戰略及其政策發展。
This article discusses China’s maritime science strategy and policy development in the Xi Jinping period. With a long shoreline and dependent on maritime commerce, China has traditionally emphasized the ocean. After the Eighteenth’s CCP National Congress, China formally adopted the national strategy of pursuing maritime power. Xi Jinping has not only mentioned such aspiration as part of the “Two One Hundreds” and the China Dream, but has repeatedly emphasized China’s ambition in a number of statements and official documents. Chinese ambition spanned the development of maritime economics, protection of maritime ecology, ocean science and maintenance of maritime rights. Correspondingly, China is also strengthening its capability to construct icebreakers that are favorable for the exploration of new sea routes and excavation of crude oil and natural gas.
Journal of Central Asian Studies 94(2), 2024
Resting on its geopolitical and economic advantages, China has established a series of communicat... more Resting on its geopolitical and economic advantages, China has established a series of communication channels with countries in Central Asia, including the most recent establishments of the China-Central Asia Cooperation or the C+C5 in 2020, and the C+C5 Summit in 2023. Together with the Belt and Road Initiative and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, China has shown clear interests in expanding its influence westward and shaping a favorable regional community in Central Asia. Centered on China-Central Asia Cooperation, this article examines China’s latest endeavor in Central Asia and other similar initiatives in the region that jointly serve as the driving force for the New Great Game. This article suggests that the C+C5 is not merely a branch of existing initiatives, but a new initiative that holds great potential for further cooperation between China and Central Asia.
Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 35(2), 2023
The geopolitical context that has emerged in the Indo-Pacific brings considerations for the devel... more The geopolitical context that has emerged in the Indo-Pacific brings considerations for the development of maritime power to the forefront, especially the aircraft carrier. The projection capability of the aircraft carrier entails that a carrier group can play an active role in deterrence and regional balance of power. This article discusses the emerging maritime arms race in the region centered on the aircraft carrier, and contends that the developing race holds important geopolitical implications for the Indo-Pacific. This article examines the acquisition of aircraft carriers by the United States, China, Japan, India, Australia, South Korea and Russia, and proposes that tensions in the Indo-Pacific may be greatly increased by 2030 if current expansions continue.
Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society, 2023
With the birth of Fordism and the expansion of the markets beyond the states' borders, national s... more With the birth of Fordism and the expansion of the markets beyond the states' borders, national supply chains have evolved into international and global supply chains. Some countries fared much better than others in becoming an irreplaceable part of the said chain. For instance, one could mention Iran due to its rich oil reserves and geopolitical position on the globe, China with its cheap human capital and high-proft margins, and the US with its massive reach all around the world. This study examines the US's mediatory efect on Iran-China's relations. Consequently, a derivative of the gravity model has been devised to test the said hypothesis. The dependent variables to test this hypothesis are China's imports from Iran and China's exports to Iran. The model controls the two states' currency value, their infation rate, and the price of crude oil. Furthermore, the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015 and the US's Maximum Pressure Policy in 2017 are the main variables of interest in the model in form of two dummy variables. The study employs a novel multidisciplinary approach both on the methodology front by introducing an abstract conception of distance and on the epistemology front by combining international economics literature with that of the international relations. According to the results, the US's foreign policy has a signifcant bufering efect on the trade between Iran and China. In other words, the United States acts as a distancing factor between the two states of Iran and China. This distancing efect, however, is stronger for China's imports from Iran in comparison to China's exports to Iran.
Taiwan Strategists (15), 2022
The unexpected death of former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo marked the end of an era in Jap... more The unexpected death of former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo marked the end of an era in Japan that witnessed the country expending great efforts to maintain its leadership status in the Indo-Pacific. Abe had provided leadership for the nation at a tumultuous time and left behind rich legacies as the longest serving prime minister in Japanese history. The bolstering of Taiwan-Japan relations and constitutional reform leading to an expansion of the contexts to use military force are two legacies that stand out among others. Noting increased tensions in the Taiwan Strait, particularly after U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taiwan, the significance of Abe's work needs little elaboration. This article looks back at constitutional reform related to collective security under the Abe government and recent developments in Taiwan-Japan relations, before considering how Japan's security perception of the Taiwan Strait would implicate the development of Taiwan-Japan relations. It suggests that Japan's stance towards developments in the Taiwan Strait is a key factor that will influence the development of relations between Taiwan and Japan in the post-Abe period.
全球政治評論 (Review of Global Politics), 2022
有鑑於加拿大和中國在2020年建交滿五十週年，本文回顧過去半世紀以來兩國的雙邊關係發展，並以其突顯加中關係近期的轉變。作為冷戰時期率先與中華人民共和國展開交往的國家之一，加拿大和中國之間長期享有... more 有鑑於加拿大和中國在2020年建交滿五十週年，本文回顧過去半世紀以來兩國的雙邊關係發展，並以其突顯加中關係近期的轉變。作為冷戰時期率先與中華人民共和國展開交往的國家之一，加拿大和中國之間長期享有友好關係。但隨著美中競爭在2016年後漸趨尖銳，兩國在價值觀上的落差進而牽動加拿大，放大加拿大和中國在價值觀上的矛盾，在進一步反映在新疆和香港等議題上。COVID-19疫情猶如火上澆油，無助於緩和加中關係，反而加深兩國的嫌隙，面臨反目成仇的窘境。除回顧雙邊關係以外，本文也展望加中兩國於近未來可能的發展和挑戰。
In light of fifty years of normalization between Canada and China, this article reviews the development of bilateral relations of the two countries over the past half century and examines the recent transformations in Canada-China relations. As one of the first countries to engage China during the Cold War period, Canada and the People’s Republic of China have enjoyed a long period of friendly relations. However, with the heightening of US-China competition since 2016, the gap in values implicated Canada as well by protruding the values divide between Ottawa and Beijing, which are reflected on the issues of Xinjiang and Hong Kong in turn. The COVID-19 pandemic has not mitigated the situation, but rather pushed Canada and China towards further antagonism. Besides reviewing bilateral relations, this article also considers the potential development and challenges of Canada-China relations.
China and Taiwan in Africa: The Struggle for Diplomatic Recognition and Hegemony (New York: Springer), 2022
This chapter discusses Japan and the political status of Taiwan. The conclusion considers the Jap... more This chapter discusses Japan and the political status of Taiwan. The conclusion considers the Japan factor in the shaping of Taiwan's political status in the near future.
Rebalancing Asia: The Belt and Road Initiative and Indo-Pacific Strategy (New York: Springer), 2021
This chapter observes Taiwan, South Korea and Japan's respective southward policy and argues that... more This chapter observes Taiwan, South Korea and Japan's respective southward policy and argues that strengthening relations with South and Southeast Asia, complementing the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, and keeping China at arm's length is a common strategy for the three countries. Correspondingly, a number of structural challenges undermine the policies as effective balancing acts against the Belt and Road Initiative.
The Rise of K-Dramas: Essays on Korean Television and Its Global Consumption (Jefferson: McFarland & Company Inc), 2019
Noting the concepts of pop nationalism and soft power, the authors of this article seek to addres... more Noting the concepts of pop nationalism and soft power, the authors of this article seek to address the often overlooked lacunae of how non-traditional forces can be challenged by traditional nationalistic sentiments through issue linkage that sometimes suggest ambiguous causal relations. The authors examine the recent episode of China's sanction on the promotional activities of Korean actors and actresses and demonstrate how soft power can be limited in the face of provoked nationalism.
New Perspectives on China's Relations with the World: National, Transnational and International (Bristol: E-International Relations, 2019), 2019
Noting China’s recent turn towards public diplomacy, this chapter seeks to address the topic in t... more Noting China’s recent turn towards public diplomacy, this chapter seeks to address the topic in three sections. Part one examines the idea of public diplomacy and corresponding developments that took place in China since former President Hu Jintao’s emphasis on the concept in 2009. Part two looks into the idea of ‘telling a good story of China’ – an important guiding principle of China’s public diplomacy – and corresponding efforts Beijing has made towards it. Part three discusses the Confucius Institute and China Cultural Centres and their contributions towards the goals of ‘telling a good story’ and fostering people-to-people relations. This chapter concludes with some considerations on the challenges China may face in its public diplomacy endeavour.
The Routledge History of World Peace (New York: Routledge, 2019), 2019
Adopting the concepts of “negative peace” and “positive peace” proposed by Johan Galtung, this ch... more Adopting the concepts of “negative peace” and “positive peace” proposed by Johan Galtung, this chapter will explain why the relationship between China and Taiwan since 1949 has been marked by more calm than conflict. This chapter will advance the following arguments. First, it will demonstrate why 1979 marked a critical year for the establishment of negative peace in the Taiwan Strait, paying particular attention to how strategic calculations pushed Cross-strait relations towards restraint and promoted economic development. Second, it will demonstrate how the relationship between China and Taiwan took a proactive turn in 1987 when Taipei lifted marshal law and relaxed its travel ban against China. Afterwards, Cross-strait relations improved incrementally because of developments such as the establishment of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) and the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) in the early 1990s, as well as the conclusion of various economic and functional co -operation through the ARATS–SEF mechanism from 2008 to 2016. For all of these successes, the growth of a separate Taiwanese identity during the 1990s has raised the question of whether peace is merely a convenient rhetoric in Cross-strait relations.
The Routledge Handbook of Global Cultural Policy (New York: Routledge, 2017), 2017
The discussion is carried out in four parts: part one examines China’s rise and Beijing’s gradual... more The discussion is carried out in four parts: part one examines China’s rise and Beijing’s gradual adoption of a soft power strategy in foreign policy; part two discusses the development of the Confucius Institute and its strategic functions; part three notes the definition of “smart power” and the success and challenge China has encountered through the Confucius Institute, most notably the Braga incident; part four concludes with some reflections on the benefits and limitations of using cultural attraction as a diplomatic strategy.
The Palgrave Handbook of Global Counterterrorism Policy (London: Palgrave McMillan, 2017), 2017
In this chapter, the authors examine the threat that terrorism poses against China and the counte... more In this chapter, the authors examine the threat that terrorism poses against China and the countermeasures that Beijing has adopted in response. The chapter discusses China's counterterrorist (CT) policies in four parts: part one briefly reviews the development of CT thinking in Beijing since the 1950s; part two observes the sources of terrorism that China currently faces; part three examines China's current CT policies; and part four assesses the effectiveness and challenges to China's CT response.
Regional Integration: Opportunities & Challenges, Jul 2017
Since the turn of the century, the Asia-Pacific region has attracted great attention from the wor... more Since the turn of the century, the Asia-Pacific region has attracted great attention from the world in terms of regional cooperation. Such attention is not only driven in part by China’s soaring economy and its increased confidence and willingness to engage the world, Asia also seems to demonstrate an independent vibrancy in starting up new regional initiatives. Regional initiatives such as APEC and ASEAN plus and micro-regional projects such as the Greater Mekong Subregional (GMS) cooperation demonstrate that cooperation in the Asia-Pacific is not restrained to the state and its immediate concerns. Taking the Greater Tumen Initiative (GTI) as the case study, this paper seeks to clarify the development of micro-regional cooperation in Asia. A survey of the development of the GTI reveals that Asia’s open and multifaceted character is the Achilles heel that undermines the region’s progress towards cooperation.
The Future of US Warfare (New York: Routledge, 2017), 2017
Stealth technology demonstrates the civilized barbarism of modern warfare. Even though stealth te... more Stealth technology demonstrates the civilized barbarism of modern warfare. Even though stealth technology and its uses are highly innovative, they are geared toward destructive physical efficiency. Unlike other forms of weaponry and military technology, stealth technology’s characterizing feature is the use of deception to gain an advantage over an adversary. In the example of stealth technology found in contemporary military technologies such as stealth fighter aircraft and bombers, the use of deception accompanies the use of destructive force. Although this is the case for stealth technology in general, this chapter emphasizes these aspects especially concerning the F-35 Lightning II.
Power Transition in Asia (New York: Routledge, 2017), 2017
This co-authored chapter discusses power transitions in East Asian history.
The Ashgate Research Companion to Chinese Foreign Policy (Burlington: Ashgate, 2012)
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the relations between the People’s Republic of ... more This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the region of Latin America. While not of recent provenance, this relationship has been somewhat sidelined in comparison to China’s interactions with other parts of the world. This study rectifies this trend by providing a detailed process tracing the key stages in the development of the Sino-Latin American interactions. The focus is on identifying the main patterns and trends.
Thus, firstly, the chapter details the dynamism and the predicaments of Beijing’s interactions with the region during the Cold War. Secondly, by identifying the main drivers of the current strategy, this study assesses the post-Cold War dynamics of Sino-Latin American relations. Such an examination provides the background for evaluating the likely future trajectories of China’s involvement in the region.
全球格局變遷下之東亞政經發展: 台灣與日本的視角, 2012
This is an earlier Chinese version of an article collected in the Journal of International and Ad... more This is an earlier Chinese version of an article collected in the Journal of International and Advanced Japanese Studies. You can refer to the latest piece below.
USAK Yearbook of International Politics and Law Vol.5, pp.195-225, 2012
Since 9/11, Southeast Asia began to attract U.S. attention and became the U.S. second front again... more Since 9/11, Southeast Asia began to attract U.S. attention and became the U.S. second front against terrorism. Under the influence of neo-conservativism, the Bush administration changed Washington’s “benign neglect” strategy against Southeast Asia and slowly led the U.S. back to the region. Under the Obama administration, the Washington has placed its emphasis on “complete return to Southeast Asia” and adopted a smart power strategy that applies both the carrot and the stick at the same time. The Obama administration seeks to balance China’s growing regional influence, advance U.S. status in East Asia and respond to issues such as global terrorism, financial crisis and climate change. This article seeks to address U.S. policy changes in Southeast Asia and identify important factors that affect policy transformation. The authors examine the policy differences and transitions between the Bush and Obama administration.
安全與情報研究 (Security and Intelligence Studies), 7(2), 2024
由於海洋經濟在沿海國家經濟發展扮演重要的角色，成為拓展經濟和社會發展空間的重要載體，又中國是個依賴海洋經濟的國家，故特別強調海洋經濟發展的重要性，因為海洋經濟為海洋強國的基礎與核心。本文的主要研... more 由於海洋經濟在沿海國家經濟發展扮演重要的角色，成為拓展經濟和社會發展空間的重要載體，又中國是個依賴海洋經濟的國家，故特別強調海洋經濟發展的重要性，因為海洋經濟為海洋強國的基礎與核心。本文的主要研究目的為瞭解習近平上臺後中國的海洋科學戰略及其政策發展。
This article discusses China’s maritime science strategy and policy development in the Xi Jinping period. With a long shoreline and dependent on maritime commerce, China has traditionally emphasized the ocean. After the Eighteenth’s CCP National Congress, China formally adopted the national strategy of pursuing maritime power. Xi Jinping has not only mentioned such aspiration as part of the “Two One Hundreds” and the China Dream, but has repeatedly emphasized China’s ambition in a number of statements and official documents. Chinese ambition spanned the development of maritime economics, protection of maritime ecology, ocean science and maintenance of maritime rights. Correspondingly, China is also strengthening its capability to construct icebreakers that are favorable for the exploration of new sea routes and excavation of crude oil and natural gas.
Journal of Central Asian Studies 94(2), 2024
Resting on its geopolitical and economic advantages, China has established a series of communicat... more Resting on its geopolitical and economic advantages, China has established a series of communication channels with countries in Central Asia, including the most recent establishments of the China-Central Asia Cooperation or the C+C5 in 2020, and the C+C5 Summit in 2023. Together with the Belt and Road Initiative and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, China has shown clear interests in expanding its influence westward and shaping a favorable regional community in Central Asia. Centered on China-Central Asia Cooperation, this article examines China’s latest endeavor in Central Asia and other similar initiatives in the region that jointly serve as the driving force for the New Great Game. This article suggests that the C+C5 is not merely a branch of existing initiatives, but a new initiative that holds great potential for further cooperation between China and Central Asia.
Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 35(2), 2023
The geopolitical context that has emerged in the Indo-Pacific brings considerations for the devel... more The geopolitical context that has emerged in the Indo-Pacific brings considerations for the development of maritime power to the forefront, especially the aircraft carrier. The projection capability of the aircraft carrier entails that a carrier group can play an active role in deterrence and regional balance of power. This article discusses the emerging maritime arms race in the region centered on the aircraft carrier, and contends that the developing race holds important geopolitical implications for the Indo-Pacific. This article examines the acquisition of aircraft carriers by the United States, China, Japan, India, Australia, South Korea and Russia, and proposes that tensions in the Indo-Pacific may be greatly increased by 2030 if current expansions continue.
Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society, 2023
With the birth of Fordism and the expansion of the markets beyond the states' borders, national s... more With the birth of Fordism and the expansion of the markets beyond the states' borders, national supply chains have evolved into international and global supply chains. Some countries fared much better than others in becoming an irreplaceable part of the said chain. For instance, one could mention Iran due to its rich oil reserves and geopolitical position on the globe, China with its cheap human capital and high-proft margins, and the US with its massive reach all around the world. This study examines the US's mediatory efect on Iran-China's relations. Consequently, a derivative of the gravity model has been devised to test the said hypothesis. The dependent variables to test this hypothesis are China's imports from Iran and China's exports to Iran. The model controls the two states' currency value, their infation rate, and the price of crude oil. Furthermore, the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015 and the US's Maximum Pressure Policy in 2017 are the main variables of interest in the model in form of two dummy variables. The study employs a novel multidisciplinary approach both on the methodology front by introducing an abstract conception of distance and on the epistemology front by combining international economics literature with that of the international relations. According to the results, the US's foreign policy has a signifcant bufering efect on the trade between Iran and China. In other words, the United States acts as a distancing factor between the two states of Iran and China. This distancing efect, however, is stronger for China's imports from Iran in comparison to China's exports to Iran.
Taiwan Strategists (15), 2022
The unexpected death of former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo marked the end of an era in Jap... more The unexpected death of former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo marked the end of an era in Japan that witnessed the country expending great efforts to maintain its leadership status in the Indo-Pacific. Abe had provided leadership for the nation at a tumultuous time and left behind rich legacies as the longest serving prime minister in Japanese history. The bolstering of Taiwan-Japan relations and constitutional reform leading to an expansion of the contexts to use military force are two legacies that stand out among others. Noting increased tensions in the Taiwan Strait, particularly after U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taiwan, the significance of Abe's work needs little elaboration. This article looks back at constitutional reform related to collective security under the Abe government and recent developments in Taiwan-Japan relations, before considering how Japan's security perception of the Taiwan Strait would implicate the development of Taiwan-Japan relations. It suggests that Japan's stance towards developments in the Taiwan Strait is a key factor that will influence the development of relations between Taiwan and Japan in the post-Abe period.
全球政治評論 (Review of Global Politics), 2022
有鑑於加拿大和中國在2020年建交滿五十週年，本文回顧過去半世紀以來兩國的雙邊關係發展，並以其突顯加中關係近期的轉變。作為冷戰時期率先與中華人民共和國展開交往的國家之一，加拿大和中國之間長期享有... more 有鑑於加拿大和中國在2020年建交滿五十週年，本文回顧過去半世紀以來兩國的雙邊關係發展，並以其突顯加中關係近期的轉變。作為冷戰時期率先與中華人民共和國展開交往的國家之一，加拿大和中國之間長期享有友好關係。但隨著美中競爭在2016年後漸趨尖銳，兩國在價值觀上的落差進而牽動加拿大，放大加拿大和中國在價值觀上的矛盾，在進一步反映在新疆和香港等議題上。COVID-19疫情猶如火上澆油，無助於緩和加中關係，反而加深兩國的嫌隙，面臨反目成仇的窘境。除回顧雙邊關係以外，本文也展望加中兩國於近未來可能的發展和挑戰。
In light of fifty years of normalization between Canada and China, this article reviews the development of bilateral relations of the two countries over the past half century and examines the recent transformations in Canada-China relations. As one of the first countries to engage China during the Cold War period, Canada and the People’s Republic of China have enjoyed a long period of friendly relations. However, with the heightening of US-China competition since 2016, the gap in values implicated Canada as well by protruding the values divide between Ottawa and Beijing, which are reflected on the issues of Xinjiang and Hong Kong in turn. The COVID-19 pandemic has not mitigated the situation, but rather pushed Canada and China towards further antagonism. Besides reviewing bilateral relations, this article also considers the potential development and challenges of Canada-China relations.
The Journal of East Asian Affairs 34(1), 2021
Following the election of Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP in Taiwan in January 2020, US-China-Taiwan rel... more Following the election of Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP in Taiwan in January 2020, US-China-Taiwan relations stand at a crossroad. Since 2016, Cross-strait relations deteriorated into stagnation while US-Taiwan relations improved steadily. Such development has edged the Taiwan Strait closer to conflict, as Beijing long regards the issue of Taiwan as un-negotiable. If US-China-Taiwan relations remain unchanged, conflict may likely be inevitable in the near future. This article reviews the development of Cross-strait relations and US-Taiwan relations over the past five years and identifies key variables that will implicate security in the Taiwan Strait. The authors argue that stringent peace in the Taiwan Strait offers little to be optimistic about, as the danger of conflict may be closer than expected.
Asia-Pacific Perspectives (3), 2021
This article briefly discusses Japan's vaccine diplomacy, peaceful and responsible use of nuclear... more This article briefly discusses Japan's vaccine diplomacy, peaceful and responsible use of nuclear energy, and peace education at home.
Virginia Review of Asian Studies, 2021
Following a call to open up the discipline to different approaches in 2014, Global International ... more Following a call to open up the discipline to different approaches in 2014, Global International Relations (IR) and the post-Western turn it signals quickly became the new direction of IR. In light of Global IR, this article critically reflects on the case of Taiwan and points out that mainstream theories and traditional concepts of the state and power are not useful in describing the status of the island nation and may even be misleading in many senses. This article argues that the case of Taiwan offers a window of opportunity to reflect on the exceptions in IR. Global IR cannot be realized until observers make efforts to examine the exceptional and non-mainstream.
Defense Security Brief 9(2), 2020
Social Transformations in Chinese Societies, 2020
The purpose of this paper is to examine the influences of China's rise for regional order, specif... more The purpose of this paper is to examine the influences of China's rise for regional order, specifically in terms of the paradoxes of security, institution and power in Northeast Asia. Contrary to ideas propounded by the theory of economic interdependence and peace, this paper argues that the rise of China generated more anxieties for Northeast Asia than it saved. This paper finds that China's rise has produced three paradoxes of security, institution and power in Northeast Asia. The paradoxes have shaped the geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape of Northeast Asia in the post-cold war period and are likely to continue to implicate regional order in the near future.
全球政治評論, 2020
在2013年中國提出一帶一路計畫以後，就地緣政治而言，日本似乎又重新關注歐亞大陸的發展。隨著計畫的快速發展，日本除透過「中亞 + 日本」的雙邊對話機制試著平衡中國以外，其也透過元首出訪、官方援助... more 在2013年中國提出一帶一路計畫以後，就地緣政治而言，日本似乎又重新關注歐亞大陸的發展。隨著計畫的快速發展，日本除透過「中亞 + 日本」的雙邊對話機制試著平衡中國以外，其也透過元首出訪、官方援助及雙邊和多邊合作等方式，試反制崛起中的中國。本文以當前正在發酵中的「新大賽局」為出發點，進而探討日本的歐亞大陸外交。藉由回顧日本近年在中亞和印太地區的作為，作者試突顯日本如何透過海陸並進的戰略手段，參與強權競逐的新大賽局。論述將以四部分進行。本文首先討論新大賽局的發展，然後以此在第二部分說明由論壇、元首和官方援助等三項發展所組成的日本歐亞大陸外交。第三部分延伸討論日本對一帶一路的戰略回應。最後則展望日本國際戰略的未來發展。
Corresponding to China’s proposal of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013, Japan seems to have turned its attention to Eurasia again. As China pushed forward the BRI, besides balancing China through the Central Asia plus Japan dialogue, Japan has also responded with state visits, official development assistance, and bilateral and multilateral cooperation to check China’s influence. This article departs from the so called “New Great Game” in Eurasia and discusses Japan’s Eurasia policy. By reviewing Japan’s actions in Central Asia and the Indo-Pacific regions in recent years, this article attempts to demonstrate how Japan participates in the New Great Game by adopting a strategy that emphasizes both the sea and the land. Four parts make up the article. Part one discusses the New Great Game, establishing the context for part two’s discussion on Japan’s Eurasia policy. Part three then discusses Japan’s strategic response to the BRI. Finally, part four looks at the future prospects of Japan’s international strategy.
Asia-Pacific Perspectives (1), 2020
Reviewing developments since the Tokhoku earthquake and the impact of China's fifth generation le... more Reviewing developments since the Tokhoku earthquake and the impact of China's fifth generation leadership on Taiwan-Japan relations, this author ponders over the challenges and opportunities for expanding and deepening the relationship between Taiwan and Japan.
歐亞研究, 2020
呼應Amitav Acharya 和Barry Buzan 對於Global IR 的主張，本文認為在當下，台灣的案例讓觀察者有機會深刻地反思「國家」和「權力」等基本概念，並思考國際關係的複雜化... more 呼應Amitav Acharya 和Barry Buzan 對於Global IR 的主張，本文認為在當下，台灣的案例讓觀察者有機會深刻地反思「國家」和「權力」等基本概念，並思考國際關係的複雜化，亦即除了國家外，還包括許多其他非國家行為者。儘管此思考練習會把國際關係研究複雜化，但藉此可能獲致的收穫是，刺激跨文化對話並反擊「和台灣說再見」（say goodbye to Taiwan）等過於簡化的言論。
台灣國際研究季刊, 2019
隨著泰國軍政府於近年穩定國內政治並推動泰國4.0與東部經濟走廊計畫等，泰國在東南亞的戰略地位明顯提升，間接成為中國和臺灣皆希望拉攏的重要國家，無論是在中國的「一帶一路」倡議或是臺灣的「新南向政策... more 隨著泰國軍政府於近年穩定國內政治並推動泰國4.0與東部經濟走廊計畫等，泰國在東南亞的戰略地位明顯提升，間接成為中國和臺灣皆希望拉攏的重要國家，無論是在中國的「一帶一路」倡議或是臺灣的「新南向政策」中，泰國皆扮演相當重要的角色。本文將檢視在兩岸關係下，中國與臺灣各自發展出的戰略如何在第三地進行，探討一帶一路倡議與新南向政策的目標以及具體於泰國的實踐。在前言之後，本文第二部份將概述亞太區域經濟整合的發展，以利理解內容的背景脈絡。第三部份接著比較分析一帶一路與新南向政策的內容與目標，第四和第五部份則分別探討一帶一路及新南向政策在泰國的實踐。透過檢視兩岸在泰國的競逐，本文試勾勒出中國和台灣在公共外交上的努力和成果。
In recent years, following the gradual establishment of domestic stability in Thailand and efforts devoted towards Thailand 4.0 and the Eastern Economic Corridor, the strategic value of Thailand increased markedly, indirectly making Thailand into an important regional actor that both China and Taiwan vie for. Whether in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP), Thailand reserves a significant status. Noting Cross-strait relations, this article examines the realization of China and Taiwan’s respective strategies, namely the BRI and the NSP, in Thailand. After the introduction, part two briefly discusses the development of economic integration in the Asia Pacific. Part three carries out a comparative analysis regarding the content and goals of the BRI and NSP. Parts four and five examine the respective realization of the BRI and NSP in Thailand. Through the examination of Cross-strait competition in Thailand, this article seeks to describe both Chinese and Taiwanese efforts and accomplishments in public diplomacy.
Thammasat Review, 2019
Over the past four decades, the tumultuous change in China has absorbed the attention of the inte... more Over the past four decades, the tumultuous change in China has absorbed the attention of the international community. Yet besides the language barrier and China’s claim towards the natural right of doing things its own way, rhetoric from the leadership in Beijing constantly befuddles outsiders. From the perspective of foreign policy, this article seeks to make clear the connections between the rhetoric and strategies in play and argue that China’s actions correspond with a shift from great power status to the search for hegemony. In the process, one can observe China taking more initiatives in the realm of foreign policy. Nonetheless, China continues to lack sufficient ability to contend for hegemony while geopolitics serve as a continuing challenge in the new century.
Virginia Review of Asian Studies, 2019
Regardless of theoretical perspective, hierarchy is an ever present focus of international Relati... more Regardless of theoretical perspective, hierarchy is an ever present focus of international Relations, especially in terms of empire or hierarchy. Due to the structural impact of the Industrial Revolution since the late 18 th century, it has become possible for one to find differences concerning the definition and behavior of hegemonies. This paper identifies three types of empires in history-classic, European and modern-based on the outcome and appearance of power as demonstrated by the hegemon or dominant power. Looking towards the future, China indeed stands out. Nonetheless, China needs to respond to the following questions in its rise onto the world stage: (a) whether to conform to the assumptions of parity and overtake, or reduce the power differential with the incumbent hegemon (the United States); (b) to be in possession of a power vacuum (for example, East Asia) that can serve as a geopolitical foundation; (c) to use force effectively to demonstrate and increase its international status, but prevent from being dragged into unnecessary mudslides; (d) to come up with grand strategies characterized by long term vision instead of great power strategies aimed only at catching up. This paper adopts the approach of paradigm shift and China as the case study, and seeks to understand its strategic choices and potential influences in the world in the near future.
Education About Asia, 2018
Geopolitically, the rise of China has complicated the old post-World War II international order f... more Geopolitically, the rise of China has complicated the old post-World War II international order founded on the ideological divide between liberalism and communism, and pushed many countries, particularly in Asia, to make efforts toward adjusting to a new regional reality that is increasingly centered on Chinese and American influences. China’s rise challenges US preeminence in Asia and suggests new geopolitical possibilities. Adopting a regional approach in the essay that follows, I survey the geopolitical ramifications of China’s rise on Northeast, Southeast, and South Asia, and conclude with a consideration of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative and how China–Asia relations fit into China’s ambition to integrate the Eurasia market.
Taipei Times (September 30), 2022
co-authored with Emilian Kavalski.
信報 (Hong Kong Economic Journal), 2018
The China Quarterly 241, 2020
This is a review of the title by Pang Yang Huei.
Pacific Affairs 93(1), 2020
This is a review of the title by Sung Chull Kim.
全球政治評論 Review of Global Politics, 2020
This is a review of the title by Kevin Peraino.
Europe-Asia Studies, 2018
This is a review of the title by Amin Saikal & Kirill Nourzhanov.
This is a review of the title by David Lampton.
全球政治評論，第49期，頁181-185, Jan 31, 2015
Book Review to Frauke Austermann, Anastas Vangeli and Xiaoguang Wang eds., China & Europe in 21st... more Book Review to Frauke Austermann, Anastas Vangeli and Xiaoguang Wang eds., China & Europe in 21st Century Global Politics: Partnership, Competition or Co-Evolution (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013).
《全球政治》一書對當代國際關係的理論與實踐提供了系統性的全面介紹。 作者條理分明地從一系列不同觀點剖析全球政治，每章皆加入創新的元素，協助讀者學習： 「全球政治行動」—透過對世界事務... more 《全球政治》一書對當代國際關係的理論與實踐提供了系統性的全面介紹。
作者條理分明地從一系列不同觀點剖析全球政治，每章皆加入創新的元素，協助讀者學習：
「全球政治行動」—透過對世界事務中重大事件的說明，探究隱藏在新聞內容背後的重要意義。
「全球行為者」—關注從Google到G-20等世界舞台上重要行為者的本質和重要性。
歸納整理不同理論途徑與重要辯論，啟發讀者進行深度思考。
透過照片和生平簡介來介紹形塑全球政治的重要理論家及其思想。
In 1998, with the release of Security: A New Framework for Analysis, Barry Buzan, Ole Waever and ... more In 1998, with the release of Security: A New Framework for Analysis, Barry Buzan, Ole Waever and Jaap de Wilde broached the field of securitization studies, which in turn established the status of the Copenhagen School as a unique critical school in the discipline of International Relations. Since the introduction of the securitization approach, Western observers have applied the approach to analyze non-traditional security issues such as climate change, epidemics, terrorism and piracy. Nonetheless, the Copenhagen School has long been criticized for its Eurocentric assumptions and its functional value as a postmodern or post-positivist theory. In light of such critique and the recent call by the Western academia for “Global IR,” this study is an attempt to introduce a new framework for analyzing security issues and foreign policy through the adoption of the concept of “relationality.” In addition, through the re-integration of conflict theory and the concept of power, this study proposes a policy analytical model for examining the interaction between two actors. By examining the cases of maritime disputes in the South China Sea and the East Sea, this study demonstrates how actors (states) construct security, the securitization process and how an issue is desecuritized in the aftermath of a crisis. By reconsidering and revising the concept of securitization, this study seeks to bring more attention to the study and application of IR theories outside the traditional realm.
This is a short study on the Tumen River Area Development Programme (TRADP), which is currently k... more This is a short study on the Tumen River Area Development Programme (TRADP), which is currently known as the Greater Tumen Initiative (GTI). Although the content may be a bit dated, I hope it is useful for those interested on the subject of (micro) regional integration in Northeast Asia.
區域主義在後冷戰時期脫離傳統地緣因素的規範，透過橫跨區域、放寬合作議題、加入不同行為者等多元面貌出現，對國際關係造成重要影響。在區域主義如火如荼展開時，東北亞在周邊整合的壓力下開始思考合作的可能性，既使現實挑戰依然艱鉅。許多區域合作構想雖然曾在冷戰結束初期出現，部分計畫因各國向心力不足、缺乏完善計畫等問題而停擺，最終黯然退場。然而全球貿易自由化和區域化的壓力迫使各國不得不找尋突破僵局的方法。對於區域合作，東北亞目前已重新啟動圖們江地區的經濟整合行動，並在同時透過東協推動合作，以跨區域的方式覓得協商交流的平台。本研究將探討東北亞區域合作發展在國際與區域兩股力量的作用下如何成形。
