Christopher Baron | University of Notre Dame (original) (raw)
Books by Christopher Baron
The Herodotus Encyclopedia
The first work of its kind, this three-volume set offers students and faculty of all levels an ea... more The first work of its kind, this three-volume set offers students and faculty of all levels an easy-to-use, up-to-date reference tool on Herodotus of Halicarnassus (the “Father of History”) and provides Herodotean scholars with a collection of important strands of recent work. Topics include the debt of Greek historical writing to epic poetry (and other genres); narratological analysis of the text; Herodotus’ position vis-à-vis his predecessors and contemporaries; his use of sources; his notion of Greekness; and the growing body of Persian and other Near Eastern evidence for sixth- and fifth century events.
Spanning three volumes, The Herodotus Encyclopedia surveys the current state of knowledge and understanding of Herodotus’ work, and discusses past, current, and emerging approaches to the text. Featuring contributions from an international team of more than 150 scholars, it offers more than 2,500 entries which cover the individuals, peoples, and places Herodotus names in his Histories; the composition and central themes in his work; and the historical, social, intellectual, and literary context of the period. Many entries also explore the text’s scholarship and reception from antiquity up to the present day.
Cassius Dio and the Late Roman Republic (Brill), 2019
Cassius Dio’s Roman History is an essential, yet still undervalued, source for modern historians ... more Cassius Dio’s Roman History is an essential, yet still undervalued, source for modern historians of the late Roman Republic. The papers in this volume show how his account can be used to gain new perspectives on such topics as the memory of the conspirator Catiline, debates over leadership in Rome, and the nature of alliance formation in civil war.
Contributors also establish Dio as fully in command of his narrative, shaping it to suit his own interests as a senator, a political theorist, and, above all, a historian. Sophisticated use of chronology, manipulation of annalistic form, and engagement with Thucydides are just some of the ways Dio engages with the rich tradition of Greco-Roman historiography to advance his own interpretations.
Timaeus of Tauromenium and Hellenistic Historiography
Timaeus of Tauromenium (350–260 BC) wrote the authoritative account of the Greeks in the Western ... more Timaeus of Tauromenium (350–260 BC) wrote the authoritative account of the Greeks in the Western Mediterranean. Like almost all the Hellenistic historians, his work survives only in fragments. Beyond an up-to-date treatment of this important author, this book shows that both the nature of the evidence and modern assumptions about historical writing in the Hellenistic period have skewed our treatment and judgement of lost historians. For Timaeus, much of our evidence is preserved in the polemical context of Polybius' Book 12. When we move outside that framework and examine the fragments of Timaeus in their proper context, we gain a greater appreciation for his method and his achievement, including his use of polemical invective and his composition of speeches. This examination of Timaeus also conveys a broader impression of the major lines of Hellenistic historiography.
Articles by Christopher Baron
Those Who Leave or Those Who Stay? Arrian's Account of Alexander at Opis (Anab. 7.8.1)
American Journal of Philology, 2024
Alexander's announcement that he was discharging those soldiers whom he considered no longer fit ... more Alexander's announcement that he was discharging those soldiers whom he considered no longer fit for service led to the "mutiny at Opis" (324 BCE). According to the manuscripts of Arrian's *Anabasis*, Alexander also said that he would richly reward those soldiers who were to remain in Asia (μένουσιν, 7.8.1). However, scholars have questioned this reading, and many editions emend the text here. The issue raises significant questions about the actions of Alexander and his Macedonian troops. I aim to show that there is no need for emendation, and that the manuscript reading ("those who stay") is most likely correct. In addition, it reveals both a sophisticated intertextual allusion and a nuanced reading of the historical situation on Arrian's part.
Studies in Contemporary Historiography (Histos Supplement 15), 2023
Though the idea of ‘eyewitness history’ held a central importance from the beginning, Greek histo... more Though the idea of ‘eyewitness history’ held a central importance from the
beginning, Greek historical writing did not typically feature the explicit citation of evidence provided by an eyewitness to an event. Rather, the Greek historians utilised a narrative style which elided any conceptual distance between the reader and the action. This narrative fiction raises the possibility of a different meaning for ‘eyewitness history’, one that shifts emphasis from the sources to the audience. In this essay, I examine three passages containing direct speech found in Herodotus and Thucydides which stand out from their surroundings in various ways. I suggest that the notion of ‘eyewitness history’ in its more reader-orientated sense may help explain the uncommon nature of these brief dialogues.
The Lost Books of Cassius Dio's Roman History (1-35)
Brill's Companion to Cassius Dio, eds. Jesper Madsen and Andrew Scott, 2023
The Dog that Did Not Bark? Cassius Dio and Herodotus, eds. Jesper Madsen and Carsten Lange
Cassius Dio the Historian: Methods and Approaches, 2021
Societies at War (eds. Kai Ruffing, Kerstin Dross-Krüpe, Sebastian Fink, Robert Rollinger), 2020
Between late April and mid-July in the year 330 BCE, Alexander along with a small portion of his ... more Between late April and mid-July in the year 330 BCE, Alexander along with a small portion of his army covered nearly 1500 km in pursuit of the defeated Persian king Darius III. 1 The journey began in Persepolis, with the full Macedonian army marching north toward Ecbatana. But as news reached Alexander of developments in Darius' position, he quickened his pace, shedding parts of his army that would slow him down. By the time he overtook the remnants of the Persian forces somewhere in Parthia and discovered that Darius had been murdered, Alexander was accompanied by just 500 mounted soldiers. Alexander has often received praise not just for his genius as a military commander, but more specifically for his ability to solve the daunting logistical problems of supply and communication which confronted the conqueror of the Persian Empire. 2 The details of his solutions, however, are difficult to pin down. It is not quite the case that our extant literary sources ignore the problem-almost every page of Arrian's account, at least, contains references to messengers arriving or leaving, instructions being sent, or news traveling. But those superficial notices are almost always the extent of it. Despite their interest in warfare, in-depth and comprehensive analysis of military operations does not constitute a regular feature of the narratives written by the Greek historians. This is true even for a military man such as Arrian was. At the same time, the extant accounts of Alexander's campaign provide a wealth of material that allows a glimpse into the workings of the communications of an invading army. Some brief treatments of the topic
Wrinkles in Time: Chronological Ruptures in Cassius Dio's Narrative of the Late Republic
Cassius Dio and the Late Roman Republic, eds. J. Osgood and C. Baron, 2019
The Great King and His Limits: Allusions to Herodotus in Book 7 of Arrian's Anabasis
Sources et modèles des historiens anciens, eds. O. Devillers and B.B. Sebastiani, 2018
Polybius and His Legacy, eds. N. Miltsios and M. Tamiolaki, 2018
Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book ... more Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book 21. Livy’s later books clearly show that he had read Polybius, and recent scholarship (especially from David Levene) has demonstrated that Livy used Polybius as a source and intertext already in Book 21. If so, the opening chapters of those books provide an excellent opportunity to illuminate and compare the two historians’ methods– their choices concerning selection of material, arrangement, commentary, tone, portrayal of character and scenes, etc. Before introducing the comparison with Livy, I focus on Polybius’ text and one of the most notorious difficulties with his account of the outbreak of the Second Punic War, the role of the Ebro River agreement. I argue that the solution to this apparent problem is to consider 3.6-33 as a narrative and argumentative arc, crafted by the historian, in which he introduces the second-century Roman claims about the causes of the war only to undermine them, gradually bringing the reader to see their weaknesses. I then turn to a comparison of this unit in Polybius with its corresponding section of Livy (21.1-19), in order to reveal some of the effects Livy produces by his selection, arrangement, and emphasis of the material. At the same time, I also demonstrate that Polybius’ account is just as consciously crafted by its author.
The Road Not Taken: Diodoros' Reasons for Including the Speech of Theodoros
Diodoros of Sicily: Historiographical Theory and Practice in the 'Bibliotheke', eds. L.I. Hau, A. Meeus, B. Sheridan, 2018
Given his statements in the preface to Book XX, it is surprising that Diodoros includes a long, d... more Given his statements in the preface to Book XX, it is surprising that Diodoros includes a long, direct speech from the otherwise unknown Theodoros of Syracuse in Book XIV – especially since Theodoros fails to rouse the Syracusans to action against the tyrant Dionysios. I argue that, in addition to the moral overtones highlighted for speeches in general by Sacks and Hau, there are two reasons for its presence in Diodoros’ work: it marks a key historical juncture, and it illustrates a larger pattern of Sicilian history, recurrent domination by tyrants. Close attention to Diodoros’ selection and placement of direct speeches, the language with which he describes the aftermath of Theodoros’ oration and its relation to his comments in Book XX, and the narratological concept of ‘sideshadowing’ help elucidate his use of direct discourse as an historiographical tool.
Histos Supplement 6, 2017
This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of the third-century BC author Dur... more This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of
the third-century BC author Duris of Samos reveal about the
relationship between comedy and history. I argue that his citations of
comic poetry match his stated concern for vividness in historical
narrative. I also consider the light shed on Greek historical writing in
the fourth and third centuries by Duris’ practice of using comedy as
historical evidence. Given his interest in multiple genres and his
connection to the Peripatetics, it would not be surprising if Duris turned
to comedy more frequently than his predecessors had done.
Duris of Samos and a Herodotean Model for Writing History
Brill's Companion to the Reception of Herodotus in Antiquity and Beyond, eds. J. Priestley and V. Zali, Brill (2016), 59-82
Malaria and the Decline of Ancient Greece: Revisiting the Jones Hypothesis in an Era of Interdisciplinarity
Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdi... more Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdisciplinary research in biology and history in advancing the claim that malaria had been crucial in the decline of golden-age Greece (fourth century BCE). The idea had originated with Ross, winner of the Nobel Prize for demonstrating the importance of mosquitoes in the spread of the disease. Jones assembled what, today, we would call an interdisciplinary network of collaborators in the sciences and humanities. But early negative reviews of Jones’s Malaria and Greek History (1909) by classicists and historians ended the project, despite a positive reception among malariologists. Today, the ‘‘Jones hypothesis’’ is often used to exemplify the naïvete of past scholarship, and few examine Jones’s evidence and reasoning. In this age of renewed interdisciplinarity, a review of what went wrong is timely. Jones and Ross knew they were opening new methodological territory and struggled with the challenges of multiple ways of knowing. Over 100 years later, malaria remains an important site of historical-biological research, yet integration is elusive. After reviewing the Jones-Ross relationship, Jones’s inter-disciplinary campaign, and the reception of the hypothesis among classicists/ancient historians and in malariology, we conclude by highlighting some of the specific challenges faced by those exploring the interface of biology and history.
Ancient World 45.1, 3-17, Jun 2014
Neanthes of Kyzikos (BNJ 84)
Brill's New Jacoby, ed. I. Worthington (Brill Online), Apr 1, 2014
Greek Historiography
Oxford Bibliographies in Classics, Ed. Dee Clayman, Oct 29, 2013
The Delimitation of Fragments in Jacoby's FGrHist: Some Examples from Duris of Samos
Greek, Roman, and Byzantine …, Jan 1, 2011
Ancient Society, Jan 1, 2009
Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ sco... more Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ scorn. Scholars have occasionally studied his specific attacks on Timaios but have tended to concern themselves with the question of whether the critique is justified. But since Timaios survives largely through the lens of Polybios, and Polybios uses Timaios for a very specific purpose—to show how not to do history—an important matter for investigation is the methodological one of how we should go about using this evidence. An analysis of Polybius’ treatment of Timaios in Book XII, when compared to his statements elsewhere in the Histories, highlights the distorting effect of Polybius’ polemic on the evidence for Timaios’ historiography. It also reveals that, despite his lengthy complaints, Polybius himself provides evidence that Timaios was a respected and successful historian as well as a careful and diligent researcher. My findings help bring out the methodological dangers inherent in the study of the fragmentary historians.
The Herodotus Encyclopedia
The first work of its kind, this three-volume set offers students and faculty of all levels an ea... more The first work of its kind, this three-volume set offers students and faculty of all levels an easy-to-use, up-to-date reference tool on Herodotus of Halicarnassus (the “Father of History”) and provides Herodotean scholars with a collection of important strands of recent work. Topics include the debt of Greek historical writing to epic poetry (and other genres); narratological analysis of the text; Herodotus’ position vis-à-vis his predecessors and contemporaries; his use of sources; his notion of Greekness; and the growing body of Persian and other Near Eastern evidence for sixth- and fifth century events.
Spanning three volumes, The Herodotus Encyclopedia surveys the current state of knowledge and understanding of Herodotus’ work, and discusses past, current, and emerging approaches to the text. Featuring contributions from an international team of more than 150 scholars, it offers more than 2,500 entries which cover the individuals, peoples, and places Herodotus names in his Histories; the composition and central themes in his work; and the historical, social, intellectual, and literary context of the period. Many entries also explore the text’s scholarship and reception from antiquity up to the present day.
Cassius Dio and the Late Roman Republic (Brill), 2019
Cassius Dio’s Roman History is an essential, yet still undervalued, source for modern historians ... more Cassius Dio’s Roman History is an essential, yet still undervalued, source for modern historians of the late Roman Republic. The papers in this volume show how his account can be used to gain new perspectives on such topics as the memory of the conspirator Catiline, debates over leadership in Rome, and the nature of alliance formation in civil war.
Contributors also establish Dio as fully in command of his narrative, shaping it to suit his own interests as a senator, a political theorist, and, above all, a historian. Sophisticated use of chronology, manipulation of annalistic form, and engagement with Thucydides are just some of the ways Dio engages with the rich tradition of Greco-Roman historiography to advance his own interpretations.
Timaeus of Tauromenium and Hellenistic Historiography
Timaeus of Tauromenium (350–260 BC) wrote the authoritative account of the Greeks in the Western ... more Timaeus of Tauromenium (350–260 BC) wrote the authoritative account of the Greeks in the Western Mediterranean. Like almost all the Hellenistic historians, his work survives only in fragments. Beyond an up-to-date treatment of this important author, this book shows that both the nature of the evidence and modern assumptions about historical writing in the Hellenistic period have skewed our treatment and judgement of lost historians. For Timaeus, much of our evidence is preserved in the polemical context of Polybius' Book 12. When we move outside that framework and examine the fragments of Timaeus in their proper context, we gain a greater appreciation for his method and his achievement, including his use of polemical invective and his composition of speeches. This examination of Timaeus also conveys a broader impression of the major lines of Hellenistic historiography.
Those Who Leave or Those Who Stay? Arrian's Account of Alexander at Opis (Anab. 7.8.1)
American Journal of Philology, 2024
Alexander's announcement that he was discharging those soldiers whom he considered no longer fit ... more Alexander's announcement that he was discharging those soldiers whom he considered no longer fit for service led to the "mutiny at Opis" (324 BCE). According to the manuscripts of Arrian's *Anabasis*, Alexander also said that he would richly reward those soldiers who were to remain in Asia (μένουσιν, 7.8.1). However, scholars have questioned this reading, and many editions emend the text here. The issue raises significant questions about the actions of Alexander and his Macedonian troops. I aim to show that there is no need for emendation, and that the manuscript reading ("those who stay") is most likely correct. In addition, it reveals both a sophisticated intertextual allusion and a nuanced reading of the historical situation on Arrian's part.
Studies in Contemporary Historiography (Histos Supplement 15), 2023
Though the idea of ‘eyewitness history’ held a central importance from the beginning, Greek histo... more Though the idea of ‘eyewitness history’ held a central importance from the
beginning, Greek historical writing did not typically feature the explicit citation of evidence provided by an eyewitness to an event. Rather, the Greek historians utilised a narrative style which elided any conceptual distance between the reader and the action. This narrative fiction raises the possibility of a different meaning for ‘eyewitness history’, one that shifts emphasis from the sources to the audience. In this essay, I examine three passages containing direct speech found in Herodotus and Thucydides which stand out from their surroundings in various ways. I suggest that the notion of ‘eyewitness history’ in its more reader-orientated sense may help explain the uncommon nature of these brief dialogues.
The Lost Books of Cassius Dio's Roman History (1-35)
Brill's Companion to Cassius Dio, eds. Jesper Madsen and Andrew Scott, 2023
The Dog that Did Not Bark? Cassius Dio and Herodotus, eds. Jesper Madsen and Carsten Lange
Cassius Dio the Historian: Methods and Approaches, 2021
Societies at War (eds. Kai Ruffing, Kerstin Dross-Krüpe, Sebastian Fink, Robert Rollinger), 2020
Between late April and mid-July in the year 330 BCE, Alexander along with a small portion of his ... more Between late April and mid-July in the year 330 BCE, Alexander along with a small portion of his army covered nearly 1500 km in pursuit of the defeated Persian king Darius III. 1 The journey began in Persepolis, with the full Macedonian army marching north toward Ecbatana. But as news reached Alexander of developments in Darius' position, he quickened his pace, shedding parts of his army that would slow him down. By the time he overtook the remnants of the Persian forces somewhere in Parthia and discovered that Darius had been murdered, Alexander was accompanied by just 500 mounted soldiers. Alexander has often received praise not just for his genius as a military commander, but more specifically for his ability to solve the daunting logistical problems of supply and communication which confronted the conqueror of the Persian Empire. 2 The details of his solutions, however, are difficult to pin down. It is not quite the case that our extant literary sources ignore the problem-almost every page of Arrian's account, at least, contains references to messengers arriving or leaving, instructions being sent, or news traveling. But those superficial notices are almost always the extent of it. Despite their interest in warfare, in-depth and comprehensive analysis of military operations does not constitute a regular feature of the narratives written by the Greek historians. This is true even for a military man such as Arrian was. At the same time, the extant accounts of Alexander's campaign provide a wealth of material that allows a glimpse into the workings of the communications of an invading army. Some brief treatments of the topic
Wrinkles in Time: Chronological Ruptures in Cassius Dio's Narrative of the Late Republic
Cassius Dio and the Late Roman Republic, eds. J. Osgood and C. Baron, 2019
The Great King and His Limits: Allusions to Herodotus in Book 7 of Arrian's Anabasis
Sources et modèles des historiens anciens, eds. O. Devillers and B.B. Sebastiani, 2018
Polybius and His Legacy, eds. N. Miltsios and M. Tamiolaki, 2018
Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book ... more Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book 21. Livy’s later books clearly show that he had read Polybius, and recent scholarship (especially from David Levene) has demonstrated that Livy used Polybius as a source and intertext already in Book 21. If so, the opening chapters of those books provide an excellent opportunity to illuminate and compare the two historians’ methods– their choices concerning selection of material, arrangement, commentary, tone, portrayal of character and scenes, etc. Before introducing the comparison with Livy, I focus on Polybius’ text and one of the most notorious difficulties with his account of the outbreak of the Second Punic War, the role of the Ebro River agreement. I argue that the solution to this apparent problem is to consider 3.6-33 as a narrative and argumentative arc, crafted by the historian, in which he introduces the second-century Roman claims about the causes of the war only to undermine them, gradually bringing the reader to see their weaknesses. I then turn to a comparison of this unit in Polybius with its corresponding section of Livy (21.1-19), in order to reveal some of the effects Livy produces by his selection, arrangement, and emphasis of the material. At the same time, I also demonstrate that Polybius’ account is just as consciously crafted by its author.
The Road Not Taken: Diodoros' Reasons for Including the Speech of Theodoros
Diodoros of Sicily: Historiographical Theory and Practice in the 'Bibliotheke', eds. L.I. Hau, A. Meeus, B. Sheridan, 2018
Given his statements in the preface to Book XX, it is surprising that Diodoros includes a long, d... more Given his statements in the preface to Book XX, it is surprising that Diodoros includes a long, direct speech from the otherwise unknown Theodoros of Syracuse in Book XIV – especially since Theodoros fails to rouse the Syracusans to action against the tyrant Dionysios. I argue that, in addition to the moral overtones highlighted for speeches in general by Sacks and Hau, there are two reasons for its presence in Diodoros’ work: it marks a key historical juncture, and it illustrates a larger pattern of Sicilian history, recurrent domination by tyrants. Close attention to Diodoros’ selection and placement of direct speeches, the language with which he describes the aftermath of Theodoros’ oration and its relation to his comments in Book XX, and the narratological concept of ‘sideshadowing’ help elucidate his use of direct discourse as an historiographical tool.
Histos Supplement 6, 2017
This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of the third-century BC author Dur... more This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of
the third-century BC author Duris of Samos reveal about the
relationship between comedy and history. I argue that his citations of
comic poetry match his stated concern for vividness in historical
narrative. I also consider the light shed on Greek historical writing in
the fourth and third centuries by Duris’ practice of using comedy as
historical evidence. Given his interest in multiple genres and his
connection to the Peripatetics, it would not be surprising if Duris turned
to comedy more frequently than his predecessors had done.
Duris of Samos and a Herodotean Model for Writing History
Brill's Companion to the Reception of Herodotus in Antiquity and Beyond, eds. J. Priestley and V. Zali, Brill (2016), 59-82
Malaria and the Decline of Ancient Greece: Revisiting the Jones Hypothesis in an Era of Interdisciplinarity
Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdi... more Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdisciplinary research in biology and history in advancing the claim that malaria had been crucial in the decline of golden-age Greece (fourth century BCE). The idea had originated with Ross, winner of the Nobel Prize for demonstrating the importance of mosquitoes in the spread of the disease. Jones assembled what, today, we would call an interdisciplinary network of collaborators in the sciences and humanities. But early negative reviews of Jones’s Malaria and Greek History (1909) by classicists and historians ended the project, despite a positive reception among malariologists. Today, the ‘‘Jones hypothesis’’ is often used to exemplify the naïvete of past scholarship, and few examine Jones’s evidence and reasoning. In this age of renewed interdisciplinarity, a review of what went wrong is timely. Jones and Ross knew they were opening new methodological territory and struggled with the challenges of multiple ways of knowing. Over 100 years later, malaria remains an important site of historical-biological research, yet integration is elusive. After reviewing the Jones-Ross relationship, Jones’s inter-disciplinary campaign, and the reception of the hypothesis among classicists/ancient historians and in malariology, we conclude by highlighting some of the specific challenges faced by those exploring the interface of biology and history.
Ancient World 45.1, 3-17, Jun 2014
Neanthes of Kyzikos (BNJ 84)
Brill's New Jacoby, ed. I. Worthington (Brill Online), Apr 1, 2014
Greek Historiography
Oxford Bibliographies in Classics, Ed. Dee Clayman, Oct 29, 2013
The Delimitation of Fragments in Jacoby's FGrHist: Some Examples from Duris of Samos
Greek, Roman, and Byzantine …, Jan 1, 2011
Ancient Society, Jan 1, 2009
Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ sco... more Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ scorn. Scholars have occasionally studied his specific attacks on Timaios but have tended to concern themselves with the question of whether the critique is justified. But since Timaios survives largely through the lens of Polybios, and Polybios uses Timaios for a very specific purpose—to show how not to do history—an important matter for investigation is the methodological one of how we should go about using this evidence. An analysis of Polybius’ treatment of Timaios in Book XII, when compared to his statements elsewhere in the Histories, highlights the distorting effect of Polybius’ polemic on the evidence for Timaios’ historiography. It also reveals that, despite his lengthy complaints, Polybius himself provides evidence that Timaios was a respected and successful historian as well as a careful and diligent researcher. My findings help bring out the methodological dangers inherent in the study of the fragmentary historians.
The Aristoteles Decree and the Expansion of the Second Athenian League
Hesperia, Jan 1, 2006
The erased name on the left lateral face of the stele containing the Aristoteles Decree (IG II2 4... more The erased name on the left lateral face of the stele containing the Aristoteles Decree (IG II2 43) was believed for many years to have been Jason, tyrant of Pherai; but since Woodhead's measurements showed that the partially visible stroke was more likely to be an iota than a nu, the question has been re-opened. By comparing the literary accounts of the expansion of the League with the names on the stele, we can date the original entry in line 111 to 373/2 B.C. An inscription dating to the end of that year, containing decrees from the Athenian assembly and the synedrion of the allies, then provides a possible restoration for the erasure: the Parians, whose name already appeared on the front of the stele (line 89). Thus the reason for the erasure was to correct a mistake rather than to delete the name of a defector.
Timaios of Tauromenion: A case study in Hellenistic historiography
Felix Jacoby's monumental collection, Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker, provides a valua... more Felix Jacoby's monumental collection, Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker, provides a valuable reference tool for the student of ancient historiography. However, the remains of these "fragmentary" historians present daunting methodological difficulties, for the vast majority are not pieces broken off from the original work (which present their own problems of interpretation); rather, they consist of citations and paraphrases by later authors and come to us in a mediated form. Unless the new context in which they are preserved is taken into account, our judgment of these lost historians can be seriously distorted. In this dissertation, I use Timaios of Tauromenion (ca. 350–260 BC) as a case study for the larger project of establishing a methodology for the study of fragmentary Hellenistic historians. Polybius' Book 12 is our major source of evidence for Timaios. But while he preserves a good deal of valuable information, the polemical framework which Polybius imposes on that information severely distorts our image of his predecessor. Thus the key, as described by Riccardo Vattuone, is to "recontextualize" the fragments, a process I carry out for Timaios' work in three ways. First, I place Timaios in his historical context and consider what effect the varying fortunes of early third-century Athens had on his work. I also consider the contemporary intellectual context in which Timaios operated, in terms of both place (Athens) and time (early Hellenistic period), to see whether he played any part in the scholarly and literary debates of the day. Finally, I examine Timaios in his historiographical context, focusing on his relation to the writing of history, as well as other literary genres, in the Hellenistic age. I conclude that the use to which later authors put his work has severely skewed our image of it, and that the "antiquarian" elements evident in the fragments were interwoven with historical narrative of contemporary events; that, contrary to the traditional portrait, Timaios was neither an isolated misanthrope nor an escapist; and that, by applying a more flexible notion of genre, we can discover Timaios engaging in a type of Herodotean historiography, in terms of subject matter and narrative structure.
Review of Valérie Naas and Mathilde Simon (edd.), De Samos à Rome: personnalité et influence de Douris
Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica, 2017
Review of Peter Thonemann, The Hellenistic Age (Oxford, 2016)
History: Reviews of New Books, 2017
Review of Pia de Fidio and Clara Talamo, edd., with the collaboration of Luigi Vecchio, Eforo di ... more Review of Pia de Fidio and Clara Talamo, edd., with the collaboration of Luigi Vecchio, Eforo di Cuma nella storia della storiografia greca. Atti dell’Incontro Internazionale di Studi
Fisciano-Salerno, 10–12 dicembre 2008, 2 vols. (La Parola del Passato vol. 1 (LXVIII): fasc. 388–93, and vol. 2 (LXIX): fasc. 394–9).
Histos 9 (2015), xix-xxiv
Review of Edith Foster and Donald Lateiner (eds.), Thucydides and Herodotus (Oxford, 2012)
Review of Jacqueline de Romilly, The Mind of Thucydides
Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2013.04.53, 2013
Review of Edith Foster, Thucydides, Pericles, and Periclean Imperialism
Review of Timothy Howe and Jeanne Reames (edd.), Macedonian Legacies: Studies in Ancient Macedonian History and Culture in Honor of Eugene N. Borza
The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Jan 1, 2009
Palamedes: A Journal of Ancient History, Jan 1, 2008
The Dog that Did Not Bark? Cassius Dio and Herodotus
Cassius Dio the Historian: Methods and Approaches
The influence of Thucydides on Cassius Dio’s historical writing has long been noted, and it shows... more The influence of Thucydides on Cassius Dio’s historical writing has long been noted, and it shows clearly in numerous ways. But what about the other important Greek historiographical model for the Greek historians writing under Rome, Herodotus? In a 2003 paper, Guy Lachenaud delineated briefly a number of potential areas of influence and pointed out passages of the Roman History where echoes of Herodotus may be heard. I propose to pursue this investigation further in breadth and depth, by establishing and defining more clearly parameters for judging Herodotus’ influence. I want to especially consider examples from the fragmentary Books 1–36—where, as the Romans continually encountered other peoples and nations, we might expect Herodotus’ outlook to have been a useful model for Dio. One particular fragment, involving an oracle about a talking dog which is not resolved in what survives from the Roman History, will also shed light on the issue of Dio’s sources for the history of the Republic. Overall, I hope the results of this investigation will provide further insight into Dio’s working methods, and perhaps it will reveal an additional source of inspiration for his treatment of early Rome and the Republic.
Communication in Alexander's Empire
My broader topic is “the logistics of imperial communication” in the empire of Alexander III of M... more My broader topic is “the logistics of imperial communication” in the empire of Alexander III of Macedon and his immediate successors: that is, how the Macedonians adopted, adapted, or rejected the practices of their Persian predecessors, and how the expansion of Greek into this already-polyglot world impacted political and social relationships. My specific question in this paper is, how did information travel during the years of Alexander’s campaigns? The extant accounts of Alexander’s campaign provide a wealth of material that allows a glimpse into the workings of the communications of an invading army. The questions I would like to ask of this evidence include: who were the people who travelled through war-time Persia carrying information? How did Alexander and his staff know what lay ahead of them, and how did they evaluate the trustworthiness of the information they received? To what extent did Alexander rely on an existing system of communications, and what changes did he make? My goal is to begin to integrate the data from Alexander’s campaign into a larger picture, taking into account the evidence for Persian procedures before Alexander; I also hope to add a social component, even individual where possible, to our picture of communication in Alexander’s empire.
The Historian’s Craft: Narrative Strategies and Historical Method in Polybius and Livy
Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War (c. 221 BCE) are Polybius Book 3 a... more Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War (c. 221 BCE) are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book 21. Livy’s later books clearly show that he had read Polybius, but many scholars have argued that Livy did not rely on Polybius directly for the Second Punic War, and some have denied that Polybius is present at all in Book 21. Since the 1600s the question of Livy’s sources has been the most common question asked about his work; this has, for the most part, run its course – unless we somehow discover more of the lost annalists of the Republic, no certainties can be reached. My comparison of Livy and Polybius will provide glimpses into both historians’ working methods – their choices concerning selection of material, arrangement, commentary, tone, portrayal of character and scenes, etc.
Seriously Funny: Comic Poets as Historical Sources in Ancient Greece
Herodotus and the Power of Names: metonomasia in the Histories
Metonomasia as a Theme in Herodotus' Histories
Practicing What We Preach: Putting our Historiographical Skills to Use
Sons of History: Julian, Gregory, and their use of Herodotus
In the wake of Susanna Elm’s demonstration (Sons of Hellenism) of the shared paideia of the Emper... more In the wake of Susanna Elm’s demonstration (Sons of Hellenism) of the shared paideia of the Emperor Julian and Gregory of Nazianzus, the various potential components of that paideia gain increased interest. Suzanne Abrams Rebillard and other scholars have recently examined Gregory as histor and his use of Greek historiographical models (especially Herodotus). Less attention has been paid to Julian in this regard. In this paper, I will examine the way in which histor-related terms and concepts, as well as references to Herodotus, operate in passages of Julian where the truth about the past is contested, and how Julian’s use of and attitude toward the Father of History compares with that of Gregory.
A funny thing happened on the way to this fragment: the use of comedy as historical evidence after 400 BC
How did Greek historians after 400 BC use comedy as evidence? This question is made difficult by ... more How did Greek historians after 400 BC use comedy as evidence? This question is made difficult by the fragmentary nature of the historical tradition, but we do find historians who cite comedy, or poetry more generally, to support their arguments. For example, Duris of Samos referred to lines from Aristophanes’ Babylonians in connection with a discussion of Athenian-Samian relations in the fifth century (BNJ 76 F 66). In fact, the fragments of Duris reveal a fair number of poetic citations, from Homer to contemporary hymns. I examine these and other instances to attempt to determine the attitude of Greek historians toward comedy as evidence.
Adopting an Ancestor: Mythological Genealogies and Barbarians at the Edges of the Greek World
I consider the issue of Greek identity through two processes visible in Greek historical writing ... more I consider the issue of Greek identity through two processes visible in Greek historical writing - the creation of mythological genealogies at the edges of the Greek world, and the “barbarianization” of a Greek city - through an analysis of Thucydides 2.68, the foundation and early history of Amphilochian Argos in Northwest Greece.
Herodotean Historiography in the Hellenistic Age
“Composition and Style in Timaios of Tauromenion”
“What’s In a Name? Alexander, Macedonia, and Greek Identity”
“Making a Fresh Start: Western Greek Identity in the Authors of Sikelika/Italika”
“Live Free or Try Hard: Freedom and Autonomy in Fourth-Century Inscriptions”
“The Bravest of the Greeks: Alcibiades Through Western Eyes”
“Between a Rock and a Soft Place: Ionian Identity in Herodotus”
Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdi... more Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdisciplinary research in biology and history in advancing the claim that malaria had been crucial in the decline of golden-age Greece (fourth century BCE). The idea had originated with Ross, winner of the Nobel Prize for demonstrating the importance of mosquitoes in the spread of the disease. Jones assembled what, today, we would call an interdisciplinary network of collaborators in the sciences and humanities. But early negative reviews of Jones's Malaria and Greek History (1909) by classicists and historians ended the project, despite a positive reception among malariologists. Today, the ''Jones hypothesis'' is often used to exemplify the naı¨vete of past scholarship, and few examine Jones's evidence and reasoning. In this age of renewed interdisciplinarity, a review of what went wrong is timely. Jones and Ross knew they were opening new methodological territory and struggled with the challenges of multiple ways of knowing. Over 100 years later, malaria remains an important site of historical-biological research, yet integration is elusive. After reviewing the Jones-Ross relationship, Jones's inter-disciplinary campaign, and the reception of the hypothesis among classicists/ancient historians and in malariology, we conclude by highlighting some of the specific challenges faced by those exploring the interface of biology and history.