Xueying Wang | University of Notre Dame (original) (raw)
Papers by Xueying Wang
Since the publication of Matteo Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi, sheng 聖 was commonly accepted as the trans... more Since the publication of Matteo Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi, sheng 聖 was commonly accepted as the translation of Catholic saints in China. A closer study, however, suggests that the use of sheng as the translation of saints was not an unquestioned process. In fact, the use of sheng diverged soon after the death of Matteo Ricci and disagreements continued at least into the early eighteenth century in the Catholic circle in China. This article seeks to deepen the understanding about the use of sheng as translation of saints in the seventeenth-and eighteenth-century China. I focus on the examples of Alfonso Vagnone, Zhang Xingyao and Yan Mo, who represented three different approaches to sheng as the translation of saints in relation to sheng in reference to sages in the Confucian tradition. As we know, the Catholic Church eventually took the solution suggested by Yan Mo, who advocated referring to both Catholic saints and Confucian sages as sheng while maintaining a clear distinction between the two groups. But, before the decision was made in the twentieth century, there was much tension and complexity to translating the concept of Catholic saints as sheng.
Journal of World Christianity, 2022
One of the key issues during the Chinese Rites Controversy was Chinese ancestral rites. Deeming a... more One of the key issues during the Chinese Rites Controversy was Chinese ancestral rites. Deeming ancestral rites idolatrous, mendicant missionaries advocated banning them; the Jesuits accommodated ancestral rites under certain conditions. The defense provided by the Jesuits focused on the ancestral rites being civil and political, and therefore not idolatrous. This article examines the views of Yan Mo, a lower-level Confucian Catholic literatus. Yan's defense of the ancestral rites differs from the Jesuits in that Yan focused on the intrinsic value of ancestral rites as cultural practices, which he called "ancient rites of China. " Yan consulted Confucian canons and pointed out that performing the ancestral rites is an act of filial piety that, in the context of Chinese culture, is so embedded in the Chinese culture that the rites cannot be substituted by Christian practices such as praying the rosary or giving alms.
Journal of Chinese Religions, 2021
Soon after Matteo Ricci started his missionary work in China, he realized that there was no Chine... more Soon after Matteo Ricci started his missionary work in China, he realized that there was no Chinese term equivalent to the Christian concept of the anima-a human soul that is individual, spiritual, and immortal. To develop this concept in Chinese, Ricci creatively invoked Chinese ancestral sacrifices, arguing that the sacrifices are made to the individual, immortal souls (linghun 靈魂) of deceased ancestors. Ricci's strategy, after enjoying decades of success, was called into question during the Chinese Rites Controversy, when mendicant missionaries condemned ancestral rites as idolatrous. Chinese converts, who hoped to continue practicing ancestral rites, argued that the rites were merely an expression of gratitude, which does not involve the "reception" of sacrifices by the ancestors. But the question is, how should they then explain the concept of the anima to fellow Chinese? In this article, I examine the conception of the soul by Xia Dachang 夏大常 (before 1624-after 1686), a Confucian literatus who converted to Christianity at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A close reading of Xia's treatise On the Soul suggests that he uses the framework of Mencius's xing shan 性善-that human beings are by nature good-to explain the concept of the soul. Xia's conception of the soul represents one way in which the concept of the soul could be received by Christians who were deeply influenced by Confucianism.
Confucianism and Catholicism: Reinvogorating the Dialogue, 2020
Journal of Early Christian Studies, 2019
Premature death of children was a tragic, yet all too common phenomenon in antiquity. Modern scho... more Premature death of children was a tragic, yet all too common phenomenon in antiquity. Modern scholars noticed a shift of focus in literature that addresses the loss of children: whereas authors in the pre-Christian era focused on the sorrow of bereaved parents, Christian writers paid more attention to the moral and eschatological status of deceased children. This article examines John Chrysostom's understanding of the premature death of children and the counsel he offers to bereaved parents. In comparison with Augustine and Gregory of Nyssa, who exclusively commented on deceased children, Chrysostom retains a focus on helping bereaved parents cope with their sorrow. His homilies provide us with a profound glimpse of the feelings and thoughts of parents dealing with their loss and the kind of counseling they were likely to receive from the church. This article will also suggest that Chrysostom's optimistic assessment of the destiny of deceased children-their guaranteed entry into heaven due to moral innocence-contributes significantly to his counseling of bereaved parents. I am indebted to the two anonymous reviewers of this article for insightful comments. I would also like to thank Blake Leyerle, who encouraged me to start this project in her enriching class. Earlier drafts were graciously read by Peter Martens, Lisa Driver, Dorothy Bass, Mark Schwehn, and Richard Kim. They all offered very helpful comments. The final stages of research, writing, and revising were supported by the Lilly Foundation at Valparaiso University. 1. Bruce Frier has proposed that only 49% of children survived their fifth birthday ("
Since the publication of Matteo Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi, sheng 聖 was commonly accepted as the trans... more Since the publication of Matteo Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi, sheng 聖 was commonly accepted as the translation of Catholic saints in China. A closer study, however, suggests that the use of sheng as the translation of saints was not an unquestioned process. In fact, the use of sheng diverged soon after the death of Matteo Ricci and disagreements continued at least into the early eighteenth century in the Catholic circle in China. This article seeks to deepen the understanding about the use of sheng as translation of saints in the seventeenth-and eighteenth-century China. I focus on the examples of Alfonso Vagnone, Zhang Xingyao and Yan Mo, who represented three different approaches to sheng as the translation of saints in relation to sheng in reference to sages in the Confucian tradition. As we know, the Catholic Church eventually took the solution suggested by Yan Mo, who advocated referring to both Catholic saints and Confucian sages as sheng while maintaining a clear distinction between the two groups. But, before the decision was made in the twentieth century, there was much tension and complexity to translating the concept of Catholic saints as sheng.
Journal of World Christianity, 2022
One of the key issues during the Chinese Rites Controversy was Chinese ancestral rites. Deeming a... more One of the key issues during the Chinese Rites Controversy was Chinese ancestral rites. Deeming ancestral rites idolatrous, mendicant missionaries advocated banning them; the Jesuits accommodated ancestral rites under certain conditions. The defense provided by the Jesuits focused on the ancestral rites being civil and political, and therefore not idolatrous. This article examines the views of Yan Mo, a lower-level Confucian Catholic literatus. Yan's defense of the ancestral rites differs from the Jesuits in that Yan focused on the intrinsic value of ancestral rites as cultural practices, which he called "ancient rites of China. " Yan consulted Confucian canons and pointed out that performing the ancestral rites is an act of filial piety that, in the context of Chinese culture, is so embedded in the Chinese culture that the rites cannot be substituted by Christian practices such as praying the rosary or giving alms.
Journal of Chinese Religions, 2021
Soon after Matteo Ricci started his missionary work in China, he realized that there was no Chine... more Soon after Matteo Ricci started his missionary work in China, he realized that there was no Chinese term equivalent to the Christian concept of the anima-a human soul that is individual, spiritual, and immortal. To develop this concept in Chinese, Ricci creatively invoked Chinese ancestral sacrifices, arguing that the sacrifices are made to the individual, immortal souls (linghun 靈魂) of deceased ancestors. Ricci's strategy, after enjoying decades of success, was called into question during the Chinese Rites Controversy, when mendicant missionaries condemned ancestral rites as idolatrous. Chinese converts, who hoped to continue practicing ancestral rites, argued that the rites were merely an expression of gratitude, which does not involve the "reception" of sacrifices by the ancestors. But the question is, how should they then explain the concept of the anima to fellow Chinese? In this article, I examine the conception of the soul by Xia Dachang 夏大常 (before 1624-after 1686), a Confucian literatus who converted to Christianity at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A close reading of Xia's treatise On the Soul suggests that he uses the framework of Mencius's xing shan 性善-that human beings are by nature good-to explain the concept of the soul. Xia's conception of the soul represents one way in which the concept of the soul could be received by Christians who were deeply influenced by Confucianism.
Confucianism and Catholicism: Reinvogorating the Dialogue, 2020
Journal of Early Christian Studies, 2019
Premature death of children was a tragic, yet all too common phenomenon in antiquity. Modern scho... more Premature death of children was a tragic, yet all too common phenomenon in antiquity. Modern scholars noticed a shift of focus in literature that addresses the loss of children: whereas authors in the pre-Christian era focused on the sorrow of bereaved parents, Christian writers paid more attention to the moral and eschatological status of deceased children. This article examines John Chrysostom's understanding of the premature death of children and the counsel he offers to bereaved parents. In comparison with Augustine and Gregory of Nyssa, who exclusively commented on deceased children, Chrysostom retains a focus on helping bereaved parents cope with their sorrow. His homilies provide us with a profound glimpse of the feelings and thoughts of parents dealing with their loss and the kind of counseling they were likely to receive from the church. This article will also suggest that Chrysostom's optimistic assessment of the destiny of deceased children-their guaranteed entry into heaven due to moral innocence-contributes significantly to his counseling of bereaved parents. I am indebted to the two anonymous reviewers of this article for insightful comments. I would also like to thank Blake Leyerle, who encouraged me to start this project in her enriching class. Earlier drafts were graciously read by Peter Martens, Lisa Driver, Dorothy Bass, Mark Schwehn, and Richard Kim. They all offered very helpful comments. The final stages of research, writing, and revising were supported by the Lilly Foundation at Valparaiso University. 1. Bruce Frier has proposed that only 49% of children survived their fifth birthday ("