Haruko Hosoda | Nihon University (original) (raw)

ARTICLES by Haruko Hosoda

This study attempts to present a comparative analysis of the influence on Spanish democratization... more This study attempts to present a comparative analysis of the influence on Spanish democratization by the AFL-CIO (American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations) and by the British national trade union center, the Trades Union Congress (TUC). While the former offered support to non-Communist anti-Francoist movements, especially to the ex-POUM (Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification) members, the latter maintained contacts with various forces from the Franco regime’s official syndicates to the Communist-led ones. In the final run, the Spanish democratization movements fought not for anti-Communism but for anti-Francoism, and Spanish labor movements permitted the various labor unions including the Communist-led union. This is because the balance of the policies of the AFL-CIO and of the TUC made possible a contribution to Spanish democratization allowing diversity.

Este estudio intenta examinar, en primer lugar, las relaciones entre el régimen franquista y los ... more Este estudio intenta examinar, en primer lugar, las relaciones entre el régimen franquista y los Estados Unidos no en el contexto de las relaciones europeas, sino de las internacionales, desde la Guerra Civil hasta la Guerra Fría, comparándolas con el Japón de posguerra. En segundo lugar, a diferencia de los estudios ya existentes, analizaremos dichas relaciones no solamente desde el punto de vista político y de seguridad, sino también desde el económico. En ambos países se daba el problema de las tropas americanas, y en ambos se logró un alto crecimiento económico en los años sesenta; intentaremos analizar las razones de esa situación.

This study, concentrating on the late Franco period, analyses Spanish democratization and U.S. Ba... more This study, concentrating on the late Franco period, analyses Spanish democratization and U.S. Base politics, especially pertaining to the Middle East and the Mediterranean situation, using significant primary documents from the U.S., Spain and the U.K. For the U.S., Spain was situated in a vital position to counter the Soviet presence in the Mediterranean in the 1960s, and in the 1970s, against the expanding Communist movements in Southern Europe. In Spain, especially in the Foreign Ministry, the Gibraltar issue and the U.S. troops,which infringed not only its sovereignty but its dignity, fortified its nationalism. Public opinion, controlled by the regime, also showed more anti-Americanism after the Palomares incident, which spotlighted the introduction of H-bombs into Spanish territory and the Yom Kippur War, when the U.S. troops utilised the facilities in Spain without previous consultation. The Franco regime employed this public opinion, combined
with the Gibraltar issue and a closer linkage with NATO, to renegotiate the disadvantageous Executive Agreements. On the other hand, the end of the regime needed a treaty or a Western recognition as a“new look”to legitimise itself in the court of public opinion. Among European countries, the FRG did not wish an undemocratic Spain’s rapid inclusion into NATO, and other Northern Europeans also opposed it. Meanwhile, inside the U.S., the interest in a democratic Spain was growing in the seventies. Therefore, the U.S. government decided to start supporting Spanish democratic transition before Franco’s death. To create a pro-American centrist party, the U.S. tried to help Prince Juan Carlos’s democratization, linking it with base politics, changing the Executive agreement into the Treaty, although its contents were not altered to be strategically advantageous for Spain. In sum, public opinion endorsed by the desire of achieving equal status as a Western country was cultivated from inside the regime and this influenced U.S. base politics.

This study aims to investigate why the Spanish regime under Francisco Franco（1939－1975）and the Cu... more This study aims to investigate why the Spanish regime under Francisco Franco（1939－1975）and the Cuban regime under Fidel Castro（1959－2008）maintained diplomatic relations given their opposing ideologies; This is significant, since the Franco regime was internationally isolated after WWII, however it could survive due to its anticommunist stance hence it received U.S. military and economic assistance. The study focuses on Spanish foreign policy toward Cuba, taking into consideration how Spain was able to“utilize”this contradictory position.
First, Franco pleased great attention on maintaining relations with Cuba. Specifically, he felt that Spain’s honor, damaged by the American-Spanish war, had been recovered in proxy by Cuba. Additionally, Franco and Castro shared common
values in terms of their morals and patriotism. Second, Spanish elites believed that Spain required a“peculiar”policy that would establish its status as a“middle power of an influential state”in a particular region and enable it to distance itself from the Cold War. In addition, it was thought that Spain, although shut out of much of European diplomacy because of nondemocratic and anticommunist regime, could still play a role as an“intermediary”between the Occidental World and Latin America, especially between the U.S. and Cuba, without requiring a change to the Spanish regime.

ESTRATEGIAS DE DIPLOMACIA CULTURAL EN UN MUNDO INTERPOLAR Editorial Universitaria Ramón Areces

During the Cold War, due to Spain's involvement in the Western Bloc Franco had to adopt a pro-Ame... more During the Cold War, due to Spain's involvement in the Western Bloc Franco had to adopt a pro-American policy and maintain an Executive Agreement from 1953 with the US to justify and legitimise his regime at home and abroad. However, Franco's policy towards Latin America in the 1950s was not based on anti-Communism but on countering the Anglo-Saxon sphere of influence through Catholicism and the ideology of 'Hispanidad'. As for Cuba, following the 1959 Revolution led by Castro, the Franco regime maintained a diplomatic relationship in spite of the difference in ideologies. Thanks to Spain's economic development in the 1960s, Franco's regime intended to gradually modify the disadvantageous Agreement and tried to extend its influence in Latin America. Trade with Cuba started to expand in the 1960s as economic necessity coincided with the rise of the technocrats in the Franco regime. Spain abandoned the mere display of the slogan 'Hispanidad' and started to attach more importance to economic relations. The US, meanwhile, could not press Spain harder to halt trade with Cuba because of its need to negotiate the Agreement, and so Spain started to undertake economic cooperation with Cuba in the 1970s. In other words, Spanish-Cuban relations developed through a constant balancing with the US-Spanish relationship and under the effects of Spain's changing domestic policies and situation.

This article aims to examine the attitude of the US trade union confederation, AFL-CIO, and the B... more This article aims to examine the attitude of the US trade union confederation, AFL-CIO, and the British Trade Unions (TUC) towards their Spanish counterparts, both the “Vertical” and the anti-Franco ones. The chronological frame goes from the late 60’s to the legalization of the trade unions in 1977. The text aspires to evaluate to what extend the Spanish unions received training, influences or incentives from the Anglo-American forces that contributed to the later transition from a dictatorial union model to a democratic one. UGT receives special attention. An organization whose evolution from lawlessness, and weakness inside Spain, in comparison with CC.OO. to the subsequent leadership was closely related to external factors. We will strive to explain the ins and outs of such relationship by contrasting unpublished documents of American and British archives with Spanish sources.

Conference Presentations by Haruko Hosoda

Miradas al pasado, miradas al presente. Nuevos horizontes de la historiografía contemporánea: actas del XVI Congreso de Historia Contemporánea. Logroño, 7 a 9 de septiembre de 2023, 2024

Presentation of the Sixth Global International Studies Conference, Jul 1, 2022, World International Studies Committee, 2022

This presentation aims to analyze the relationship between the U.S. under the Carter Administrati... more This presentation aims to analyze the relationship between the U.S. under the Carter Administration (1977-1981) and Torrijos’ Panama (1969-1981), focusing not only on the Panama Canal treaty negotiations as many previous researches did but also on the post-negotiation era related to the exile of Shah of Iran after the takeover of the American Embassy in Teheran, the Central American crisis, etc. to clarify the significance of the role played by Panama.
To study these, we analyze the domestic power balance of Panama (oligarchy, Panamanian National Guard, etc.) and the U.S. (especially between the Congress and the White House) as well as how public opinion and the media gave impact on the bilateral relations between the U.S. and Panama in the U.S. especially while Carter’s Administration insisted on “human rights diplomacy”. At the same time, it is necessary to consider the position of Panama not only from the bilateral position but also from a more global point of view; in Latin America, especially relations with Cuba (Fidel Castro), Venezuela (Carlos Andres Pérez), Mexico, and international forums such as the Non-Aligned Movement (Yugoslavia, Libya, etc.), the OAS, and the U.N.
We estimate the meaning of concluding the Canal Treaties to recover Panama’s sovereignty versus the U.S.: further, it means that Panama made challenge from the Global South, showing the possibility of North-South dialogue, seeing human rights from the point of view of social rights in the Cold War era.

I attempt to clarify Omar Torrijos’s diplomacy in the Panama Canal negotiations from the Panamani... more I attempt to clarify Omar Torrijos’s diplomacy in the Panama Canal negotiations from the Panamanian point of view within the framework of the Cold War: how Torrijos formed a reliable relationship with the Jimmy Carter administration while maintaining relations with Cuba and the Non-Aligned Movement countries. I draw principally on American declassified official documents from the CIA, Department of State, and White House, along with interviews and other documents. Torrijos and Latin America welcomed Carter’s human rights diplomacy as a “new philosophy” in Latin America despite the East-West bipolar system. This made possible the new Panama treaties.
In short, Torrijos, who could not be defined by the binary confrontation of East-West, found a balance between the U.S. and Latin America. He wanted to make Panama a bridge, as Simón Bolívar had tried to do years before, between Latin America and the U.S. while balancing relations with Cuba and the U.S.
At the same time, he developed domestic and diplomatic policies that inspired Panamanian nationalism. Without a clearly-defined ideology but driven instead by a cause, he tried to restore the sovereignty of Panama, uniting with Latin American and the NAM countries. In Latin America, problems were not rooted in the confrontation between communism and anti-communism, but rather in the conflict between pro-Americanism and anti-American nationalism. As the CIA indicated, Torrijos had a unique ability to bridge the center-right and the left in Panama; he was the ideal person to maintain the balance between the military and the leftists, and the right-leftists.

Books by Haruko Hosoda

From Détente to the New Cold War: The unraveling of the International Order in a Globalizing, 2022

A chapter in the Japanese book written in Japanese

DESCUBRE JAPÓN - EXPERIENCIAS DE AUTOR , 2020

Cuba’s Fidel Castro and Spain’s Francisco Franco were two men with very similar backgrounds but v... more Cuba’s Fidel Castro and Spain’s Francisco Franco were two men with very similar backgrounds but very different political ideologies. Both received a Catholic education and had strong connections to the Galicia region of Spain. Both were familiar with guerrilla tactics and came to power through fighting civil wars. However, Franco had support from fascists, who fought a vicious campaign against communist guerrillas, whereas Cuba was strategically aligned with the USSR after the revolution. The two countries nevertheless maintained strong relations, notably keeping a formal diplomatic relationship after the 1959 Cuban revolution despite the United States' severing of ties to Cuba. This relationship, Hosoda argues, would remain a vital back channel for communication between Cuba and the West.

Using a mixture of primary and secondary sources, derived from Cuban, American and Spanish archives, Hosoda analyses the nature and wider role of diplomatic relations between Cuba and Spain during the Cold War. Addressing both the question of how this relationship was forged – whether through the personal strange "amity" of their leaders, mutual animosity toward the U.S., or the alignment of national interests – and the importance of the role that it played. Considering also the role of the Vatican, this book offers a fascinating insight into a rarely studied aspect of the Cold War, one that transcends the usual East-West binaries.
(https://www.routledge.com/Castro-and-Franco-The-Backstage-of-Cold-War-Diplomacy-1st-Edition/Hosoda/p/book/9781138343177)

ESTRATEGIAS DE DIPLOMACIA CULTURAL EN UN MUNDO INTERPOLAR Editorial Universitaria Ramón Areces

Miradas al pasado, miradas al presente. Nuevos horizontes de la historiografía contemporánea: actas del XVI Congreso de Historia Contemporánea. Logroño, 7 a 9 de septiembre de 2023, 2024

Presentation of the Sixth Global International Studies Conference, Jul 1, 2022, World International Studies Committee, 2022

From Détente to the New Cold War: The unraveling of the International Order in a Globalizing, 2022

A chapter in the Japanese book written in Japanese

DESCUBRE JAPÓN - EXPERIENCIAS DE AUTOR , 2020