Andy Pilkington | University of Northampton (original) (raw)

Papers by Andy Pilkington

Sociology Review, 2023

In this article, I focus on a recent inquiry commissioned by the government on racial and ethnic ... more In this article, I focus on a recent inquiry commissioned by the government on racial and ethnic disparities in 2020 which now informs the government's approach to building an Inclusive Britain. Unlike a major inquiry set up 25 years ago, it does not believe that institutional racism pervades our major public organisations. The article challenges this contention.

Social phenomena are influenced by a multiplicity of factors. We can now visualise relationships ... more Social phenomena are influenced by a multiplicity of factors. We can now visualise relationships in complex data surprisingly easily.

Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, 2020

This chapter employs a macro perspective to examine the role of the state in the UK in promoting ... more This chapter employs a macro perspective to examine the role of the state in the UK in promoting race equality in higher education. While the dominant policy discourse has periodically drawn attention to the need to combat racial disadvantage, the only serious race equality strategy which made a difference, was short lived and in the last decade race equality has virtually fallen off the policy agenda. And yet over the same period, research evidence accumulates to demonstrate that BME staff and students continue to experience considerable disadvantage. Reflecting on the emergence and demise of the strategy which sought to support racial inclusion and ethnic diversity in the academy, it is suggested that universities are remarkably complacent. Such complacency partly stems from the dominance in the academy and indeed of much of society of a liberal as opposed to radical perspective on equality. Universities typically see themselves as liberal and believe existing policies ensure fairness; they thus ignore adverse outcomes and do not see combating racial inequalities as a priority. Such inertia will remain intact unless significant pressure is placed on universities to change. The chapter concludes by outlining two ideal typical approaches to the promotion of race equality (mandatory vis a vis optional) and suggests that the period has witnessed the transition from an approach close to the first ideal type to an approach close to the second approach. In this context, universities are urged to have no truck with a deficit model and to see it as their responsibility to take action to ensure more equitable outcomes.

Effective Elimination of Structural Racism [Working Title], 2021

The murder of George Floyd by police officers in the US in 2020 reignited the Black live matter m... more The murder of George Floyd by police officers in the US in 2020 reignited the Black live matter movement and reverberated across the world. In the UK many young people demonstrated their determination to resist structural racism and a number of organizations subsequently acknowledged the need to take action to promote race equality and reflect upon their historical role in colonialism and slavery. At the same time, resistance to these challenges has mounted, with right-wing news media and the UK government drawing upon an anti-woke or anti-PC discourse to disparage attempts to combat structural racism and decolonise the curriculum. This chapter argues that the campaign to discredit anti-racism culminated in 2021 in the production of the Sewell report commissioned by the government. This chapter critically examines this report and the discourse which underpins the report. The discourse is consonant with that of the anti-woke campaign propagated by the right-wing news media and the UK...

A central theme that C-SAP has been exploring in recent years is how ‘race’ and ethnicity are bei... more A central theme that C-SAP has been exploring in recent years is how ‘race’ and ethnicity are being taught in the social sciences. It has been keen to discover what challenges higher-education institutions face when they attempt to articulate the complex sets of issues around ‘race’ and, importantly, what learning, teaching and assessment innovations academics have developed to help them in the process. This publication is one outcome of that exploration. The book arose from a day conference at the University of Northampton on the implications of specific transitions of theorising ‘race’ in education run by C-SAP, notably those relating to the increasing attention paid to critical race theory and the mounting critiques aimed at multiculturalism

The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 1998

This paper focuses on the recent history and current operation of a well-established multi-agency... more This paper focuses on the recent history and current operation of a well-established multi-agency diversion and crime prevention unit in Northamptonshire in Britain. Four themes are addressed specifically. First, we examine the place of diversionary initiatives in the context of a central government-driven 'get tough on crime' agenda. Second, the local conditions and struggles over the fate of multi-agency diversion in Northamptonshire are outlined. Third, we present an empirical overview of the current rationale and routine work of the Diversion Unit. Fourth, we examine the nature of multi-agency practices on the ground and, in passing, test the claims of the influential academic 'net-widening' and 'denial of justice' theses on multi-agency diversion. In conclusion, we argue that a multi-agency case-driven approach to diversion has emerged in response to the renewed 'culture of severity' around crime control issues. In the United Kingdom in the mid-1990s multiple cautioning and other more adventurous modes of pre-court diversion of offenders was clearly in retreat. 1 The dominant political and ideological tide most definitely turned against central state support for schemes which divert routine offenders (unless mentally disordered or from other vulnerable groups) from prosecution and the courts (and so custody). At the same time, numerous commentators have noted the growth industry since the mid-1980s in local crime prevention initiatives, particularly community-based ones (Hughes 1998; Gilling 1994; Morrison 1987; Crawford and Jones 1995). Indeed, despite the recent resurgence of a 'culture of severity' (Rutherford 1993, p. 162), there is still a great deal of both rhetoric and initiatives organised around partnerships between statutory agencies and the 'community', which suggest that multi-agency diversion schemes may not as yet be ready for extinction (Hughes 1996; Howard League 1994). This paper focuses on both the recent history and current operation of a multi-agency diversion unit in a county which became the proclaimed 'product-leader' in this area in the 1980s-a period which in the eyes of many commentators was 'the decade of diversion for juveniles' (Dignan 1992, p. 433). The findings contained in this paper derive from a recent study of the Diversion Unit in Northamptonshire (Hughes et al. 1996). 2 The story we tell here confirms Rutherford's thesis of the 'pursuit of decency' among practitioners working in the shadow of a deepening retributionism from the Conservative government (Rutherford 1993). While those sympathetic to 16

This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginn... more This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginning for critical race theory (CRT) in the UK. This collection draws together writing generated by the UK’s first international CRT conference, held at the Institute of Education, London, on 25–26 June 2009, from which this chapter takes its title. The conference drew together all the key writers on CRT in the UK and activist/scholars working internationally, as well as others relatively new to CRT. International scholars came together to debate the potential and efficacy of this emerging critical framework. Keynote addresses included those from Devon Carbado, David Gillborn, Kevin Hylton and Ann Phoenix. This major international conference considered the relevance of CRT to our understanding of core issues concerning ‘race’, racism, racialisation, gender, class, sexuality, age and disability in the UK and in other European countries.

There appears to be a paucity of research undertaken in emotional intelligence in higher educatio... more There appears to be a paucity of research undertaken in emotional intelligence in higher education suggesting a gap in which research can be undertaken that can provide new insight and add together with knowledge and understanding. This article discusses a study using sequential, explanatory, mixed methodology, which was undertaken on a sample of 533 academics (those employed by a university full time, part time, and hourly and who may be lecturers, tutors, instructors, researchers). The reason for collecting sequential quantitative and qualitative data into one study brings together two types of information providing greater understanding and insight into the research topics that may not have been obtained analysing and evaluating data separately. The findings from interviews helps explain the findings from quantitative data.

Sociology Review, 2022

The case of 'political correctness' and 'wokeism' Are we witnessing a new moral panic over politi... more The case of 'political correctness' and 'wokeism' Are we witnessing a new moral panic over political correctness/wokeism? Is there really a threat to free speech from a new folk devil, snowflakes?

... Pilkington, A., Armstrong, S., Hagley-Dickinson, L. and Horton, J. (2010) The degree attainme... more ... Pilkington, A., Armstrong, S., Hagley-Dickinson, L. and Horton, J. (2010) The degree attainment of BME students: student and staff perceptions. Full text not available from this repository. ... Creators: Pilkington, A., Armstrong, S., Hagley-Dickinson, L. and Horton, J. ...

Sociological Research Online, 2008

It is imperative that an appropriate balance is reached between three key principles: equality, d... more It is imperative that an appropriate balance is reached between three key principles: equality, diversity and social cohesion. In many countries across the world, however, there is a discernible move away from a concern for equality and diversity as the problem of order looms larger. I shall focus here on Britain in presenting my central thesis that there is a very real danger that a new nationalist discourse centred on community cohesion and integration is trouncing any duties on us to promote racial equality and respect cultural diversity. The paper comprises three sections. I shall firstly identify a radical hour when there was for the first time official recognition that institutional racism existed in British society and some urgency that this needed to be combated. I shall secondly highlight the fragility of such progressiveness and identify threats from the changing nature of racial discourse since 2001. Here, I shall highlight in particular how the prominence given to institutional racism, with the publication of the Macpherson report, was remarkably short lived and how multiculturalism has come under increasing attack, not least because of its purported threat to social cohesion. I shall finally offer some tentative proposals for a more positive way forward.

Childhood, 1999

Recent social theory has alerted us to the way globalization and allied social changes have prove... more Recent social theory has alerted us to the way globalization and allied social changes have proved unsettling for established identities. This article explores the implications of recent developments in social theory for our understanding of childhood. Drawing upon children's experience of drama education, it examines how schools can provide opportunities for children to become active agents in the construction of their own identities. Particular attention is placed on the production of new ethnic identities.

Interdisciplinary civic and political studies, 2022

The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interp... more The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interpretive
framework in the media, routinely drawn upon by conservative journalists and politicians. This article examines not
only the arguments mounted by conservative critics of political correctness but also those presented in an influential
television program in the UK entitled “Has Political Correctness Gone Mad?” Presented by a prominent figure with
considerable experience of anti-racism, the program argues that political correctness (PC) has become so pervasive
that it has regrettably been responsible for Brexit and the success of populist politicians such as Donald Trump. These
arguments, which turn out to be closely related to those of conservative critics, are critically examined and found not
only to be flawed but deeply misleading. It is not a PC discourse that is dominant but an anti-PC discourse which holds
sway. An anti-PC discourse not only facilitated Brexit and the rise of populism but also comprises an ideology which
de-legitimizes an agenda concerned to promote social justice.
Keywords: Political Correctness, Woke, Discourse, Equality, Racism

Journal of interdisciplinary civic and political studies, 2022

The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interp... more The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interpretive framework in the media, routinely drawn upon by conservative journalists and politicians. This article examines not only the arguments mounted by conservative critics of political correctness but also those presented in an influential television program in the UK entitled “Has Political Correctness Gone Mad?” Presented by a prominent figure with considerable experience of anti-racism, the program argues that political correctness (PC) has become so pervasive that it has regrettably been responsible for Brexit and the success of populist politicians such as Donald Trump. These arguments, which turn out to be closely related to those of conservative critics, are critically examined and found not only to be flawed but deeply misleading. It is not a PC discourse that is dominant but an anti-PC discourse which holds sway. An anti-PC discourse not only facilitated Brexit and the rise of populism but also comprises an ideology which de-legitimizes an agenda concerned to promote social justice. Keywords: Political Correctness, Woke, Discourse, Equality, Racism

This paper has its origins in the Macpherson report's suggestion that public organisations i... more This paper has its origins in the Macpherson report's suggestion that public organisations in British society are characterised by institutional racism. Drawing upon the Parekh report's identification of ten components of institutional racism, the paper examines which, if any, of these components are manifest in a university in Central England that was the subject of ethnographic investigation in the decade following the publication of the Macpherson report. It is argued that the Parekh report's identification of various components of institutional racism is helpful in disclosing the extent of disadvantage faced by BME staff and students and the institution's reluctance to do anything about it. It is also illuminating in sensitising us to the overwhelming whiteness of the university and the position of White privilege within it.

Dismantling Race in Higher Education

This chapter examines a twenty year period to explore the salience of race equality in higher edu... more This chapter examines a twenty year period to explore the salience of race equality in higher education. While the dominant policy discourse has periodically drawn attention to the need to combat racial disadvantage, the only serious race equality strategy, following publication of the Macpherson report, was short lived and in the last decade race equality has virtually fallen off the policy agenda. And yet over the same period, research evidence accumulates to demonstrate that BME staff and students continue to experience considerable disadvantage. It is suggested that in the face of such evidence universities are remarkably complacent. Such complacency partly stems from the dominance in the academy and indeed of much of society of a liberal as opposed to radical perspective on equality. Universities typically see themselves as liberal and believe existing policies ensure fairness and in the process ignore adverse outcomes and do not see combating racial inequalities as a priority. This points in my view to the sheer weight of whiteness which will remain intact unless significant pressure is placed on universities to change. The chapter concludes by outlining two ideal typical approaches to the promotion of race equality and suggests that the period has witnessed the transition from an approach close to the first ideal type to an approach close to the second approach. Regardless of which approach is preferred, universities are urged to have no truck with a deficit model and to see it as their responsibility to take action to ensure more equitable outcomes.

The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Global Studies

How appropriate is it to Characterise Western universities as institutionally racist? The questio... more How appropriate is it to Characterise Western universities as institutionally racist? The question being explored here has its origins in the murder of a young man in the United Kingdom. Stephen Lawrence was killed on April 22nd, 1993 as he waited at a bus stop in London with his friend, Duwayne Brooks. What prompted a group of White youths to attack him was the colour of Stephen's skin. Stephen was stabbed to death because he was black (Macpherson, 1999). Racist incidents are not a new phenomenon in British society. 'Violence has been an enduring feature of the white British reaction to the presence of 'blacks', 'Pakis', and Jews who have settled on this island' (Bowling, 1999, 54). Racist murders are rarer, but it should not be assumed that the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence was unprecedented. The Institute of Race Relations estimate that there have been over one hundred deaths from racial violence in the twenty years since his death (Burnett, 2013). Although the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence is by no means unique, it is the case which has received the greatest media attention and resonated most with people across ethnic boundaries (Cottle, 2004). This is due in no small measure to Stephen's parents, Doreen and Neville Lawrence, who showed extraordinary resilience in seeking justice for their son and mounted a campaign to that end. While they faced innumerable obstacles, including a flawed police investigation that prevented any of Stephen's murderers from being successfully prosecuted until 2011, their patience and persistence did eventually pay off. They persuaded the incoming Labour government in July 1997 to set up a judicial inquiry into the police investigation of their son's murder. The inquiry was conducted by a former judge of the High Court, Sir William Macpherson of Cluny. The public hearings began on March 24 th , 1998 and the final report, henceforth referred to as the Macpherson report, was published on February 24 th , 1999. The main findings are crisply summarised: The conclusions to be drawn from all the evidence in connection with the investigation of Stephen Lawrence's racist murder are clear. There is no doubt that there were fundamental errors. The investigation was marred by a combination of professional incompetence, institutional racism and a failure of leadership by senior officers. A flawed MPS review failed to expose these inadequacies. The second investigation could not salvage the faults of the first investigation (Macpherson, 1999, 46.1). Acknowledging institutional racism Chapter 6, entitled Racism, was the longest chapter in the report. It addressed what Jack Straw, the Home Secretary, who presented the report to Parliament on February 24 th , 1999, acknowledged to be "the central and most important issue for the inquiry" (Hansard, 1999, quoted in Pilkington, 2011, 2). Remarkably, the chapter concluded that institutional racism was rife in British society. Although the primary focus of the inquiry was on the police, the report suggested that all major organisations in British society are characterised by institutional racism. Racism, institutional or otherwise, is not the prerogative of the Police service. It is clear that other agencies including for example those dealing with ... education also suffer from the disease' (Macpherson, 1999, 6.54).

This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginn... more This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginning for critical race theory (CRT) in the UK. This collection draws together writing generated by the UK‘s first international CRT conference, held at the Institute of Education, London, on 25–26 June 2009, from which this book takes its title. The conference drew together all the key writers on CRT in the UK and activist(s)/scholars working internationally, as well as others relatively new to CRT. International scholars came together to debate the potential and efficacy of this emerging critical framework, with keynote addresses including those from Devon Carbado, David Gillborn, Kevin Hylton and Ann Phoenix. This major international conference considered the relevance of CRT to our understanding of core issues concerning ̳race‘, racism, racialisation, gender, class, sexuality, age and disability in the UK and in other European countries.

Sociology Review, 2023

In this article, I focus on a recent inquiry commissioned by the government on racial and ethnic ... more In this article, I focus on a recent inquiry commissioned by the government on racial and ethnic disparities in 2020 which now informs the government's approach to building an Inclusive Britain. Unlike a major inquiry set up 25 years ago, it does not believe that institutional racism pervades our major public organisations. The article challenges this contention.

Social phenomena are influenced by a multiplicity of factors. We can now visualise relationships ... more Social phenomena are influenced by a multiplicity of factors. We can now visualise relationships in complex data surprisingly easily.

Strategies for Supporting Inclusion and Diversity in the Academy, 2020

This chapter employs a macro perspective to examine the role of the state in the UK in promoting ... more This chapter employs a macro perspective to examine the role of the state in the UK in promoting race equality in higher education. While the dominant policy discourse has periodically drawn attention to the need to combat racial disadvantage, the only serious race equality strategy which made a difference, was short lived and in the last decade race equality has virtually fallen off the policy agenda. And yet over the same period, research evidence accumulates to demonstrate that BME staff and students continue to experience considerable disadvantage. Reflecting on the emergence and demise of the strategy which sought to support racial inclusion and ethnic diversity in the academy, it is suggested that universities are remarkably complacent. Such complacency partly stems from the dominance in the academy and indeed of much of society of a liberal as opposed to radical perspective on equality. Universities typically see themselves as liberal and believe existing policies ensure fairness; they thus ignore adverse outcomes and do not see combating racial inequalities as a priority. Such inertia will remain intact unless significant pressure is placed on universities to change. The chapter concludes by outlining two ideal typical approaches to the promotion of race equality (mandatory vis a vis optional) and suggests that the period has witnessed the transition from an approach close to the first ideal type to an approach close to the second approach. In this context, universities are urged to have no truck with a deficit model and to see it as their responsibility to take action to ensure more equitable outcomes.

Effective Elimination of Structural Racism [Working Title], 2021

The murder of George Floyd by police officers in the US in 2020 reignited the Black live matter m... more The murder of George Floyd by police officers in the US in 2020 reignited the Black live matter movement and reverberated across the world. In the UK many young people demonstrated their determination to resist structural racism and a number of organizations subsequently acknowledged the need to take action to promote race equality and reflect upon their historical role in colonialism and slavery. At the same time, resistance to these challenges has mounted, with right-wing news media and the UK government drawing upon an anti-woke or anti-PC discourse to disparage attempts to combat structural racism and decolonise the curriculum. This chapter argues that the campaign to discredit anti-racism culminated in 2021 in the production of the Sewell report commissioned by the government. This chapter critically examines this report and the discourse which underpins the report. The discourse is consonant with that of the anti-woke campaign propagated by the right-wing news media and the UK...

A central theme that C-SAP has been exploring in recent years is how ‘race’ and ethnicity are bei... more A central theme that C-SAP has been exploring in recent years is how ‘race’ and ethnicity are being taught in the social sciences. It has been keen to discover what challenges higher-education institutions face when they attempt to articulate the complex sets of issues around ‘race’ and, importantly, what learning, teaching and assessment innovations academics have developed to help them in the process. This publication is one outcome of that exploration. The book arose from a day conference at the University of Northampton on the implications of specific transitions of theorising ‘race’ in education run by C-SAP, notably those relating to the increasing attention paid to critical race theory and the mounting critiques aimed at multiculturalism

The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 1998

This paper focuses on the recent history and current operation of a well-established multi-agency... more This paper focuses on the recent history and current operation of a well-established multi-agency diversion and crime prevention unit in Northamptonshire in Britain. Four themes are addressed specifically. First, we examine the place of diversionary initiatives in the context of a central government-driven 'get tough on crime' agenda. Second, the local conditions and struggles over the fate of multi-agency diversion in Northamptonshire are outlined. Third, we present an empirical overview of the current rationale and routine work of the Diversion Unit. Fourth, we examine the nature of multi-agency practices on the ground and, in passing, test the claims of the influential academic 'net-widening' and 'denial of justice' theses on multi-agency diversion. In conclusion, we argue that a multi-agency case-driven approach to diversion has emerged in response to the renewed 'culture of severity' around crime control issues. In the United Kingdom in the mid-1990s multiple cautioning and other more adventurous modes of pre-court diversion of offenders was clearly in retreat. 1 The dominant political and ideological tide most definitely turned against central state support for schemes which divert routine offenders (unless mentally disordered or from other vulnerable groups) from prosecution and the courts (and so custody). At the same time, numerous commentators have noted the growth industry since the mid-1980s in local crime prevention initiatives, particularly community-based ones (Hughes 1998; Gilling 1994; Morrison 1987; Crawford and Jones 1995). Indeed, despite the recent resurgence of a 'culture of severity' (Rutherford 1993, p. 162), there is still a great deal of both rhetoric and initiatives organised around partnerships between statutory agencies and the 'community', which suggest that multi-agency diversion schemes may not as yet be ready for extinction (Hughes 1996; Howard League 1994). This paper focuses on both the recent history and current operation of a multi-agency diversion unit in a county which became the proclaimed 'product-leader' in this area in the 1980s-a period which in the eyes of many commentators was 'the decade of diversion for juveniles' (Dignan 1992, p. 433). The findings contained in this paper derive from a recent study of the Diversion Unit in Northamptonshire (Hughes et al. 1996). 2 The story we tell here confirms Rutherford's thesis of the 'pursuit of decency' among practitioners working in the shadow of a deepening retributionism from the Conservative government (Rutherford 1993). While those sympathetic to 16

This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginn... more This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginning for critical race theory (CRT) in the UK. This collection draws together writing generated by the UK’s first international CRT conference, held at the Institute of Education, London, on 25–26 June 2009, from which this chapter takes its title. The conference drew together all the key writers on CRT in the UK and activist/scholars working internationally, as well as others relatively new to CRT. International scholars came together to debate the potential and efficacy of this emerging critical framework. Keynote addresses included those from Devon Carbado, David Gillborn, Kevin Hylton and Ann Phoenix. This major international conference considered the relevance of CRT to our understanding of core issues concerning ‘race’, racism, racialisation, gender, class, sexuality, age and disability in the UK and in other European countries.

There appears to be a paucity of research undertaken in emotional intelligence in higher educatio... more There appears to be a paucity of research undertaken in emotional intelligence in higher education suggesting a gap in which research can be undertaken that can provide new insight and add together with knowledge and understanding. This article discusses a study using sequential, explanatory, mixed methodology, which was undertaken on a sample of 533 academics (those employed by a university full time, part time, and hourly and who may be lecturers, tutors, instructors, researchers). The reason for collecting sequential quantitative and qualitative data into one study brings together two types of information providing greater understanding and insight into the research topics that may not have been obtained analysing and evaluating data separately. The findings from interviews helps explain the findings from quantitative data.

Sociology Review, 2022

The case of 'political correctness' and 'wokeism' Are we witnessing a new moral panic over politi... more The case of 'political correctness' and 'wokeism' Are we witnessing a new moral panic over political correctness/wokeism? Is there really a threat to free speech from a new folk devil, snowflakes?

... Pilkington, A., Armstrong, S., Hagley-Dickinson, L. and Horton, J. (2010) The degree attainme... more ... Pilkington, A., Armstrong, S., Hagley-Dickinson, L. and Horton, J. (2010) The degree attainment of BME students: student and staff perceptions. Full text not available from this repository. ... Creators: Pilkington, A., Armstrong, S., Hagley-Dickinson, L. and Horton, J. ...

Sociological Research Online, 2008

It is imperative that an appropriate balance is reached between three key principles: equality, d... more It is imperative that an appropriate balance is reached between three key principles: equality, diversity and social cohesion. In many countries across the world, however, there is a discernible move away from a concern for equality and diversity as the problem of order looms larger. I shall focus here on Britain in presenting my central thesis that there is a very real danger that a new nationalist discourse centred on community cohesion and integration is trouncing any duties on us to promote racial equality and respect cultural diversity. The paper comprises three sections. I shall firstly identify a radical hour when there was for the first time official recognition that institutional racism existed in British society and some urgency that this needed to be combated. I shall secondly highlight the fragility of such progressiveness and identify threats from the changing nature of racial discourse since 2001. Here, I shall highlight in particular how the prominence given to institutional racism, with the publication of the Macpherson report, was remarkably short lived and how multiculturalism has come under increasing attack, not least because of its purported threat to social cohesion. I shall finally offer some tentative proposals for a more positive way forward.

Childhood, 1999

Recent social theory has alerted us to the way globalization and allied social changes have prove... more Recent social theory has alerted us to the way globalization and allied social changes have proved unsettling for established identities. This article explores the implications of recent developments in social theory for our understanding of childhood. Drawing upon children's experience of drama education, it examines how schools can provide opportunities for children to become active agents in the construction of their own identities. Particular attention is placed on the production of new ethnic identities.

Interdisciplinary civic and political studies, 2022

The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interp... more The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interpretive
framework in the media, routinely drawn upon by conservative journalists and politicians. This article examines not
only the arguments mounted by conservative critics of political correctness but also those presented in an influential
television program in the UK entitled “Has Political Correctness Gone Mad?” Presented by a prominent figure with
considerable experience of anti-racism, the program argues that political correctness (PC) has become so pervasive
that it has regrettably been responsible for Brexit and the success of populist politicians such as Donald Trump. These
arguments, which turn out to be closely related to those of conservative critics, are critically examined and found not
only to be flawed but deeply misleading. It is not a PC discourse that is dominant but an anti-PC discourse which holds
sway. An anti-PC discourse not only facilitated Brexit and the rise of populism but also comprises an ideology which
de-legitimizes an agenda concerned to promote social justice.
Keywords: Political Correctness, Woke, Discourse, Equality, Racism

Journal of interdisciplinary civic and political studies, 2022

The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interp... more The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interpretive framework in the media, routinely drawn upon by conservative journalists and politicians. This article examines not only the arguments mounted by conservative critics of political correctness but also those presented in an influential television program in the UK entitled “Has Political Correctness Gone Mad?” Presented by a prominent figure with considerable experience of anti-racism, the program argues that political correctness (PC) has become so pervasive that it has regrettably been responsible for Brexit and the success of populist politicians such as Donald Trump. These arguments, which turn out to be closely related to those of conservative critics, are critically examined and found not only to be flawed but deeply misleading. It is not a PC discourse that is dominant but an anti-PC discourse which holds sway. An anti-PC discourse not only facilitated Brexit and the rise of populism but also comprises an ideology which de-legitimizes an agenda concerned to promote social justice. Keywords: Political Correctness, Woke, Discourse, Equality, Racism

This paper has its origins in the Macpherson report's suggestion that public organisations i... more This paper has its origins in the Macpherson report's suggestion that public organisations in British society are characterised by institutional racism. Drawing upon the Parekh report's identification of ten components of institutional racism, the paper examines which, if any, of these components are manifest in a university in Central England that was the subject of ethnographic investigation in the decade following the publication of the Macpherson report. It is argued that the Parekh report's identification of various components of institutional racism is helpful in disclosing the extent of disadvantage faced by BME staff and students and the institution's reluctance to do anything about it. It is also illuminating in sensitising us to the overwhelming whiteness of the university and the position of White privilege within it.

Dismantling Race in Higher Education

This chapter examines a twenty year period to explore the salience of race equality in higher edu... more This chapter examines a twenty year period to explore the salience of race equality in higher education. While the dominant policy discourse has periodically drawn attention to the need to combat racial disadvantage, the only serious race equality strategy, following publication of the Macpherson report, was short lived and in the last decade race equality has virtually fallen off the policy agenda. And yet over the same period, research evidence accumulates to demonstrate that BME staff and students continue to experience considerable disadvantage. It is suggested that in the face of such evidence universities are remarkably complacent. Such complacency partly stems from the dominance in the academy and indeed of much of society of a liberal as opposed to radical perspective on equality. Universities typically see themselves as liberal and believe existing policies ensure fairness and in the process ignore adverse outcomes and do not see combating racial inequalities as a priority. This points in my view to the sheer weight of whiteness which will remain intact unless significant pressure is placed on universities to change. The chapter concludes by outlining two ideal typical approaches to the promotion of race equality and suggests that the period has witnessed the transition from an approach close to the first ideal type to an approach close to the second approach. Regardless of which approach is preferred, universities are urged to have no truck with a deficit model and to see it as their responsibility to take action to ensure more equitable outcomes.

The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Global Studies

How appropriate is it to Characterise Western universities as institutionally racist? The questio... more How appropriate is it to Characterise Western universities as institutionally racist? The question being explored here has its origins in the murder of a young man in the United Kingdom. Stephen Lawrence was killed on April 22nd, 1993 as he waited at a bus stop in London with his friend, Duwayne Brooks. What prompted a group of White youths to attack him was the colour of Stephen's skin. Stephen was stabbed to death because he was black (Macpherson, 1999). Racist incidents are not a new phenomenon in British society. 'Violence has been an enduring feature of the white British reaction to the presence of 'blacks', 'Pakis', and Jews who have settled on this island' (Bowling, 1999, 54). Racist murders are rarer, but it should not be assumed that the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence was unprecedented. The Institute of Race Relations estimate that there have been over one hundred deaths from racial violence in the twenty years since his death (Burnett, 2013). Although the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence is by no means unique, it is the case which has received the greatest media attention and resonated most with people across ethnic boundaries (Cottle, 2004). This is due in no small measure to Stephen's parents, Doreen and Neville Lawrence, who showed extraordinary resilience in seeking justice for their son and mounted a campaign to that end. While they faced innumerable obstacles, including a flawed police investigation that prevented any of Stephen's murderers from being successfully prosecuted until 2011, their patience and persistence did eventually pay off. They persuaded the incoming Labour government in July 1997 to set up a judicial inquiry into the police investigation of their son's murder. The inquiry was conducted by a former judge of the High Court, Sir William Macpherson of Cluny. The public hearings began on March 24 th , 1998 and the final report, henceforth referred to as the Macpherson report, was published on February 24 th , 1999. The main findings are crisply summarised: The conclusions to be drawn from all the evidence in connection with the investigation of Stephen Lawrence's racist murder are clear. There is no doubt that there were fundamental errors. The investigation was marred by a combination of professional incompetence, institutional racism and a failure of leadership by senior officers. A flawed MPS review failed to expose these inadequacies. The second investigation could not salvage the faults of the first investigation (Macpherson, 1999, 46.1). Acknowledging institutional racism Chapter 6, entitled Racism, was the longest chapter in the report. It addressed what Jack Straw, the Home Secretary, who presented the report to Parliament on February 24 th , 1999, acknowledged to be "the central and most important issue for the inquiry" (Hansard, 1999, quoted in Pilkington, 2011, 2). Remarkably, the chapter concluded that institutional racism was rife in British society. Although the primary focus of the inquiry was on the police, the report suggested that all major organisations in British society are characterised by institutional racism. Racism, institutional or otherwise, is not the prerogative of the Police service. It is clear that other agencies including for example those dealing with ... education also suffer from the disease' (Macpherson, 1999, 6.54).

This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginn... more This final volume in the C-SAP monograph series is one that ironically hails a significant beginning for critical race theory (CRT) in the UK. This collection draws together writing generated by the UK‘s first international CRT conference, held at the Institute of Education, London, on 25–26 June 2009, from which this book takes its title. The conference drew together all the key writers on CRT in the UK and activist(s)/scholars working internationally, as well as others relatively new to CRT. International scholars came together to debate the potential and efficacy of this emerging critical framework, with keynote addresses including those from Devon Carbado, David Gillborn, Kevin Hylton and Ann Phoenix. This major international conference considered the relevance of CRT to our understanding of core issues concerning ̳race‘, racism, racialisation, gender, class, sexuality, age and disability in the UK and in other European countries.

Global media ethics and the digital revolution, 2021

The concept of political correctness, or more accurately, anti-political correctness has reemerge... more The concept of political correctness, or more accurately, anti-political correctness has reemerged in the last decade as a major interpretive framework in the media. Populist politicians such as Trump in the US and Farage (a key advocate of Brexit) and Johnson in the UK for example routinely draw upon a discourse featuring political correctness as a bete noire. I adopt a Foucauldian analysis to argue in this paper that such an anti-political correctness discourse has become hegemonic and is frequently routinely reproduced by journalists. This paper critically examines the arguments mounted by critics of political correctness and argues that they are not only flawed but that they also constitute an ideology which delegitimises an agenda concerned to promote equality, diversity and inclusion.

Global media ethics and the digital revolution, 2021

The concept of political correctness, or more accurately, anti-political correctness has re-emerg... more The concept of political correctness, or more accurately, anti-political correctness has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interpretive framework in the media. Populist politicians such as Trump in the US and Farage (a key advocate of Brexit) and Johnson in the UK for example routinely draw upon a discourse featuring political correctness as a bete noire. I adopt a Foucauldian analysis to argue in this paper that such an anti-political correctness discourse has become hegemonic and is frequently routinely reproduced by journalists. This paper critically examines the arguments mounted by critics of political correctness and argues that they are not only flawed but that they also constitute an ideology which delegitimises an agenda concerned to promote equality, diversity and inclusion.

Global media ethics and the digital revolution, 2021

The concept of political correctness, or more accurately, anti-political correctness has reemerge... more The concept of political correctness, or more accurately, anti-political correctness has reemerged in the last decade as a major interpretive framework in the media. Populist politicians such as Trump in the US and Farage (a key advocate of Brexit) and Johnson in the UK for example routinely draw upon a discourse featuring political correctness as a bete noire. I adopt a Foucauldian analysis to argue in this paper that such an anti-political correctness discourse has become hegemonic and is frequently routinely reproduced by journalists. This paper critically examines the arguments mounted by critics of political correctness and argues that they are not only flawed but that they also constitute an ideology which delegitimises an agenda concerned to promote equality, diversity and inclusion.

Strategies for supporting inclusion and diversity in the academy, 2020

This chapter employs a macro perspective to examine the role of the state in the UK in promoting ... more This chapter employs a macro perspective to examine the role of the state in the UK in promoting race equality in higher education. While the dominant policy discourse has periodically drawn attention to the need to combat racial disadvantage, the only serious race equality strategy which made a difference, was short lived and in the last decade race equality has virtually fallen off the policy agenda. And yet over the same period, research evidence accumulates to demonstrate that BME staff and students continue to experience considerable disadvantage. Reflecting on the emergence and demise of the strategy which sought to support racial inclusion and ethnic diversity in the academy, it is suggested that universities are remarkably complacent. Such complacency partly stems from the dominance in the academy and indeed of much of society of a liberal as opposed to radical perspective on equality. Universities typically see themselves as liberal and believe existing policies ensure fairness; they thus ignore adverse outcomes and do not see combating racial inequalities as a priority. Such inertia will remain intact unless significant pressure is placed on universities to change. The chapter concludes by outlining two ideal typical approaches to the promotion of race equality (mandatory vis a vis optional) and suggests that the period has witnessed the transition from an approach close to the first ideal type to an approach close to the second approach. In this context, universities are urged to have no truck with a deficit model and to see it as their responsibility to take action to ensure more equitable outcomes.