Philip Shushurin | New York University (original) (raw)
Thesis Chapters by Philip Shushurin
Nouns, verbs and phi-features, 2021
In this thesis, I propose that the distribution of nominal phrases is constrained by the relative... more In this thesis, I propose that the distribution of nominal phrases is constrained by the relative positions of phi-features that nominal phrases contain. More specifically, I propose a condition according to which two syntactic nodes bearing visible phi-features cannot be directly merged. This constraint results in the well-described generalization according to which Agreement is severely limited in the Nominal Domain and complements to nominals may not bear direct case-marking, unlike the complements of verbs and prepositions. Next, I suggest that the propagation of phi-features can be blocked by a formal feature – epsilon – that is borne on such morphemes as prepositions and linkers, as well as oblique case markers. A nominal phrase merged with an epsilon may combine with another nominal phrase when a bare nominal phrase may not. Next, I argue that the syntactic identity of nouns can be fully reduced to phi-features. The proposed approach is shown to extend to adjectives – another category whose syntactic behavior is largely determined by the presence of phi-features. To that effect, I show that the ban on direct marking of the complements of both adjectives and nouns can be understood as a constraint on the merger of two phi-bearing structures. I show how the proposed theory can account for several well known syntactic phenomena, including the ban on double Absolutives in Ergative languages and the lack of Structural Dative marking in the Nominal Domain. The empirical data is mainly drawn from Slavic, Romance, Germanic and Iranian languages of the Indo-European family and from Nakh-Dagestanian languages.
Papers by Philip Shushurin
A head movement analysis of second position clitics: the case of Russian polar particle li, 2024
Russian polar particle li is usually analyzed as a second position clitic, constrained to appear ... more Russian polar particle li is usually analyzed as a second position clitic, constrained to appear at the linearly second position in the clause (King and Franks 2000, Bošković 2001). This paper suggests that this requirement is a consequence of the Head Movement Constraint: li is generated in Σ-a polarity projection-merged directly above the associated polar constituent (X). This constituent must head move and left-adjoin to li. The complex head (X+li) acts as a constituent largely equivalent to a wh-word: at later stages of the derivation, it is attracted to the left periphery of the clause. li can be seen as an analogue of a wh-morpheme, which merges with di erent morphemes to form a wh-word. Treating X+li as a constituent allows to reduce the second position requirement of li to the left edge requirement on the X+li, a requirement often postulated for wh-words. I provide further evidence for the Σ hypothesis by showing the complementarity of li and negation.
Journal of Slavic linguistics, 2021
Null pronouns in Russian embedded clauses
While matrix clauses pronouns are almost never dropped in matrix clauses in Russian, silent prono... more While matrix clauses pronouns are almost never dropped in matrix clauses in Russian, silent pronouns are licensed in almost all kinds of embedded clauses. Null pronouns in such positions share similarities with PRO, but they also differ from PRO in many respects. In this paper, I show that there are two kinds of environments in which such pronouns can appear. The first kind of environment includes complements of attitude verbs, where there is strong evidence for a syntactic relation between the null pronoun and its antecedent. In the second kind of environment, which includes sentential adjuncts and embedded wh-questions, the nature of this relation seems to be different. I propose that Russian possesses a minimally specified silent pronoun which is phonologically deficient and must cliticize onto a higher projection and thus can only be found in the presence of an overt complementizer. I adopt the proposed in Holmberg (2005) that a major feature of pro-drop phenomena is the valuation of the D feature of the null pronoun. I propose that in Russian the null pronoun is unable to value this feature inside the clause where it is merged and therefore needs to probe outside the clause to get the D feature valued. The difference between properties of silent pronouns in the two kinds of environments is derived from the exact mechanism by which the valuation takes place. In the case of complements of attitude verbs, the valuation takes place as a result of an agree relation, in other cases the valuation takes place via a topic-chain.
Posters by Philip Shushurin
Drafts by Philip Shushurin
Adnominal word-external suppletion is not concord: evidence from Ingush, 2024
The paper provides evidence that number-conditioned word-external allomorphy as exhibited by nomi... more The paper provides evidence that number-conditioned word-external allomorphy as exhibited by nominal modifiers conditioned by the morphological number of the head noun is a phenomenon separate from Concord-a morphosyntactic operation standardly proposed to model NP-internal feature crossreferencing. Evidence is provided from patterns of feature crossreferencing on nominal modifiers in Ingush, a Nakh-Dagestanian language. Certain nominal modifiers are shown to exhibit both concord and number-sensitive allomorphy, with the latter but not the former being sensitive to locality. NP-internal wordexternal allomorphy thus behaves very similarily to word-external allomorphy found in the verbal domain. The data thus provides further evidence to the claim that allomorphy needs not be mediated by morphosyntactic feature copying operations, such as Agreement or Concord.
The paper proposes a low applicative analysis of two constructions with external possessors: name... more The paper proposes a low applicative analysis of two constructions with external possessors: namely, dative and PP external possessors headed by the preposition u. I argue that external possessors are merged by a low applicative head immediately above the DP containing the possessee. External possessors may either remain in situ or move to a subject position if there is no higher argument in the clause. I show that dative external possessors can only be licensed in the presence of an Accusative phrase; PP possessors need not be licensed and have a freer distribution. Furthermore, I argue against movement and high applicative analyses of Russian external possessors.
Talks by Philip Shushurin
Conference Presentations by Philip Shushurin
Nouns, verbs and phi-features, 2021
In this thesis, I propose that the distribution of nominal phrases is constrained by the relative... more In this thesis, I propose that the distribution of nominal phrases is constrained by the relative positions of phi-features that nominal phrases contain. More specifically, I propose a condition according to which two syntactic nodes bearing visible phi-features cannot be directly merged. This constraint results in the well-described generalization according to which Agreement is severely limited in the Nominal Domain and complements to nominals may not bear direct case-marking, unlike the complements of verbs and prepositions. Next, I suggest that the propagation of phi-features can be blocked by a formal feature – epsilon – that is borne on such morphemes as prepositions and linkers, as well as oblique case markers. A nominal phrase merged with an epsilon may combine with another nominal phrase when a bare nominal phrase may not. Next, I argue that the syntactic identity of nouns can be fully reduced to phi-features. The proposed approach is shown to extend to adjectives – another category whose syntactic behavior is largely determined by the presence of phi-features. To that effect, I show that the ban on direct marking of the complements of both adjectives and nouns can be understood as a constraint on the merger of two phi-bearing structures. I show how the proposed theory can account for several well known syntactic phenomena, including the ban on double Absolutives in Ergative languages and the lack of Structural Dative marking in the Nominal Domain. The empirical data is mainly drawn from Slavic, Romance, Germanic and Iranian languages of the Indo-European family and from Nakh-Dagestanian languages.
A head movement analysis of second position clitics: the case of Russian polar particle li, 2024
Russian polar particle li is usually analyzed as a second position clitic, constrained to appear ... more Russian polar particle li is usually analyzed as a second position clitic, constrained to appear at the linearly second position in the clause (King and Franks 2000, Bošković 2001). This paper suggests that this requirement is a consequence of the Head Movement Constraint: li is generated in Σ-a polarity projection-merged directly above the associated polar constituent (X). This constituent must head move and left-adjoin to li. The complex head (X+li) acts as a constituent largely equivalent to a wh-word: at later stages of the derivation, it is attracted to the left periphery of the clause. li can be seen as an analogue of a wh-morpheme, which merges with di erent morphemes to form a wh-word. Treating X+li as a constituent allows to reduce the second position requirement of li to the left edge requirement on the X+li, a requirement often postulated for wh-words. I provide further evidence for the Σ hypothesis by showing the complementarity of li and negation.
Journal of Slavic linguistics, 2021
Null pronouns in Russian embedded clauses
While matrix clauses pronouns are almost never dropped in matrix clauses in Russian, silent prono... more While matrix clauses pronouns are almost never dropped in matrix clauses in Russian, silent pronouns are licensed in almost all kinds of embedded clauses. Null pronouns in such positions share similarities with PRO, but they also differ from PRO in many respects. In this paper, I show that there are two kinds of environments in which such pronouns can appear. The first kind of environment includes complements of attitude verbs, where there is strong evidence for a syntactic relation between the null pronoun and its antecedent. In the second kind of environment, which includes sentential adjuncts and embedded wh-questions, the nature of this relation seems to be different. I propose that Russian possesses a minimally specified silent pronoun which is phonologically deficient and must cliticize onto a higher projection and thus can only be found in the presence of an overt complementizer. I adopt the proposed in Holmberg (2005) that a major feature of pro-drop phenomena is the valuation of the D feature of the null pronoun. I propose that in Russian the null pronoun is unable to value this feature inside the clause where it is merged and therefore needs to probe outside the clause to get the D feature valued. The difference between properties of silent pronouns in the two kinds of environments is derived from the exact mechanism by which the valuation takes place. In the case of complements of attitude verbs, the valuation takes place as a result of an agree relation, in other cases the valuation takes place via a topic-chain.
Adnominal word-external suppletion is not concord: evidence from Ingush, 2024
The paper provides evidence that number-conditioned word-external allomorphy as exhibited by nomi... more The paper provides evidence that number-conditioned word-external allomorphy as exhibited by nominal modifiers conditioned by the morphological number of the head noun is a phenomenon separate from Concord-a morphosyntactic operation standardly proposed to model NP-internal feature crossreferencing. Evidence is provided from patterns of feature crossreferencing on nominal modifiers in Ingush, a Nakh-Dagestanian language. Certain nominal modifiers are shown to exhibit both concord and number-sensitive allomorphy, with the latter but not the former being sensitive to locality. NP-internal wordexternal allomorphy thus behaves very similarily to word-external allomorphy found in the verbal domain. The data thus provides further evidence to the claim that allomorphy needs not be mediated by morphosyntactic feature copying operations, such as Agreement or Concord.
The paper proposes a low applicative analysis of two constructions with external possessors: name... more The paper proposes a low applicative analysis of two constructions with external possessors: namely, dative and PP external possessors headed by the preposition u. I argue that external possessors are merged by a low applicative head immediately above the DP containing the possessee. External possessors may either remain in situ or move to a subject position if there is no higher argument in the clause. I show that dative external possessors can only be licensed in the presence of an Accusative phrase; PP possessors need not be licensed and have a freer distribution. Furthermore, I argue against movement and high applicative analyses of Russian external possessors.