Patricio Navia | New York University (original) (raw)

Papers by Patricio Navia

Latin American Politics and Society, 2016

According to many, deep and profound changes in the electoral preferences and behavior of Chilean... more According to many, deep and profound changes in the electoral preferences and behavior of Chileans can be drawn from the process that culminated with the election of Ricardo Lagos as the third president since democracy was restored in 1990 (Fontaine 2000). Others argue that the more things change, the more they remain the same (Garretón 2000). Here, we analyze the electoral results of the presidential election of December 12, 1999 and the run-off election of January 16, 2000. We claim that even though this election was substantially different from all the other post-Pinochet elections, some patterns that have characterized the Chilean electorate since 1988 were also observed. Although there is some evidence of a substantial change in the electoral preferences of Chileans, the political cleavage resulting from the 1988 plebiscite—that divided the country between the Yes and No vote on Pinochet—should not be totally disregarded. In that sense, we should view the most recent presidenti...

Journal of Latin American studies, May 20, 2024

Based on his record as president, Carlos Ibáñez is usually considered a populist caudillo in Chil... more Based on his record as president, Carlos Ibáñez is usually considered a populist caudillo in Chilean historiography. However, there are few studies of whether his electoral base permits this classification or of the type of populism he represented. In his four presidential bids between 1927 and 1952, Ibáñez ran with the support of both left-and right-wing parties. Using municipal-level data, we assess his electoral support in the 1942 and 1952 presidential campaigns and support for Ibañista parties in the 1953 legislative elections. In 1942, Ibáñez's electoral base was similar to that of right-wing candidates while, in 1952, his support increased in areas where the Left was historically strong. While he received consistent support in agricultural areas, it fluctuated in mining and industrial areas.

The Journal of Legislative Studies, Feb 19, 2022

Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, Oct 13, 2017

Latin American Politics and Society, May 15, 2023

Journal of Democracy, Apr 1, 2023

Routledge eBooks, Mar 21, 2014

The debate about the malaise with representation-or with democracy in general-that allegedly exis... more The debate about the malaise with representation-or with democracy in general-that allegedly exists in Chile has been a permanent feature of scholarly work on Chile and that of Chilean social scientists since shortly after democracy was restored in 1990. Claims that there is something wrong with Chilean democracy or that people are discontented with the way it has evolved have abounded over the past 20 years. In fact, however, the evidence is inconclusive. This chapter rst reviews the emergence and historical evolution of the argument of malaise in representation in Chile before going on to show that the data which should provide grounds for the persistence of this argument fails to conclusively demonstrate such malaise. I conclude by arguing that persistence of the view that something is wrong (or potentially wrong) with Chilean democracy responds to normative claims rather than empirical evidence. While making democracy work is unquestionably a challenge for most contemporary societies, there is nothing particular to Chile to justify the strength of its ongoing debate about malaise in representation which is about to turn 18 years old.

Political Psychology, Apr 21, 2021

How do stances on public policies aimed at ethnic conflict resolution affect intergroup trust? Bu... more How do stances on public policies aimed at ethnic conflict resolution affect intergroup trust? Building on theories of prosociality, social identity, and intergroup bias, we expect redistributive policy preferences meant to resolve ethnic conflict to replace ethnicity as the main barrier to intergroup trust because their zero‐sum nature raises intergroup threat. We test our expectations in Chile's ongoing indigenous/nonindigenous conflict using behavioral trust games embedded in an online nationally representative quota survey (n = 1105). Results align with our expectation. Namely, a lack of shared ethnic identity between nonindigenous Chileans and indigenous Mapuche does not lower intergroup trust. However, shared stances on a policy that would raise taxes to spur development in indigenous communities do increase intergroup trust discrimination. We probe the psychological mechanism—meaningful policy‐based group identities—by testing whether trustor indigenous identification and trustor political ideology moderate the effect of trustee policy stances on intergroup trust. Results are consistent with our assumption that shared policy stances can, indeed, form the basis of a meaningful social identity. Hence the very policies meant to end intergroup conflict could potentially perpetuate or redirect it to institutional channels of representation.

Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 1, 2013

The conquest, colonization, independence, the liberal reforms, the regimes, revolution, and dicta... more The conquest, colonization, independence, the liberal reforms, the regimes, revolution, and dictatorships, the insurrections and ongoing peace dialogues all are combined in a narrative projecting the most important forces in Guatemalan history from the Mayan period to our own times. Using excerpts from poems, novels, stories, essays, and interviews by writers ranging from Cardoza y Aragon and Nobel Prize winner Miguel Angel Asturias to the indigenous and testimonial voices of Rigoberta Menchu and Mario Payeras, this full sampling of a country's literature is, in truth, a documentary of realism and magic. Voices from the Silence bears witness to a nation's long journey toward some ideal community for which so many have fought and died.

fue el único candidato presidencial independiente en la elección de 2009. Consiguió el 20,1% de l... more fue el único candidato presidencial independiente en la elección de 2009. Consiguió el 20,1% de los votos, convirtiéndose en el candidato independiente que más votos ha obtenido en todas las elecciones presidenciales desde el retorno a la democracia. Luego de la primera vuelta su apoyo resultaría vital para los dos candidatos que quedaban en competencia (Sebastián Piñera, de RN, y Eduardo Frei, del PDC). Esto, a pesar de que manifestara que en segunda vuelta votaría por el candidato de la Concertación. Según la encuesta CEP, su apoyo, entre los inscritos en los registros electorales, varió de un 13% en mayo a un 18,7% en octubre, tal como se muestra en el Gráfico 1 en el que se compara con los demás candidatos. Lamentablemente, el CEP no incluyó a Marco Enríquez-Ominami en sus mediciones anteriores. Marco Enríquez-Ominami nació el 12 de julio de 1973. Es filósofo de profesión y cineasta. Tras el golpe de estado de 1973, y con apenas meses de vida, partió, junto a su madre, al exilio a Francia. A pesar de ser crítico de

RePEc: Research Papers in Economics, Feb 1, 2006

In this analysis we characterize the salient features of the Policy Making Process (PMP) in Chile... more In this analysis we characterize the salient features of the Policy Making Process (PMP) in Chile. We emphasize the influence of political institutions on the PMP, and examine the linkage between policymaking and policy outcomes in Chile. To facilitate comparability with the other country-level studies in this collection of essays, we adopt the theoretical framework of Spiller and Tommasi which emphasizes the importance of transactions costs for the politics of policymaking. Because of the importance of veto players in the Chilean PMP we emphasize the importance of preference alignment (or the lack thereof) to explain variation across policy areas in the quality of policy outputs. Chile's economic policies are generally stable to political shocks, flexible to new social and economic scenarios, mostly coherent, and promote economic growth, making it something of an outlier relative to other Latin American countries, though not in comparison with OECD countries. The quality of policies tends to be higher on macroeconomic areas, international integration, financial markets and regulations, than on more domestic issues-like labor markets, social security, health and education. On human rights and moral issues, policies show higher rigidity and overall lower quality. The salient features of the Chilean PMP are the electoral system, and the associated party system characterized by two long-lived coalitions; a powerful executive, with de facto control over the agenda; a relatively independent judiciary; and a bureaucracy that is relatively free from corruption even by the standards of the OECD, and a series of veto points in the policymaking process that permit adversely affected actors to block policy change. In the areas of human rights and military policy, the armed forces must be included among the set of veto players.. Consistently with the theoretical framework of Spiller and Tommasi, the small number of actors, who interact repeatedly, the predictability of policy implementation and of law enforcement, leads to a policy making process in which transaction costs are low and inter-temporal political exchanges are credible. The veto players help to give inter-temporal exchanges their credibility, but they can also block reforms. Looking at policy areas in cross section, we find that policy areas in which policymakers' interests are more nearly aligned, and in which there is more rapid exogenous change, are associated with more successful efforts at reform, while areas in which the interests of the executive and the various veto players diverge, policy tends to stagnate.-1-Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 * The authors want to thank the invaluable research assistance of Francisca Perez at Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 7 This rule forces the government to have a level of public expenditures that would generate a surplus equal to 1% of GDP if output growth and copper prices were at "normal" levels.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii help in organizing these seminars, as well as for their invaluable support d... more ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii help in organizing these seminars, as well as for their invaluable support during the whole process (from the initial call for proposals to the completion of the final drafts), we want to thank Norelis Betancourt and Raquel Gomez. The second of these seminars was co-organized with Jeff Frieden, Stanfield Professor of International Peace at Harvard University, who helped us put together the seminar back to back with the prestigious biannual conference on Political Institutions and Economic Policy (co-organized with Ken Shepsle). Jeff assembled an all-star roster of political scientists (including, in addition to himself, Jim Alt, Robert Bates, Adam Przeworski, and Ken Shepsle) and asked them to provide feedback on different aspects of the overall project. Their invaluable contributions were a key input for the project. Beyond his role in the organization of this seminar, Jeff has provided constant encouragement and feedback, and we owe him a huge debt of gratitude. Similarly, we are very grateful to Fernando Carrillo from the IDB Office in Europe, and to Javier Santiso and BBVA, who hosted a workshop in Madrid so that we could disseminate our findings in Europe, and receive feedback from European scholars.

Latin American Politics and Society, 2016

Journal of Latin American studies, May 20, 2024

The Journal of Legislative Studies, Feb 19, 2022

Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, Oct 13, 2017

Latin American Politics and Society, May 15, 2023

Journal of Democracy, Apr 1, 2023

Routledge eBooks, Mar 21, 2014

Political Psychology, Apr 21, 2021

Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 1, 2013

RePEc: Research Papers in Economics, Feb 1, 2006

Es un libro donde se reúnen las visiones de sociólogos, cientistas políticos, líderes de opinión ... more Es un libro donde se reúnen las visiones de sociólogos, cientistas políticos, líderes de opinión y destacados periodistas quienes analizan la relación entre los medios y sus audiencias, los ciudadanos y las instituciones democráticas en un contexto de desarrollo y masificación de las tecnologías de la información y comunicación. Es imposible concebir la democracia moderna sin la presencia de una industria de medios vigorosa, competitiva y autónoma. A su vez, parece improbable que exista una industria de medios saludable cuando las instituciones democráticas no promueven ni reflejan el pluralismo y la diversidad de la sociedad. Pero tampoco parece posible que la sociedad pueda desarrollar su pluralismo y diversidad si no hay un contexto conducente en los medios y en las instituciones democráticas. Más que establecer relaciones de causalidad o identificar condiciones bajo las cuales se pueden desarrollar democracias e industrias de medios saludables a la par de audiencias y consumidores que participen activa y constructivamente en el debate público y en los procesos políticos, aquí abordamos la forma en que estas complejas interacciones se dan en Chile hoy. Es cierto que además de describir la realidad actual y dar cuenta de la evolución reciente, los capítulos de este libro poseen diversas visiones teóricas sobre las relaciones e interacciones entre medios, democracia y ciudadanos/audiencias. La contraposición de visiones empíricas y posturas teóricas—e incluso ideológicas—es una de las riquezas de este libro que busca proponer solo un marco teórico que dé cuenta de las complejas interacciones entre las audiencias, los ciudadanos, los medios y las instituciones democráticas

New Media & Society, 2021

Recent works have coined the term Online Political Efficacy (OPE) to assess the impact of Interne... more Recent works have coined the term Online Political Efficacy (OPE) to assess the impact of Internet use on the perceived political empowerment of citizens. As the classic concept of political efficacy distinguishes between internal (IPE) and external (EPE) efficacies, we seek to confirm the usefulness of a new indicator of political efficacy for online engagement and assess the impact of the territory where people reside on OPE. Although OPE is mostly explained by the same determinants that account for IPE, the center-periphery divide influences OPE and IPE in opposite directions. Those who reside in the territorial—and political—periphery believe more strongly that they can use Internet to participate in public affairs (OPE), though they do not feel more competent in doing so (IPE). The democratizing power of Internet helps bridge the center-periphery social and political territorial divide.

Technology in Society, 2020

The Internet has been often described as a tool that fosters the inclusion of traditionally margi... more The Internet has been often described as a tool that fosters the inclusion of traditionally marginalized people in the democratic process. Yet, if the type of device used by people to access the Internet impacts their online democratic engagement, uneven Internet penetration and differences in the devices used by social groups will result in a deeper democratic divide. After discussing the impact of the types of internet use and type of access devices on civic engagement, we postulate 3 hypotheses on how democratic values and type of access to the Internet—place and devices—are related to the civic use of social media. We use data from a Valparaíso Regional poll in Chile in 2017, 2018 and 2019 to test those hypotheses. People who access the Internet via mobile phones are less likely to use social media with a civic purpose, while those who access the Internet at home or work are more likely to do so. Since low-income sectors primarily access the Internet via mobile phones while higher income groups have a wider array of Internet connection options, the rapid growth of cell phone use for accessing the Internet risks deepening social and income gaps in civic engagement.

Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública (RLOP), 2020

This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from ... more This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from outside the two dominant coalitions — in Chile from 2009 to 2017. Following a theoretical discussion that focuses on the causes of voter discontent with the political establishment, we formulate four hypotheses. We view support for alternative presidential candidates as a function of ideological detachment, declining political engagement, the economic vote, and socio-demographic shifts in the electorate. We use three pre-electoral Centro de Estudios Públicos surveys to present probit models and predicted probabilities. Our findings suggest that a distinct segment of Chilean voters is behind the rise of alternative presidential candidates. Younger and more educated voters who identify less with the traditional left-right ideological scale and political parties and suffer from economic anxiety—viewing the economy as performing well nationally while remaining pessimistic about their financial prospects—comprise this subgroup.