Stefan Höfler | Austrian Academy of Sciences (original) (raw)
Books by Stefan Höfler
Edited volume on Indo-European Society by Stefan Höfler
R. Ginevra, S. Höfler, & B. Olsen. Power, Gender, and Mobility. Aspects of Indo-European Society. With the assistance of J. Bahs Jacquet. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2024
Link: https://www.mtp.dk/titles/9788763547284 Combining perspectives from linguistics, archaeolo... more Link: https://www.mtp.dk/titles/9788763547284
Combining perspectives from linguistics, archaeology, anthropology, and history of religion, the books seeks to explore the dynamics of power, gender, and mobility – three concepts that are essential for a profound understanding of the historically attested Indo-European–speaking societies and of the prehistoric society reflected by Proto-Indo-European.
The topics range from gender roles and female onomastics to power structures and the role of poets as social brokers, from Indo-European legal language and initiation rites to matrimonial practices and age-based social hierarchies.
It provides fresh interpretations and new approaches to known material as well as novel explorations and unprecedented analyses of new data.
Table of Contents:
- Preface
Part I: Gender, Power, and Language
- How (not) to name a woman in Indo-European. The evidence of female onomastics for the status of women in Indo-European societies (Ulla Remmer)
- Gender in Indo-European. A synopsis (Stefan Höfler)
- Pan, Pūṣan and their matrimonial functions (Jil Schermutzki)
- The Charioteer Athena as goddess of warriors. Constellations and their role in the prehistory of Greek religion (Michael Janda)
- Quaecumque a Benveniste dicta essent, commenticia esse (Michael Weiss)
Part II: Power, Mobility, and Conflict
- The wolf, the lamb, and the dog. An Aesopian guide to Indo-European sociology (Peter Jackson Rova)
- On the prehistory of legal language and procedure. Repairing a misdeed in Proto-Indo-European and in Core Indo-European (José Luis García Ramón)
- Indo-European patrons vs. clients, and the role of poets as social brokers. ‘Leaders’ vs. ‘friends’, and intelligent speakers in the mythologies of Scandinavia, India, and Rome (Riccardo Ginevra)
- The violent Indo-Europeans. Some general thoughts on the martial influence of the Corded Ware on Neolithic societies (Rune Iversen)
Part III: Mobility, Gender, and Social Structure
- An update on the Corded Ware culture. Formation and spread, social aspects, human–canid relations, and tooth and shell status items (Mikkel Nørtoft)
- In-laws and outlaws in Indo-European societies. The master of the house and his circles of interest (Birgit Anette Olsen)
- Indo-European initiation. The Greek contribution (Jan N. Bremmer)
- (Proto-)Indo-European age-based male social hierarchies and groupings. Age-grades, sodalities, coevals, age-sets and the origins of Rome’s curiae (including the curia ‘senate-house’) (Kim McCone)
Papers by Stefan Höfler
Die Sprache 52/1, 1–18, 2018
The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the form μᾶλα ‘sheep’ in Theocritus is not (a... more The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the form μᾶλα ‘sheep’ in Theocritus is not (as is commonly assumed) a hyperdorism, but rather points to an inner-Greek substantivization of an adjective μᾱλός, attested in Theocritus (as an epithet of a goat) and as (Att.-Ion.) μηλός ‘tame’ in the Etymologicum Magnum. Inducing a discussion of the development of the cluster *dm- in Greek, I will propose to reconstruct this adjective as *dm̥h₂-ló- (from *√demh₂ ‘tame, subdue’).
Larsson, J., Olander, T., & Jørgensen, A. R. (eds.), Indo-European Interfaces: Integrating Linguistics, Mythology and Archaeology. Stockholm: Stockholm University Press. DOI: https://doi.org /10.16993/bcn.d. License: CC BY-NC., 2024
Taking inspiration from the biological taxonomy of mammals, this paper explores the diversificati... more Taking inspiration from the biological taxonomy of mammals, this paper explores the diversification of the Indo-European language family through a zoographical lens. It investigates shared innovations of phonology, morphology, and semantics in zoonyms across language branches. The aim is to uncover evidence for early splits within the family tree. The study primarily centers on Anatolian versus Core Indo-European and features an extensive discussion of *h₂ŕ̥tk̑o- ‘bear’ (Hittite ḫartakka ) vs. *h₂ŕ̥k̑þo- (Vedic ŕ̥kṣa , Greek ἄρκτος, Latin ursus, etc.), *h₁ék̑u- ‘horse’ (Hittite */ekkus/, Luwian /azzu-/) vs. *h₁ék̑u̯o- (Vedic áśva-, Latin equus, Tocharian B yakwe, etc.), and *u̯ĺ̥kʷo- ‘lion’ (Luwian walwa/i-) vs. *u̯ĺ̥kʷo- ‘wolf’ (Vedic vŕ̥ka-, Lithuanian vil̃kas, Tocharian B walkwe, etc.). Thorough analysis of these examples will determine their relevance within the proposed scenarios.
https://www.stockholmuniversitypress.se/site/books/e/10.16993/bcn/
Indogermanische Forschungen 128, 83–124, 2023
This paper discusses the formal relationship between Hittite ḫišša- c., Vedic īṣā́- f. < *h₂ihₓs... more This paper discusses the formal relationship between Hittite ḫišša- c., Vedic īṣā́- f. < *h₂ihₓséh₂ ‘shaft (of a cart)’ and the s-stem *h₂éi̯hₓ-os > Slovene ojẹ̑ n., gen. sg. ojẹ̑sa ‘shaft (of a cart)’. It is claimed that the underlying root *√h₂ei̯hₓ ‘pull, move (a vehicle)’ accounts for substantives such as Lith. íena f. ‘shaft’ and PGmc. *airō- f. ‘oar’ and can also be seen as the basis of the two Vedic verbs áyate ‘speeds’ and ī́yate ‘speeds (on a chariot)’, the discussion of which constitutes the main body of this paper. Finally, *√h₂ei̯hₓ is further specified as *√h₂ei̯h₂ and equated with the root that underlies Ved. yā́ti ‘rides, moves, travels’, Lith. jóju, OCS jadǫ, Toch. B iyaṃ.
Laura Massetti (ed.), Castalia. Studies in Indo-European Linguistics, Mythology, and Poetics. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 119–143, 2023
Given the overall number of lines in the Homeric poems, the amount of verses that are considered ... more Given the overall number of lines in the Homeric poems, the amount of verses that are considered unmetrical is very low. In most cases, the unmetricality is easily resolvable by considering a metrical license or by undoing the workings of language change. The verse that contains ἀνδρειφόντης, however, is arguably more unmetrical than any other Iliadic verse, and disentangling its hopeless scansion has challenged generations of scholars. It appears four times in almost exactly the same shape in the Iliad, which makes it a formulaic verse κατ’ ἐξοχήν, rendering its metrical obscenity only more problematic.
Die Sprache 55, 22–26, 2022
This paper summarizes the evidence that suggests that *h₃meig̑ʰ- did not only mean ‘to piss’, but... more This paper summarizes the evidence that suggests that *h₃meig̑ʰ- did not only mean ‘to piss’, but could also be used to refer to the discharge of semen and, figuratively, to describe a non-reproductive sexual act.
David M. Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison, and Brent Vine (eds.). 2022. Proceedings of the 32nd Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Hamburg: Buske. 125–42, 2022
Greek adjectives in -ης (-ᾱς) such as ὑβριστής ‘violent, wanton’ are generally considered a secon... more Greek adjectives in -ης (-ᾱς) such as ὑβριστής ‘violent, wanton’ are generally considered a secondary type, originating in an adjectivization of masculine substantives that became predominantly used in apposition. While this is certainly the preferred analysis for a former agent noun such as ὑβριστής (: ὑβρίζω ‘wax wanton, run riot’), there is a second type of adjectives in -ης that behave (in meaning and function) just like the the- matic adjectives they are seemingly derived from. Compare αἰχμητής ‘having a spear, spearlike, warlike’ (: *αἰχμητός ‘id.’), ἐτησίαι ἄνεμοι ‘the Etesian winds’ (: ἐτήσιος ‘yearly, annual’), ἀργεστής ‘bright’ (: *ἀργεστός ‘id.’), all of which are traditionally interpreted as substantivizations of the underlying adjectives. After introducing nine features to help determine whether a given noun can indeed be considered adjectival, this paper discusses the second type of adjectives in -ης (-ᾱς) and proposes an analysis as former “weak adjectives.”
Florian Sommer, Karin Stüber, Paul Widmer, Yoko Yamazaki (eds.), Indogermanische Morphologie in erweiterter Sicht, Grenzfälle und Übergänge, Beiträge zu einer 2020 in Zürich geplanten, aber nicht stattgefundenen Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Spr..., 2022
When we think of the feminine gender in Indo-European and about how it manifests in the languages... more When we think of the feminine gender in Indo-European and about how it manifests in the languages, we are faced with a paradox. On the one hand, feminine adjectival agreement with the ending *-eh₂- for thematic adjectives can be reconstructed quite safely for (at least) post-Anatolian Indo-European based on the ubiquitous pattern Gk. καλὴ κόρη, Ved. priyā́ kanyā̀ , Lat. puella pulchra ‘pretty girl’, etc. On the other hand, however, Ancient Greek exhibits thematic adjectives “of two endings” that have the masculine set of endings throughout the paradigm when agreeing with both masculine and feminine substantives (e.g. nom. sg. ἡ νῆττα ἥμερος ‘the tame duck’), which cannot easily be explained as secondary. This suggests that the agreement pattern with *-eh₂- for the feminine adjective is a rather recent development that had not been fully generalized and grammaticalized when the languages split up. This paper sets out to investigate the origin of these agreement forms in *-eh₂-, arguing for a revised version of the recently endorsed “weak adjective hypothesis”.
Luka Repanšek, Harald Bichlmeier & Velizar Sadovski (eds.), vácāmsi miśrā krṇavāmahai : Proceedings of the international conference of the Society for Indo-European Studies and IWoBA XII, Ljubljana 4–7 June 2019, celebrating one hundred years of Indo-European comparative linguistics at the Univer..., 2020
The meaning of Lith. mãžas ‘small, little’ and Latv. mazs ‘id.’ (compare also OPruss. massais ‘le... more The meaning of Lith. mãžas ‘small, little’ and Latv. mazs ‘id.’ (compare also OPruss. massais ‘less’) has long puzzled scholars of Baltic and Indo-European linguistics. Etymologically speaking, there can be no doubt that Lith. mãžas and Latv. mazs belong to the root PIE *√meǵ ‘big, large’. But how are we supposed to understand the diametrically opposed meaning?
Melanie Malzahn, Hannes A. Fellner & Theresa-Susanna Illés (eds.), Zurück zur Wurzel. Struktur, Funktion und Semantik der Wurzel im Indogermanischen. Akten der 15. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 13. bis 16. September 2016 in Wien. Vienna, Austria, 71–82., 2021
§1. The paper aims to discuss the two Caland roots *√dleu̯k '(be/become/make) sweet' and *√meu̯k ... more §1. The paper aims to discuss the two Caland roots *√dleu̯k '(be/become/make) sweet' and *√meu̯k '(be/become/make) slimy', which are prominently represented through verbal and nominal formations, especially in Latin and Greek. Initially, the concept of a "Caland root" will be explained in the light of recent research.
§2. Concerning *√meu̯k, it will be argued that the prevailing doctrine, considering it as a verbal root meaning 'unbind, strip off', should be replaced by two (at least synchronically) distinct roots ('unbind, strip off' in Vedic muñcáti 'releases, frees', Lithuanian munkù, mùkti 'to free oneself, escape', Old Church Slavonic pro-mъče sę 'to spread (rumor)' vs. 'slimy' in Greek μύσσομαι, Latin ēmungō 'to blow the nose'). The Latin evidence – and notably the findings of modern Romance languages – actually support the hypothesis that *√meu̯k 'slimy' is a central and inherited element of the Caland system, which is suggested independently by the semantic correspondence of the Latin and Greek derivatives.
§3. The proposal of a root *√dleu̯k, on the other hand, not only sensibly connects the two adjectives Greek γλυκύς and Latin dulcis, but also provides a new etymological basis for the substantives Latin luxus m. 'excess, luxury', which will be further discussed in terms of its word formation, and the rare lucuns, -untis 'a sweet pastry', a singular relic of a word formation type not otherwise attested in Latin in this form within the Caland continuum.
Die Sprache 52/2, 177–201, 2019
Starting from a discussion of the name Ἑλένη and the root *√su̯elh₁ ‘to glow with heat’, this pap... more Starting from a discussion of the name Ἑλένη and the root *√su̯elh₁ ‘to glow with heat’, this paper investigates the outcome of accented *CŔ̥HC sequences in Greek. Most of the cases on record involve *CŔ̥h₂C, resulting in Gk. CάRαC. In theory, this sequence could either represent a PGk. *CáRaC or a PGk. *Cə́RaC, which has led to two opposing views in the literature as to what the outcome of *CŔ̥h₁C and *CŔ̥h₃C would be, viz. either CέRεC and CόRοC, or CάRεC and CάRοC, respectively. Based on the examples Ion. ἀλέη f. ‘heat’ and Gk. (non-Att.) γάνεα n. pl. ‘female genitals’, I intend to show that the latter is the more likely assumption.
David M. Goldstein et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 29th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, Bremen: Hempen, 129–146. , 2018
The reconstruction of the PIE word for ‘shoulder’ has placed scholars of Latin and Indo-European ... more The reconstruction of the PIE word for ‘shoulder’ has placed scholars of Latin and Indo-European linguistics in a dilemma that has been widely accepted with- out major protest, and that to my knowledge remains unsolved. For Lat. umerus, -ī m. cannot continue the pre-form *(H)ómso- that is reconstructed on the basis of all the other branches in which this etymon is preserved, but rather has to go back to *(H)omeso- vel sim.
Graeco-Latina Brunensia. 2022, vol. 27, iss. 1, pp. 69-89, 2022
Greek ἀράχνη and Latin arāneus 'spider' have long been considered cognates, yet a convincing etym... more Greek ἀράχνη and Latin arāneus 'spider' have long been considered cognates, yet a convincing etymology is still missing. Based on words for 'spider' in other Indo-European traditions that are predominantly derived from roots and verbs meaning 'weave', 'spin', and the like, we assume that the root at the core of Gk. ἀράχνη and Lat. arāneus had similar semantics. Analyzing the preform *araksnā as *h₂r̥ h₂⁽g)sneh₂-, we recognize the underlying root *h₂reh₂⁽g)-'weave' not only in ἀράχνη and arāneus, but also in the Gk. ῥῆγος 'rug, blanket' and the root noun ῥώξ 'a kind of venomous spider', the continuant of a former agent noun 'weaver'.
https://digilib.phil.muni.cz/handle/11222.digilib/145031
Amice Benigneque Honorem Nostrum Habes: Estudios lingüísticos en homenaje al Profesor Benjamín García-Hernández, ed. by Unceta Gómez, L., González Vázquez, C., López Gregoris, R. & Martín Rodríguez, A. M., Madrid: UAM Ediciones, 247-256, 2021
Indo-European Linguistics, 2020
The process of deriving substantives from adjectives in the classical Indo-European languages can... more The process of deriving substantives from adjectives in the classical Indo-European languages can be accomplished in two fundamentally different ways. The first possibility is a derivational one, i.e. the adjective is substantivized by a word-formation process that typically consists of an overt morphological or morphonological operation such as suffixation, accent shift, introduction of new ablaut grades, or a combination thereof. The second process, on the other hand, is a gradual one: an adjective can be substantivized through the ellipsis of a head noun that this adjective was originally paired with. In this paper, I intend to outline the differences and similarities between these two mechanisms and discuss their role in the interpretation of Proto-Indo-European stems in *-(e-)h2- .
https://brill.com/view/journals/ieul/8/1/article-p181_4.xml?language=en
Lemmata Linguistica Latina: Volume II: Clause and Discourse. van Gils, L., Kroon, C. & Risselada, R. (eds.). Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter, p. 374-390, 2019
The aim of this chapter is to show that the Latin first-person perfect indicative was used as a p... more The aim of this chapter is to show that the Latin first-person perfect indicative was used as a performative speech act. Evidence for this claim will be gathered from texts in which the first-person uses instantaneous speech or instantaneous writing (letters, legal contracts, graffiti, curse tablets, etc.). It will be shown that the usage of speech or writing act verbs (e.g. scrīpsī, dēuouī) is different from the epistolary use of past tense forms for present actions. In the end, however, the question must be left open whether this usage is a syntactic Grecism or inherited from Proto-Indo-European.
SCRIPTA CLASSICA ISRAELICA, 2019
The topic of this paper is a novel analysis of the adjective φριξός along with a discussion of th... more The topic of this paper is a novel analysis of the adjective φριξός along with a discussion of the textual transmission of Nicander’s Theriaca, lines 777–779. I will argue on philological and linguistic grounds that a varia lectio φρῖκος, attested in three manuscripts, deserves to be acknowledged as the lectio difficilior vis-à-vis the commonly preferred φρῖκας, and that it represents a neuter s-stem with a meaning ‘stinger’. This noun can be interpreted as the continuant of Proto-Indo-European *bhriHk-os ‘pointed thing’ which is probably also attested in Welsh brig ‘summit, tree-tops’. This s-stem served as the derivational base of the adjective *bhriHk-s-ó- ‘making onself pointed’ preserved in Greek φριξός ‘standing on end, bristling’, which thus reflects an archaic Proto-Indo-European word-formation type.
Despite the language’s early attestation, the Hittite category of neuter s-stems differs strongly... more Despite the language’s early attestation, the Hittite category of neuter s-stems differs strongly both in its extent and in its inflectional properties from what we can infer as a late-PIE state of affairs on the basis of the remaining (relatively) early attested IE languages such as Vedic, Avestan, Greek, and Latin. This discrepancy permits at least two conclusions that seem to be diametrically opposed to each other: either that Hittite (bzw. Anatolian) preserves an archaic condition where many features that we know from the other languages had not yet fully developed, or that the whole inherited category of neuter s-stems was afflicted by an almost complete loss, and that what we see is but the remains of an advanced and ongoing process of degradation. In this paper, a considerate weighing of the possible positions and a dialectic discussion of all relevant evidence is put forward. Does the Anatolian evidence allow any conclusions on the question of a Frühausgliederung? We will see that – as is often the case within Anatolian historical linguistics – the answer will have to be sought somewhere in the middle between archaism and innovation.
Philologia classica, 2017
The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the commonly accepted etymological link betwe... more The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the commonly accepted etymological link between Lat. laxus 'wide, spacious, loose' and Lat. languēre 'be faint, weak' is not only formally difficult, but also semantically unjustified. Discussing the earliest attestations and derivatives of laxus against the backdrop of general morphosemantic considerations, I propose deriving this adjective and the enigmatic Lat. locus m. 'place' from the root *√slek, whose possible semantics and continuants in other IE languages are dealt with in the remainder of the paper.
http://philclass.spbu.ru/en/issues/2017-en/issue-12-2/
R. Ginevra, S. Höfler, & B. Olsen. Power, Gender, and Mobility. Aspects of Indo-European Society. With the assistance of J. Bahs Jacquet. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2024
Link: https://www.mtp.dk/titles/9788763547284 Combining perspectives from linguistics, archaeolo... more Link: https://www.mtp.dk/titles/9788763547284
Combining perspectives from linguistics, archaeology, anthropology, and history of religion, the books seeks to explore the dynamics of power, gender, and mobility – three concepts that are essential for a profound understanding of the historically attested Indo-European–speaking societies and of the prehistoric society reflected by Proto-Indo-European.
The topics range from gender roles and female onomastics to power structures and the role of poets as social brokers, from Indo-European legal language and initiation rites to matrimonial practices and age-based social hierarchies.
It provides fresh interpretations and new approaches to known material as well as novel explorations and unprecedented analyses of new data.
Table of Contents:
- Preface
Part I: Gender, Power, and Language
- How (not) to name a woman in Indo-European. The evidence of female onomastics for the status of women in Indo-European societies (Ulla Remmer)
- Gender in Indo-European. A synopsis (Stefan Höfler)
- Pan, Pūṣan and their matrimonial functions (Jil Schermutzki)
- The Charioteer Athena as goddess of warriors. Constellations and their role in the prehistory of Greek religion (Michael Janda)
- Quaecumque a Benveniste dicta essent, commenticia esse (Michael Weiss)
Part II: Power, Mobility, and Conflict
- The wolf, the lamb, and the dog. An Aesopian guide to Indo-European sociology (Peter Jackson Rova)
- On the prehistory of legal language and procedure. Repairing a misdeed in Proto-Indo-European and in Core Indo-European (José Luis García Ramón)
- Indo-European patrons vs. clients, and the role of poets as social brokers. ‘Leaders’ vs. ‘friends’, and intelligent speakers in the mythologies of Scandinavia, India, and Rome (Riccardo Ginevra)
- The violent Indo-Europeans. Some general thoughts on the martial influence of the Corded Ware on Neolithic societies (Rune Iversen)
Part III: Mobility, Gender, and Social Structure
- An update on the Corded Ware culture. Formation and spread, social aspects, human–canid relations, and tooth and shell status items (Mikkel Nørtoft)
- In-laws and outlaws in Indo-European societies. The master of the house and his circles of interest (Birgit Anette Olsen)
- Indo-European initiation. The Greek contribution (Jan N. Bremmer)
- (Proto-)Indo-European age-based male social hierarchies and groupings. Age-grades, sodalities, coevals, age-sets and the origins of Rome’s curiae (including the curia ‘senate-house’) (Kim McCone)
Die Sprache 52/1, 1–18, 2018
The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the form μᾶλα ‘sheep’ in Theocritus is not (a... more The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the form μᾶλα ‘sheep’ in Theocritus is not (as is commonly assumed) a hyperdorism, but rather points to an inner-Greek substantivization of an adjective μᾱλός, attested in Theocritus (as an epithet of a goat) and as (Att.-Ion.) μηλός ‘tame’ in the Etymologicum Magnum. Inducing a discussion of the development of the cluster *dm- in Greek, I will propose to reconstruct this adjective as *dm̥h₂-ló- (from *√demh₂ ‘tame, subdue’).
Larsson, J., Olander, T., & Jørgensen, A. R. (eds.), Indo-European Interfaces: Integrating Linguistics, Mythology and Archaeology. Stockholm: Stockholm University Press. DOI: https://doi.org /10.16993/bcn.d. License: CC BY-NC., 2024
Taking inspiration from the biological taxonomy of mammals, this paper explores the diversificati... more Taking inspiration from the biological taxonomy of mammals, this paper explores the diversification of the Indo-European language family through a zoographical lens. It investigates shared innovations of phonology, morphology, and semantics in zoonyms across language branches. The aim is to uncover evidence for early splits within the family tree. The study primarily centers on Anatolian versus Core Indo-European and features an extensive discussion of *h₂ŕ̥tk̑o- ‘bear’ (Hittite ḫartakka ) vs. *h₂ŕ̥k̑þo- (Vedic ŕ̥kṣa , Greek ἄρκτος, Latin ursus, etc.), *h₁ék̑u- ‘horse’ (Hittite */ekkus/, Luwian /azzu-/) vs. *h₁ék̑u̯o- (Vedic áśva-, Latin equus, Tocharian B yakwe, etc.), and *u̯ĺ̥kʷo- ‘lion’ (Luwian walwa/i-) vs. *u̯ĺ̥kʷo- ‘wolf’ (Vedic vŕ̥ka-, Lithuanian vil̃kas, Tocharian B walkwe, etc.). Thorough analysis of these examples will determine their relevance within the proposed scenarios.
https://www.stockholmuniversitypress.se/site/books/e/10.16993/bcn/
Indogermanische Forschungen 128, 83–124, 2023
This paper discusses the formal relationship between Hittite ḫišša- c., Vedic īṣā́- f. < *h₂ihₓs... more This paper discusses the formal relationship between Hittite ḫišša- c., Vedic īṣā́- f. < *h₂ihₓséh₂ ‘shaft (of a cart)’ and the s-stem *h₂éi̯hₓ-os > Slovene ojẹ̑ n., gen. sg. ojẹ̑sa ‘shaft (of a cart)’. It is claimed that the underlying root *√h₂ei̯hₓ ‘pull, move (a vehicle)’ accounts for substantives such as Lith. íena f. ‘shaft’ and PGmc. *airō- f. ‘oar’ and can also be seen as the basis of the two Vedic verbs áyate ‘speeds’ and ī́yate ‘speeds (on a chariot)’, the discussion of which constitutes the main body of this paper. Finally, *√h₂ei̯hₓ is further specified as *√h₂ei̯h₂ and equated with the root that underlies Ved. yā́ti ‘rides, moves, travels’, Lith. jóju, OCS jadǫ, Toch. B iyaṃ.
Laura Massetti (ed.), Castalia. Studies in Indo-European Linguistics, Mythology, and Poetics. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 119–143, 2023
Given the overall number of lines in the Homeric poems, the amount of verses that are considered ... more Given the overall number of lines in the Homeric poems, the amount of verses that are considered unmetrical is very low. In most cases, the unmetricality is easily resolvable by considering a metrical license or by undoing the workings of language change. The verse that contains ἀνδρειφόντης, however, is arguably more unmetrical than any other Iliadic verse, and disentangling its hopeless scansion has challenged generations of scholars. It appears four times in almost exactly the same shape in the Iliad, which makes it a formulaic verse κατ’ ἐξοχήν, rendering its metrical obscenity only more problematic.
Die Sprache 55, 22–26, 2022
This paper summarizes the evidence that suggests that *h₃meig̑ʰ- did not only mean ‘to piss’, but... more This paper summarizes the evidence that suggests that *h₃meig̑ʰ- did not only mean ‘to piss’, but could also be used to refer to the discharge of semen and, figuratively, to describe a non-reproductive sexual act.
David M. Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison, and Brent Vine (eds.). 2022. Proceedings of the 32nd Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Hamburg: Buske. 125–42, 2022
Greek adjectives in -ης (-ᾱς) such as ὑβριστής ‘violent, wanton’ are generally considered a secon... more Greek adjectives in -ης (-ᾱς) such as ὑβριστής ‘violent, wanton’ are generally considered a secondary type, originating in an adjectivization of masculine substantives that became predominantly used in apposition. While this is certainly the preferred analysis for a former agent noun such as ὑβριστής (: ὑβρίζω ‘wax wanton, run riot’), there is a second type of adjectives in -ης that behave (in meaning and function) just like the the- matic adjectives they are seemingly derived from. Compare αἰχμητής ‘having a spear, spearlike, warlike’ (: *αἰχμητός ‘id.’), ἐτησίαι ἄνεμοι ‘the Etesian winds’ (: ἐτήσιος ‘yearly, annual’), ἀργεστής ‘bright’ (: *ἀργεστός ‘id.’), all of which are traditionally interpreted as substantivizations of the underlying adjectives. After introducing nine features to help determine whether a given noun can indeed be considered adjectival, this paper discusses the second type of adjectives in -ης (-ᾱς) and proposes an analysis as former “weak adjectives.”
Florian Sommer, Karin Stüber, Paul Widmer, Yoko Yamazaki (eds.), Indogermanische Morphologie in erweiterter Sicht, Grenzfälle und Übergänge, Beiträge zu einer 2020 in Zürich geplanten, aber nicht stattgefundenen Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Spr..., 2022
When we think of the feminine gender in Indo-European and about how it manifests in the languages... more When we think of the feminine gender in Indo-European and about how it manifests in the languages, we are faced with a paradox. On the one hand, feminine adjectival agreement with the ending *-eh₂- for thematic adjectives can be reconstructed quite safely for (at least) post-Anatolian Indo-European based on the ubiquitous pattern Gk. καλὴ κόρη, Ved. priyā́ kanyā̀ , Lat. puella pulchra ‘pretty girl’, etc. On the other hand, however, Ancient Greek exhibits thematic adjectives “of two endings” that have the masculine set of endings throughout the paradigm when agreeing with both masculine and feminine substantives (e.g. nom. sg. ἡ νῆττα ἥμερος ‘the tame duck’), which cannot easily be explained as secondary. This suggests that the agreement pattern with *-eh₂- for the feminine adjective is a rather recent development that had not been fully generalized and grammaticalized when the languages split up. This paper sets out to investigate the origin of these agreement forms in *-eh₂-, arguing for a revised version of the recently endorsed “weak adjective hypothesis”.
Luka Repanšek, Harald Bichlmeier & Velizar Sadovski (eds.), vácāmsi miśrā krṇavāmahai : Proceedings of the international conference of the Society for Indo-European Studies and IWoBA XII, Ljubljana 4–7 June 2019, celebrating one hundred years of Indo-European comparative linguistics at the Univer..., 2020
The meaning of Lith. mãžas ‘small, little’ and Latv. mazs ‘id.’ (compare also OPruss. massais ‘le... more The meaning of Lith. mãžas ‘small, little’ and Latv. mazs ‘id.’ (compare also OPruss. massais ‘less’) has long puzzled scholars of Baltic and Indo-European linguistics. Etymologically speaking, there can be no doubt that Lith. mãžas and Latv. mazs belong to the root PIE *√meǵ ‘big, large’. But how are we supposed to understand the diametrically opposed meaning?
Melanie Malzahn, Hannes A. Fellner & Theresa-Susanna Illés (eds.), Zurück zur Wurzel. Struktur, Funktion und Semantik der Wurzel im Indogermanischen. Akten der 15. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 13. bis 16. September 2016 in Wien. Vienna, Austria, 71–82., 2021
§1. The paper aims to discuss the two Caland roots *√dleu̯k '(be/become/make) sweet' and *√meu̯k ... more §1. The paper aims to discuss the two Caland roots *√dleu̯k '(be/become/make) sweet' and *√meu̯k '(be/become/make) slimy', which are prominently represented through verbal and nominal formations, especially in Latin and Greek. Initially, the concept of a "Caland root" will be explained in the light of recent research.
§2. Concerning *√meu̯k, it will be argued that the prevailing doctrine, considering it as a verbal root meaning 'unbind, strip off', should be replaced by two (at least synchronically) distinct roots ('unbind, strip off' in Vedic muñcáti 'releases, frees', Lithuanian munkù, mùkti 'to free oneself, escape', Old Church Slavonic pro-mъče sę 'to spread (rumor)' vs. 'slimy' in Greek μύσσομαι, Latin ēmungō 'to blow the nose'). The Latin evidence – and notably the findings of modern Romance languages – actually support the hypothesis that *√meu̯k 'slimy' is a central and inherited element of the Caland system, which is suggested independently by the semantic correspondence of the Latin and Greek derivatives.
§3. The proposal of a root *√dleu̯k, on the other hand, not only sensibly connects the two adjectives Greek γλυκύς and Latin dulcis, but also provides a new etymological basis for the substantives Latin luxus m. 'excess, luxury', which will be further discussed in terms of its word formation, and the rare lucuns, -untis 'a sweet pastry', a singular relic of a word formation type not otherwise attested in Latin in this form within the Caland continuum.
Die Sprache 52/2, 177–201, 2019
Starting from a discussion of the name Ἑλένη and the root *√su̯elh₁ ‘to glow with heat’, this pap... more Starting from a discussion of the name Ἑλένη and the root *√su̯elh₁ ‘to glow with heat’, this paper investigates the outcome of accented *CŔ̥HC sequences in Greek. Most of the cases on record involve *CŔ̥h₂C, resulting in Gk. CάRαC. In theory, this sequence could either represent a PGk. *CáRaC or a PGk. *Cə́RaC, which has led to two opposing views in the literature as to what the outcome of *CŔ̥h₁C and *CŔ̥h₃C would be, viz. either CέRεC and CόRοC, or CάRεC and CάRοC, respectively. Based on the examples Ion. ἀλέη f. ‘heat’ and Gk. (non-Att.) γάνεα n. pl. ‘female genitals’, I intend to show that the latter is the more likely assumption.
David M. Goldstein et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 29th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, Bremen: Hempen, 129–146. , 2018
The reconstruction of the PIE word for ‘shoulder’ has placed scholars of Latin and Indo-European ... more The reconstruction of the PIE word for ‘shoulder’ has placed scholars of Latin and Indo-European linguistics in a dilemma that has been widely accepted with- out major protest, and that to my knowledge remains unsolved. For Lat. umerus, -ī m. cannot continue the pre-form *(H)ómso- that is reconstructed on the basis of all the other branches in which this etymon is preserved, but rather has to go back to *(H)omeso- vel sim.
Graeco-Latina Brunensia. 2022, vol. 27, iss. 1, pp. 69-89, 2022
Greek ἀράχνη and Latin arāneus 'spider' have long been considered cognates, yet a convincing etym... more Greek ἀράχνη and Latin arāneus 'spider' have long been considered cognates, yet a convincing etymology is still missing. Based on words for 'spider' in other Indo-European traditions that are predominantly derived from roots and verbs meaning 'weave', 'spin', and the like, we assume that the root at the core of Gk. ἀράχνη and Lat. arāneus had similar semantics. Analyzing the preform *araksnā as *h₂r̥ h₂⁽g)sneh₂-, we recognize the underlying root *h₂reh₂⁽g)-'weave' not only in ἀράχνη and arāneus, but also in the Gk. ῥῆγος 'rug, blanket' and the root noun ῥώξ 'a kind of venomous spider', the continuant of a former agent noun 'weaver'.
https://digilib.phil.muni.cz/handle/11222.digilib/145031
Amice Benigneque Honorem Nostrum Habes: Estudios lingüísticos en homenaje al Profesor Benjamín García-Hernández, ed. by Unceta Gómez, L., González Vázquez, C., López Gregoris, R. & Martín Rodríguez, A. M., Madrid: UAM Ediciones, 247-256, 2021
Indo-European Linguistics, 2020
The process of deriving substantives from adjectives in the classical Indo-European languages can... more The process of deriving substantives from adjectives in the classical Indo-European languages can be accomplished in two fundamentally different ways. The first possibility is a derivational one, i.e. the adjective is substantivized by a word-formation process that typically consists of an overt morphological or morphonological operation such as suffixation, accent shift, introduction of new ablaut grades, or a combination thereof. The second process, on the other hand, is a gradual one: an adjective can be substantivized through the ellipsis of a head noun that this adjective was originally paired with. In this paper, I intend to outline the differences and similarities between these two mechanisms and discuss their role in the interpretation of Proto-Indo-European stems in *-(e-)h2- .
https://brill.com/view/journals/ieul/8/1/article-p181_4.xml?language=en
Lemmata Linguistica Latina: Volume II: Clause and Discourse. van Gils, L., Kroon, C. & Risselada, R. (eds.). Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter, p. 374-390, 2019
The aim of this chapter is to show that the Latin first-person perfect indicative was used as a p... more The aim of this chapter is to show that the Latin first-person perfect indicative was used as a performative speech act. Evidence for this claim will be gathered from texts in which the first-person uses instantaneous speech or instantaneous writing (letters, legal contracts, graffiti, curse tablets, etc.). It will be shown that the usage of speech or writing act verbs (e.g. scrīpsī, dēuouī) is different from the epistolary use of past tense forms for present actions. In the end, however, the question must be left open whether this usage is a syntactic Grecism or inherited from Proto-Indo-European.
SCRIPTA CLASSICA ISRAELICA, 2019
The topic of this paper is a novel analysis of the adjective φριξός along with a discussion of th... more The topic of this paper is a novel analysis of the adjective φριξός along with a discussion of the textual transmission of Nicander’s Theriaca, lines 777–779. I will argue on philological and linguistic grounds that a varia lectio φρῖκος, attested in three manuscripts, deserves to be acknowledged as the lectio difficilior vis-à-vis the commonly preferred φρῖκας, and that it represents a neuter s-stem with a meaning ‘stinger’. This noun can be interpreted as the continuant of Proto-Indo-European *bhriHk-os ‘pointed thing’ which is probably also attested in Welsh brig ‘summit, tree-tops’. This s-stem served as the derivational base of the adjective *bhriHk-s-ó- ‘making onself pointed’ preserved in Greek φριξός ‘standing on end, bristling’, which thus reflects an archaic Proto-Indo-European word-formation type.
Despite the language’s early attestation, the Hittite category of neuter s-stems differs strongly... more Despite the language’s early attestation, the Hittite category of neuter s-stems differs strongly both in its extent and in its inflectional properties from what we can infer as a late-PIE state of affairs on the basis of the remaining (relatively) early attested IE languages such as Vedic, Avestan, Greek, and Latin. This discrepancy permits at least two conclusions that seem to be diametrically opposed to each other: either that Hittite (bzw. Anatolian) preserves an archaic condition where many features that we know from the other languages had not yet fully developed, or that the whole inherited category of neuter s-stems was afflicted by an almost complete loss, and that what we see is but the remains of an advanced and ongoing process of degradation. In this paper, a considerate weighing of the possible positions and a dialectic discussion of all relevant evidence is put forward. Does the Anatolian evidence allow any conclusions on the question of a Frühausgliederung? We will see that – as is often the case within Anatolian historical linguistics – the answer will have to be sought somewhere in the middle between archaism and innovation.
Philologia classica, 2017
The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the commonly accepted etymological link betwe... more The aim of this contribution is to demonstrate that the commonly accepted etymological link between Lat. laxus 'wide, spacious, loose' and Lat. languēre 'be faint, weak' is not only formally difficult, but also semantically unjustified. Discussing the earliest attestations and derivatives of laxus against the backdrop of general morphosemantic considerations, I propose deriving this adjective and the enigmatic Lat. locus m. 'place' from the root *√slek, whose possible semantics and continuants in other IE languages are dealt with in the remainder of the paper.
http://philclass.spbu.ru/en/issues/2017-en/issue-12-2/
The main scope of this paper is to discuss the outcome(s) of the sequence PIE *CR̥HC in Latin. It... more The main scope of this paper is to discuss the outcome(s) of the sequence PIE *CR̥HC in Latin. It is argued that the communis opinio―viz. that the distribution of the two resulting Latin sequences CRāC and CaR(a)C (< post-PIE *CRǝHC and *CǝRHC respectively) depends on the original position of the accent―is the most plausible explanation and has only been contested since the word palma ae f. ‘palm, hand’ (< PIE *pĺ̥h2meh2) has until now remained the sole conclusive evidence for this sound law. It will be shown, however, that new etymologies and morphological interpretations for Lat. parra, palla, gallus, marra, and sam(p)sa can indeed corroborate the assumed development of stressed *CŔ̥HC to Lat. CaR(a)C, which will be dubbed the “palma rule” for the sake of convenience.
The aim of this paper is to establish a particular type of denominal derivative, namely possessiv... more The aim of this paper is to establish a particular type of denominal derivative, namely possessive thematic adjectives from neuter s-stem bases with a double zero grade in the root and the s-suffix of the underlying stem (viz. “russus-adjectives” after the prime example *h1reu̯dh-es- ‘redness’ → *h1rudh-s-ó- ‘having redness’ > Lat. russus ‘ruddy’; §§1–3). These adjectives will then serve as illustrative material to demonstrate different strategies for substantivizing thematic adjectives (viz. “simple” substantivization, substantivization via accent retraction , i-substantivization, u-substantivization, and n-substantivization; §§4–8), in the course of which a new etymological and morphological account of PIE *(H)uksé/ón- ‘bull, ox’ will be put forth (§9).
The noun κνίση is an epic and poetic word that appears 17 times in the Iliad, the Odyssey, and th... more The noun κνίση is an epic and poetic word that appears 17 times in the Iliad, the Odyssey, and the Homeric Hymn to Apollo. The surprising thing about κνίση is its twofold meaning. In about the half of its Homeric and the majority of post-Homeric attestations, the word refers to the smell or savor of a burnt sacrifice, the steam and odor of fat that exhales from roasting meat, or the odor of savory meat in general. However, in roughly the other half of Homeric attestations and the odd post-Homeric instance, κνίση has a quite different meaning. In these cases, the noun refers to caul fat, also known as lace fat or fat netting, which is the thin membrane that surrounds the internal organs of cows, sheep, and pigs, and, by extension, to animal fat in general. The key to the understanding of this double meaning is that this caul fat, in which the sacrificial bones would be wrapped prior to their burning, was largely responsible for the steam and odor of the burnt offering as the fat would melt in the blistering heat and trickle down into the fire in sizzling drops. Thus, κνίση is the word for both the savor of the smoldering sacrifice and for that, which causes it. This semantic dichotomy is not only quite astonishing; it also calls for an explanation.
• Most of the Indo-European (IE) branches attest the same agreement pattern for the feminine of t... more • Most of the Indo-European (IE) branches attest the same agreement pattern for the feminine of thematic adjectives. • The feminine agreement form is derived by adding *-ā < *-eh₂-to the stem of the underlying adjective. • Compare the following table. o All adjectives agree with a feminine substantive also ending in *-ā < *-(e-)h₂- .
As is well known, Hittite ḫišša- c. ‘thill, shaft (of a cart)’ forms an almost perfect equation w... more As is well known, Hittite ḫišša- c. ‘thill, shaft (of a cart)’ forms an almost perfect equation with Vedic īṣā́- f. ‘id.’ (RV+). Both lexemes can be traced back to a pre-form *h2ih1/3séh2, which—at least at first appearance—looks like a “thematization” of the s-stem *h2éi̯h1/3-os that is continued in Modern Slovene as ojẹ̑ n., gen. sg. ojẹ̑sa and denotes the exact same thing, viz. the ‘thill (of a cart)’.
"Night(s) and Day(s)": νύκτάς τε καὶ ἦμαρ (plus variants): 5 × Il.; 9 × Od.; 4 × Th. (of these ... more "Night(s) and Day(s)": νύκτάς τε καὶ ἦμαρ (plus variants): 5 × Il.; 9 × Od.; 4 × Th. (of these 1 × Νύξ τε καὶ Ἡμέρη); 2 × Op.; 1 × h.Hom.; of these 8 × verse-final. Other appearances: 1 × Il.; 4 × Od.; 2 × Op.; 1 × h.Hom.
§1. Der geplante Vortrag strebt eine Besprechung der beiden Caland-Wurzeln *√dleu̯k ‘süß (sein/we... more §1. Der geplante Vortrag strebt eine Besprechung der beiden Caland-Wurzeln *√dleu̯k ‘süß (sein/werden/ machen)’ und *√meu̯k ‘schleimig (sein/werden/machen)’ an, die durch verbale und nominale Bildungen vor allem im Lateinischen und Griechischen prominent vertreten sind. Zunächst soll grundsätzlich der Begriff bzw. das Konzept einer „Caland-Wurzel“ im Lichte rezenter Forschung erläutert werden.
§2. Was *√meu̯k betrifft, so soll dargelegt werden, dass die vorherrschende Lehrmeinung, es handle sich hierbei um eine Verbalwurzel ‘losbinden, abstreifen’, gegen den Ansatz von zwei (zumindest synchron) unterschiedlichen Wurzeln (‘losbinden, abstreifen’ in ved. muñcáti ‘löst, befreit’, lit. munkù, mùkti ‘sich losmachen, entwischen’, aksl. pro-mъče sę ‘verbreitete sich (Gerücht)’ vs. ‘schleimig (sein/werden/machen)’ in gr. μύσσομαι, lat. ēmungō ‘rotze aus’) ausgetauscht werden sollte. Die lateinische Evidenz ‒ und hier kommt bemerkenswerterweise der Befund der modernen romanischen Sprachen zur Hilfe ‒ bekräftigt nämlich die Vermutung, dass es sich bei *√meu̯k ‘schleimig (sein/werden/machen)’ um ein zentrales und ererbtes Element des Caland-Systems handelt, wovon aufgrund der semantischen Übereinstimmung der lateinischen und griechischen Fortsetzer ohnehin auszugehen war.
§3. Der Ansatz einer Wurzel *√dleu̯k wiederum vermag nicht nur die beiden Adjektive gr. γλυκύς und lat. dulcis sinnvoll miteinander zu verbinden, er liefert zudem eine neue etymologische Basis für die Substantiva lat. luxus ūs m. ‘Üppigkeit, Luxus’, auf dessen Wortbildung näher eingegangen werden wird, und das seltene lucuns untis ‘ein süßes Gebäck’, einem ‒ quod sit demonstrandum ‒ singulären Relikt eines im Lateinischen in dieser Form sonst nicht belegten Wortbildungstyps des Caland-Verbandes.
The word for the male cow, PIE *(H)uksḗ/ṓ(n) m. (as in Ved. ukṣán- ‘(young) bull’, Av. uxšān- ‘... more The word for the male cow, PIE *(H)uksḗ/ṓ(n) m. (as in Ved. ukṣán- ‘(young) bull’, Av. uxšān- ‘male cow, bull’, OE oxa, OHG ohso, ON oxi, MW ych, Toch. A okso, all ‘ox’) has long puzzled scholars, not only regarding its etymology but also with respect to its morphology. Interpreted by some as ‘the besprinkler’ to a root attested in Ved. √ukṣ ‘to spray’, by others as ‘the grower’ to the wide-spread root *√h2u̯eks ‘to grow’, it has served as a prominent example of a hysterokinetic n-stem nomen agentis. However, these analyses are not only questionable because of their poor semantics, they also neglect that most of the einzelsprachlich evidence points to a nom.-sg. in *°ō(n) (OE oxo, OHG ohso, MW ych, Toch. A okso) and simultaneously to a nom.-pl. in *°enes (Ved. ukṣáṇas, OE œxen, ON yxn, MW ychen), next to an oblique in *°n- (Ved. ukṣṇ°, YAv. uxšn°, Go. auhsn°). I will argue that this pattern does not comply neither with “primary” hysterokinetic nor “primary” amphikinetic formations, but strongly recalls “secondary” denominal derivatives. Consequently, I will try to show that the ‘ox’ is in fact a formation based on a neuter s-stem *h2éu̯g-os n. ‘(physical) strength, power’ (Ved. ójas- n. ‘power, strength, vigor’ RV+, YAv. aojah- n. ‘power’) via the assumption of a possessive adjective *h2ug-s-ó- ‘having strength’. Separating fact from fiction, this type of word formation will then be illustrated by examples from Greek, Latin, and Vedic flora and fauna (including the stories of “The Mucous Mullet”, “The Feathered Fowl”, and “The Bulky Buffalo”), before addressing more general questions about key processes of PIE nominal derivation and substantivization.
Storyboard:
§1 Discussion of the continuants of the ‘male cow/young bull/ox’-word in the individual branches
§2 Etymological Fairy Tales: Evaluation of the etymological accounts proposed so far
§3 A New Tale: “The Mighty Ox” including a discussion of possessive derivatives
§4 “The Mucous Mullet” and “The Feathered Fowl” aka “The Tale of Substantivizing Accent Retraction”
§5 “The Bulky Buffalo” or “The Story of Substantivization via Ellipsis”
§6 “The Mighty Ox: The Sequel” or “Speculations about the origin of possessive *-ó- ”
I. Teil: Welches Urteil erlaubt die Kategorie der neutralen s-Stämme über die Stellung des Anatol... more I. Teil:
Welches Urteil erlaubt die Kategorie der neutralen s-Stämme über die Stellung des Anatolischen innerhalb der indogermanischen Sprachfamilie?
II. Teil:
Die Derivationsgeschichte der hethitischen Bildungen mit einem Suffix *-su-: Zur Ableitung von sekundären u-Stämmen im Uridg.
The main scope of this paper is to discuss the outcome(s) of the sequence PIE *CR̥HC in Latin. It... more The main scope of this paper is to discuss the outcome(s) of the sequence PIE *CR̥HC in Latin. It is argued that the communis opinio―viz. that the distribution of the two resulting Latin sequences CRāC and CaR(a)C (< post-PIE *CRǝHC and *CǝRHC respectively) depends on the original position of the accent―is the most plausible explanation and has only been contested since the word palma ae f. ‘palm, hand’ (< PIE *pĺ̥h2meh2) has until now remained the sole conclusive evidence for this sound law. It will be shown, however, that new etymologies and morphological interpretations for Lat. parra, palla, gallus, marra, and sam(p)sa can indeed corroborate the assumed development of stressed *CŔ̥HC to Lat. CaR(a)C, which will be dubbed the “palma rule” for the sake of convenience.
Die Sprache 55, 153–163, 2023
Das zu rezensierende Buch stellt den zweiten Teil einer bislang noch azephal gebliebenen Urindoge... more Das zu rezensierende Buch stellt den zweiten Teil einer bislang noch azephal gebliebenen Urindogermanischen Grammatik dar, die sich laut ihrem Verfasser Thomas Lindner (fortan L.) als "deduktives Begleitwerk" (S. 1 VI) zu der von L. herausgegebenen "induktiven Indogermanischen Grammatik" (ibid.) versteht. Bei dem vorliegenden Band handelt es sich abgesehen von einem einseitigen Vorwort ("Zu m G e l ei t "; S. V), einem ebenso einseitigen Inhaltsverzeichnis ("INHALT"; S. VI), sowie 22 Seiten Anmerkungen ("ANMERKUNGEN"; S. 349-370) und einer Drittelseite Literaturhinweise ("Siglen und Literaturhinweise"; S. 370) 2 ausschließlich (i.e. 348 Seiten lang) um rekonstruierte Flexionsparadigmen, wobei der Abschnitt zur Deklination (nominale Endungssätze, Paradigmen von Nomen, Numerale, Pronomen) mit 162 Seiten (S. 1-162) geringfügig kürzer ist als derjenige zur Konjugation (verbale Stammbildung, verbale Endungssätze, Paradigmen des Verbums, Verbum infinitum) mit 186 Seiten (S. 163-348). Die Aufgabe des Rezensenten stellt sich daher vergleichsweise einfach, in anderer Hinsicht aber auch einigermaßen schwierig dar. Die abertausenden Wortformen auf den 348 Seiten Flexionsparadigmen sind ja weitgehend rezensierungsresistent, und zwar nicht etwa, weil sie unzweifelhaft die tatsächliche urindogermanische Flexionsmorphologie abbilden würden, sondern einfach aus demjenigen Grund, dass sich über sie nicht trefflich streiten lässt. Rekonstruktion ist immer auch Interpretation. L. hat jede Form mit Gewissenhaftigkeit und gestützt auf eine valide Material-und Hypothesenbasis rekonstruiert. Doch auch wenn er damit nahe an einer zumindest im deutschsprachigen Raum verbreiteten communis opinio bleibt, sind die Flexionsparadigmen schlussendlich von L. selbst ersonnen, die Beispielwörter von L. selbst ausgewählt. Programmatisch sind in dieser Hinsicht also bereits die ersten drei Worte des Vorwortes-"Meine Urindogermanische Grammatik" (S. V); sie sind durchaus wörtlich zu verstehen. Dieses Umstandes ist sich L. freilich bewusst; im durchaus lesenswerten Zum Geleit (S. V) rechtfertigt er sein Buch als "Pionierwerk", in dem "auch Idiosynkrasien oder gar Irrtümer vorkommen [dürfen]". Auch anderer, an einem derartigen Werk berechtigter Kritik kommt L. im Zum Geleit zuvor. Man wird ja durchaus die Beharrlichkeit beneiden, mit der L. über hunderte von Seiten hinweg Formen wie den Vokativ Dual des 'Leber'-Wortes "**hxi̯ ḗk u̯-r-(i)h1 **hxi̯ ók u̯-r-(i)h1 [N[eben]F[ormen]. **hxi̯ ék u̯-n-ih1, *hxi̯ ek u̯-1 Die Seitenangabe (S. ...) bezieht sich in weiterer Folge auf die jeweilige(n) Seitenzahl(en) im zu rezensierenden Buch, wobei auf den von L. verwendeten nachgestellten Asterisk verzichtet wird. 2 Zitiert werden nur L.'s eigene Werke; siehe auch weiter unten.
Kratylos 65, 114–131, 2020
A collection of all changes and additions of the second edition vis-à-vis the first edition.
Kratylos 64, 97–126., 2019
Twenty years after the conference Indo-European Word Formation - Inventory and Analysis (October ... more Twenty years after the conference Indo-European Word Formation - Inventory and Analysis (October 20-22, 2000) the University of Copenhagen will again be the (at least virtual) venue of an international convention devoted to morphology in Proto-Indo-European and the Indo-European languages. The focus of the 2020 workshop will be on nominal word formation-both derivation and compounding-and the semantic properties that accompany these processes.
Twenty years after the conference Indo-European Word Formation - Inventory and Analysis (October ... more Twenty years after the conference Indo-European Word Formation - Inventory and Analysis (October 20-22, 2000) the University of Copenhagen will again be the venue of an international convention devoted to morphology in Proto-Indo-European and the Indo-European languages. The focus of the 2020 workshop will be on nominal word formation-both derivation and compounding-and the semantic properties that accompany these processes.