Majid Hassan Ali | University of Duhok (original) (raw)

Videos by Majid Hassan Ali

The historical, political, and religious dimensions of the genocide on the Yazidis

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This presentation presents the migration of Christians from Iraq and Syria and its continuous dev... more This presentation presents the migration of Christians from Iraq and Syria and its continuous development in historical contexts. The presentation starts with a brief background to Christian migration in the 20th century by focusing on the Republican periods in Iraq and Syria, especially the period after the nationalists came to power in the 1960s in both countries. The major migration that has emerged since the beginning of the twenty-first century, until the time of writing of this paper, by understanding the reasons and motivations that accelerated the migration and mass exodus of Christians. The focus of this paper is on the differing positions of different between external agencies on encouraging immigration and assimilating the largest number of Christian immigrants, and the internal Christians institutions and Churches that demand Christians to remain in the country.

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Conference: The Voting and Candidate Behavior in Iraq: Multidisciplinary Approaches, Iraqi Associ... more Conference: The Voting and Candidate Behavior in Iraq: Multidisciplinary Approaches, Iraqi Association for Political Psychology, 5 April 2018, Baghdad, Iraq.

المشاركة في الانتخابات العراقية بين هيمنة الأحزاب السياسية والخيارات الذاتية: دراسة في آليات وتأثير الأحزاب الكردية على ناخبي الأقلية الأيزيدية
في: مؤتمر السلوك الانتخابي في قاعة أكاديمية بغداد للعلوم الإنسانية، يوم الخميس 5/ 4/ 2018 في بغداد

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Conference: "Forced Migration in Arab Countries", Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (30... more Conference: "Forced Migration in Arab Countries", Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (30 November-1 December 2019), Doha, Qatar

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Articles by Majid Hassan Ali

International Journal of Yezidi Studies, Dec 2024

This article addresses the history of the enslavement and captivity of women during the Islamic m... more This article addresses the history of the enslavement and captivity of women during the Islamic military campaigns, invasions, conquests and firmāns inflicted on the Yezidi religious minority. It focuses on periods of the Ottoman authorities, local rulers, tribes, Kurdish princedoms, and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In the context of that and because of the vital importance of this phenomenon, this article seeks to shed light and understanding on the historical background of servitude in the legal and juristic provisions of slavery in Islam, and its practices on those who are considered the capture of ahl al-kitāb (the People of the Book) such as Jews and Christians, the so-called dhimmīs (protected people), and those who were non-ahl al-kitāb, such as the Yezidis. A considerable number of documents, original, primary and secondary sources, and the Yezidi oral tradition, have documented many of those firmāns and the enslavement of Yezidi women that accompanied campaigns.

Mominoun Without Borders, 2 April, 2019

The Decline of Presence and Loss of Identity: The Migration of Christians from Iraq and Syria Bet... more The Decline of Presence and Loss of Identity: The Migration of Christians from Iraq and Syria Between the Positions of Encouragement and Rejection: Reading the approach of churches and local Christian political organizations, Mominoun Without Borders, published on 2 April 2019, pp. 1-41

In Arabic:
تعرض هذه الورقة البحثية لهجرة المسيحيين من العراق وسوريا، وتطورها المستمر في سياقات تاريخية. وتبدأ بالتطرق إلى خلفية موجزة لهجرتهم في القرن العشرين، وذلك بالتركيز على العهود الجمهورية، ولاسيما الفترة التي تلت وصول القوميين إلى سدة الحكم في حقبة الستينيات. وبعدها يتم التركيز على الهجرة الكبرى التي ظهرت منذ مطلع القرن الواحد والعشرين، حتى وقت كتابة هذه الورقة وذلك من خلال التعرف على الأسباب والدوافع التي سرعت الهجرة والنزوح الجماعي للمسيحيين. وبعد ذلك، يتم التركيز على المواقف المتباينة لمختلف الجهات الخارجية حول تشجيع الهجرة واستيعابها لأكبر عدد من المهاجرين المسيحيين، والجهات الداخلية التي تطالبهم بالبقاء، وفيها تتم محاولة فحص المواقف والمخاوف لبعض القادة المسيحيين، ولاسيما قراءة الخطاب العلني لرجال الدين والكنائس والتنظيمات السياسية المسيحيّة المحلية ومحاولاتها ردع عمليات الهجرة والحد منها.

In English:
This paper presents the migration of Christians from Iraq and Syria and its continuous development in historical contexts. The research starts with a brief background to their migration in the 20th century by focusing on the Republican periods, especially the period after the nationalists came to power in the 1960s in both countries. The major migration that has emerged since the beginning of the twenty-first century, until the time of writing of this paper, by understanding the reasons and motivations that accelerated the migration and mass exodus of Christians. The focus of this research is on the differing positions of different between external agencies on encouraging immigration and assimilating the largest number of Christian immigrants, and the internal Christians institutions and Churches that demand Christians to remain in the country.

Iraqi Journal of Social and Political Psychology A scientific journal issued by Iraqi Association for Political Psychology, 2021

بموجب مستجدات حرب الخليج الثانية عام ١٩٩١ انقسم مجتمع الأقلية الإيزيدية في العراق بين الحكومة الم... more بموجب مستجدات حرب الخليج الثانية عام ١٩٩١ انقسم مجتمع الأقلية الإيزيدية في العراق بين الحكومة المركزية وإقليم كردستان، ولم يتمكن الإيزيديون من تشكيل أحزاب سياسية في العراق بسبب طبيعة النظام السياسي حتى عام ٢٠٠٣. وفي المناطق الكردية أيضا لم يؤسس الإيزيديون أي حزب سياسي بسبب نفوذ وسيطرة الأحزاب الكردية ذو التوجهات القومية على الساحة التي تبنت في برامجها وفعالياتها السياسية، الانتماء الإيزيدي الى القومية الكردية، ونتيجة لذلك لم تكن هناك ضرورة من وجهة نظرها لتأسيس حزب خاص بالإيزيديين على أسس دينية في وقت كانت هناك عدة أحزاب دينية إسلامية. ونتيجة للمستجدات السياسية ما بعد حرب الخليج الثالثة عام ٢٠٠٣، أسس الإيزيديون أحزاباً سياسية، وشاركت في قوائم انتخابية منذ إجراء أول انتخابات في العراق عام ٢٠٠٥، وفازت قائمة الحركة الإيزيدية للإصلاح والتقدم بمقعد الكوتا بينما فاز ثلاث نواب إيزيديين من قائمة التحالف الكردستاني المكون من عدد من الأحزاب الكردية الذين دخلوا الانتخابات في قائمة واحدة. وكذلك الحال في انتخابات مجالس المحافظات التي حصد فيها الإيزيديون سبع مقاعد. وفي انتخابات ٢٠١٠ فاز الإيزيديون بسبعة مقاعد، ستة منها كانت للأحزاب الكردية وواحد للكوتا الإيزيدية. وفي انتخابات ٢٠١٤ خسر الإيزيديون خمس مقاعد وأصبحت الكوتا من حصة الحركة الإيزيدية وكوتا النساء من حصة التحالف الكردستاني. إن موضوع خسارة الإيزيدية لمقاعدهم يشكل نقطة مهمة للوقوف حول حيثيات تراجع المصوتين للمرشحين الإيزيديين. ولعل عامل استراتيجية الأحزاب السياسية التي رشحت أعداداً كبيرة وصلت الى ٧٣ مرشح إيزيدي في الوقت الذي لا تسمح نسبة الإيزيدية ممن لهم حق التصويت في إيصال ما بين سبعة الى ثمانية نواب. فهذا العدد الكبير من المرشحين، سبب عائقاً تجاه فوز أي منهم، لذلك فشل الإيزيديون في هذه الانتخابات في الفوز بعدد المقاعد التي تتناسب مع ثقلهم السكاني. وفي ضوء ذلك سوف نركز في هذه الدراسة على الآليات التي استخدمتها الأحزاب السياسية الكردية من خلال هيمنتها وتكتيكاتها الإعلامية والايديولوجية في ترشيح أكبر عدد من المرشحين الإيزيديين حسب خلفيات كل مرشح وانتماءاته القبلية، والحزبية وكيفية التأثير في خيارات الناخب الإيزيدي للتصويت حسب الانتماءات القبلية. والنتيجة أدت الى تشتت أصوات الناخبين لصالح القوائم الحزبية الكردية وايصال نواب غير إيزيديين الى البرلمان بأصوات الناخبين الإيزيديين حسب نظام الانتخابات المعمول به في العراق. وقد اتبعت نفس تلك الآليات في انتخابات برلمان إقليم كردستان الذي لم يسمح بوصول غير نائب واحد بعد تخلى نائب آخر من مقعده.

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Routledge Taylor & Frances Group, Feb 15, 2019

This study examines the development of the Yazidi identity in Iraq after 2003, and the subsequent... more This study examines the development of the Yazidi identity in Iraq after 2003, and the subsequent escalation of the controversial Yazidi identity after the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) invasion of Sinjar in 2014, an invasion that has caused great division among the Yazidi community. Furthermore, the study identifies the political trends that continue to influence the Yazidi’s ethnic, religious and ethno-nationalist identity as a whole. The debate at the core of the controversy is rooted in Kurdish and Arab political parties’ agendas. Meanwhile, the emergence and crystallization of the Yazidi identity can also be observed in spheres quite removed from majority politics. Internal political developments and the Yazidi movement outside of Iraq, have also contributed to this development. Irrespective of such influencing factors, it seems that the development of the Yazidi identity into a distinct ethno-religion (which is still a matter of dispute) is imminent in the medium- to long-term future. The arguments of this study are mostly based on social media platforms and interviews with Yazidi politicians and activists.

Terrorism and Political Violence, Routledge Taylor & Frances Group, Apr 15, 2019

The role of religious seminaries (madrassas) and mainstream schools in developing religious extre... more The role of religious seminaries (madrassas) and mainstream schools in developing religious extremism and sympathy toward Taliban (the most dangerous militant group in Pakistan) has received little, if any, scholarly attention. This study has empirically investigated the role, if any, played by religious seminaries (madrassas) and mainstream schools in promoting religious extremism, and especially sympathy toward the Taliban. The study compared attitudes among secondary school students, on the one hand, and madrassa students, on the other, and found school type to be a strong predictor of religious extremism. On the whole, madrassa students tend to hold the most extreme views. However, an individual’s religiosity appears to increase the likelihood of them becoming a Taliban sympathizer, meaning that it is religiosity rather than school type that affects sympathy toward the Taliban. The findings of this study are in line with other recent research, namely that education amplifies frustrated ambitions among individuals who then find gratification in taking extremist attitudes and/or actions.

Nationalities Papers, 2019

The aspirations of religious minorities in Iraq for becoming recognized ethnonationalist entities... more The aspirations of religious minorities in Iraq for becoming recognized ethnonationalist entities have rarely been investigated from a historical perspective, particularly in the case of the Yazidis. This article addresses changing attitudes about the Yazidi religious minority identity across different historical periods. Yazidi identity is examined as an ancillary undercurrent to the ethnonationalist identity conflict between the central government of Iraq and the Kurdish movement. This contrasts with identity as a religious minority in prior eras, when religious minorities preserved their distinct core identities based on their own social and religious customs and idiosyncrasies, making them self-defining communities bound together by coherent religious identities. In the case of the Yazidi minority, despite the multiplicity of theories and hypotheses about the origins of the Yazidi people and their national and ethnic affiliations and increasing rumors about Yazidis related to their existence as a potential sub-ethnicity or ethno-religion, the important truth is that Yazidis consider themselves religiously, culturally, and historically distinct from other ethnonationalist groups and communities in Iraq.

Genocide Studies International, 2019

This article examines books and works of locals and Western travellers in which historical eviden... more This article examines books and works of locals and Western travellers in which historical evidence has been used by the current author to construct a narrative of the Yazidi genocides. The sources examined describe what the Ottoman and Kurdish princes were doing to the Yazidis at a time when genocide was not defined in legal terms. The Kurdish princes’ firmāns (genocidal campaigns) stripped the Yazidi people of much of their land and resulted in thousands of deaths. These genocidal campaigns in the mid-nineteenth century had all the features of a modern genocide. This article engages with such military campaigns against Yazidis by focusing on the firmān of Mīr (prince) Muḥammad Pāshā Rawwānduzī (nicknamed Mīr-i-Kura) in 1832–1834, which targeted Yazidi regions from Erbil to Sinjar. The resulting firmāns deeply impacted Yazidi collective memory and identity. Based upon the work of locals and Western travellers, as well as the narratives of contemporary observers and researchers, the firmān, its effects on the Yazidis, and their subsequent reactions to it, are described and analyzed in this study.

International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 2020

Although Pakistan is listed as a highly intolerant country, this intolerance has rarely been inve... more Although Pakistan is listed as a highly intolerant country, this intolerance has rarely been investigated in the context of Pakistan. The current study aims to provide a contextual account of religious tolerance in Pakistan with a special focus on schools (including madrasas) and religiosity. Building on the pre-existing literature we tested to what extent madrasas, secular (worldly) education schools, and individual religiosity explain religious tolerance among students. We measured four dimensions of religious tolerance: freedom, respect, discrimination, and acceptance. Random sampling techniques were used to collect data from students (N = 937) of madrasas and mainstream schools. Structural equational modelling analyses revealed that madrasa students were least tolerant of religious minorities and private school students were the most tolerant. The study also found that the higher the religiosity of an individual, the lower their levels of religious tolerance, particularly, among private school students. Implications for research and policy are discussed.

Ethnopolitics, 2021

The genocide of the Yazidi people that began on 3 August 2014, at the hands of the Islamic State ... more The genocide of the Yazidi people that began on 3 August 2014, at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), prompted a re-examination of the identity of the Yazidi as a religious minority. This article is, therefore, devoted to addressing the identity of the Yazidi who are in the process of transformation and reformation within the countries where they are located. This includes their existence in Kurdish territories and communities across different historical periods and theoretical contexts. This article will mostly focus on the scientific, historical, and political aspects of Yazidi identity. Despite the diversity of theories and hypotheses about the origins of the Yazidi people and their ethno-national affiliations, and the increasing rumours and allegations about Yazidis relating to their existence as a potential sub-ethnicity or ethno-religion or ethnic group, the important point that this study will show, is that the majority of Yazidis consider themselves religiously, culturally and historically different and distinct from other ethno-nationalist groups, nations and communities in the countries that host a Yazidi population.

I.B. Tauris, 2021

This study examines the Yezidi identity before and after the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant... more This study examines the Yezidi identity before and after the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (IS) attack against the Yezidis on 3 August 2014. It pays special attention to the historical and political evolution of Yezidi identity. Iraq is the focal country of the Yezidi, where the temple of Lalish, the most sacred place of the Yezidi faith, is located. Thus, political developments in Iraq, especially during the early (2nd) Republican era (1963), the US invasion of Iraq (2003), and the IS attacks have resulted in major transformations of Yezidi identity. Regarding the Yezidi in Caucasus, the transformation of Yezidi identity had started at the beginning of the Soviet Union in the 1920s, and the transformation continued till the fall of the Soviet Union up to date. The main results of these historical transformations on Yezidi identity is rebuilding the new identity of Yezidi to ethnoreligious or peculiar identity which were based on religion.

SIYASAT ARABIYA - سياسات عربية, 2021

تتناول هذه الدراسة الهجرة القسرية والنزوح الداخلي للأقليات الإثنية والدينية في المناطق التي تسمى ... more تتناول هذه الدراسة الهجرة القسرية والنزوح الداخلي للأقليات الإثنية والدينية في المناطق التي تسمى "المتنازع عليها" في العراق، من خلال التركيز على الأقلية الإيزيدية. فمنذ الغزو الأميركي للعراق في عام 2003 ، جرى استهداف سكان هذه المناطق من التنظيمات "الجهادية" والجماعات المسلحة، ولا سيما أبناء الأقليات الدينية غير المسلمة، ووصل الأمر إلى ذروته بعد غزو تنظيم الدولة الإس امية في العراق والشام "داعش" معظم تلك المناطق عام 2014 وارتكاب عمليات إبادة جماعية بحق الأقلية الإيزيدية، فوقع الفرار والتشريد والنزوح والهجرة القسرية إلى المناطق الكردية في الشمال، وإلى المناطق العربية في وسط العراق وجنوبه. وكانت هذه الأقلية من أكثر الجماعات التي نزحت نزوحًا شبه كامل إلى مدن إقليم كردستان. تغطي هذه الدراسة التطورات والفجوات السياقية التي تتعلق بإحدى الأقليات العراقية في المناطق المتنازع عليها، وتناقش أساسًا العوامل والعقبات التي تقف وراء عدم عودة النازحين الإيزيديين إلى منطقة سنجار.
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This study examines the forced migration and internal displacement of ethnic and religious minorities in the "disputed" areas of Iraq, with a focus on the Yazidi minority. Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, the residents of these areas have been targeted by "jihadist" organizations and armed groups, especially members of non-Muslim religious minorities, reaching a peak when the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) invaded most of those areas in 2014 and committed genocidal operations against the Yazidis. The flight, displacement, and forced migration of Yazidis occurred in the Kurdish areas in the north, and to the Arab areas in central and southern Iraq, as one of the groups that were almost completely displaced to the cities of the autonomous Kurdistan region. This study covers the contextual developments and gaps related to an Iraqi minority in the disputed areas, and mainly discusses the factors and obstacles behind any return of displaced Yazidis to the Sinjar area.

Asian Yearbook of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, 2021

Discussions of the 2014 genocide committed by the Islamic State against the Êzidîs (also known a... more Discussions of the 2014 genocide committed by the Islamic State against the Êzidîs (also known as ‘Yazidis’ or ‘Yezidis’) have generally focused on murder, slavery and sexual exploitation. In this paper we analyze the destruction of Êzidî tangible and intangible cultural heritage as a significant facet of the Islamic State’s policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Evidence of destruction is collected and presented in context with other criminal acts.

Brill, 2021

Discussions of the 2014 genocide committed by the Islamic State against the Êzidîs (also known as... more Discussions of the 2014 genocide committed by the Islamic State against the Êzidîs (also known as ‘Yazidis’ or ‘Yezidis’) have generally focused on murder, slavery and sexual exploitation. In this paper we analyze the destruction of Êzidî tangible and intangible cultural heritage as a significant facet of the Islamic State’s policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Evidence of destruction is collected and presented in context with other criminal acts.

In international discourse the destruction of cultural heritage sites is most often placed under the heading of war crime. Several convictions by the ICTY and the conviction of Malian Islamist Al-Mahdi by the ICC are well-known. However, heritage destruction may also be prosecuted as the crime of persecution, a crime against humanity. Numerous indictments and convictions before international courts attest to the viability of this approach. Finally, as per explicit caselaw of the ICJ and ICTY, destruction of tangible heritage also serves as evidence of the special intent to destroy a protected group under the crime of genocide.

The Êzidî are an endogamous community at home in northern Iraq for whom faith and ethnic belonging are inextricably linked. Belief in God and TawûsÊ Malek (the highest angel), and reverence for Lalish as the holiest place on earth are the defining features of the Êzidî faith. Historic and sacred places are an essential part of the Êzidî identity and are considered vital to life by the local population. The Islamic State made no secret of its intention to eradicate the Êzidî community and commenced a policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide on 3 August 2014. All victims were abused and tortured. Male Êzidîs above the age of 12 were killed. Female Êzidîs were enslaved and traded in a complex and public network of sexual slavery. Boys were trained in ISIS camps and militarized. Those who fled to Mount Sinjar were besieged in order to ensure death from starvation, thirst and the blazing sun. Bases of economic support, such as olive groves and irrigation wells, were systematically destroyed and many areas of the Êzidî homeland were sown with landmines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to prevent the population from returning.

We provide original research, evidence and context on the destruction of Êzidî tangible cultural heritage in the Bahzani/Bashiqa and Sinjar areas of northern Iraq. We present satellite imagery analysis conducted by the EAMENA project, drawing on data provided by Êzidî representatives. According to the Department of Yazidi Affairs in the Ministry of Awqaf and Religious Affairs in the Kurdistan Regional Government 68 Êzidî sites were destroyed by the Islamic State. We consider 16 sites in the Bahzani/Bashiqa area and 8 in the Sinjar area to which access was possible and which could be documented. We conclude that the destruction of the cultural heritage of the Êzidî people constituted a war crime, a crime against humanity (persecution) and compelling evidence of genocidal intent. We recommend the consideration of cultural heritage destruction in any prosecution of atrocity crimes, especially the crime of genocide.

International Journal on Minority and Group Rights

Genocide Studies International, 2019

The Asian Yearbook of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, 2021

Discussions of the 2014 genocide committed by the Islámic Státe ágáinst the E zidî s (álso known ... more Discussions of the 2014 genocide committed by the Islámic Státe ágáinst the E zidî s (álso known ás 'Yázidis' or 'Yezidis') háve generálly focused on murder, slávery ánd sexuál exploitátion. In this páper we ánályze the destruction of E zidî tángible ánd intángible culturál heritáge ás á significánt fácet of the Islámic Státe's policy of ethnic cleánsing ánd genocide. Evidence of destruction is collected ánd presented in context with other criminál ácts. In internátionál discourse the destruction of culturál heritáge sites is most often pláced under the heáding of wár crime. Severál convictions by the ICTY ánd the conviction of Málián Islámist Al-Máhdi by the ICC áre well-known. However, heritáge destruction máy álso be prosecuted ás the crime of persecution, á crime ágáinst humánity. Numerous indictments ánd convictions before internátionál courts áttest to the viábility of this ápproách. Finálly, ás per explicit cáseláw of the ICJ ánd ICTY, destruction of tángible heritáge álso serves ás evidence of the speciál intent to destroy á protected group under the crime of genocide. The E zidî áre án endogámous community át home in northern Iráq for whom fáith ánd ethnic belonging áre inextricábly linked. Belief in God ánd Táwu se Málek (the highest ángel), ánd reverence for Lálish ás the holiest pláce on eárth áre the defining feátures of the E zidî fáith. Historic ánd sácred pláces áre án essentiál párt of the E zidî identity ánd áre considered vitál to life by the locál populátion. The Islámic Státe máde no secret of its intention to erádicáte the E zidî community ánd commenced á policy of ethnic cleánsing ánd genocide on 3 August 2014. All victims were ábused ánd tortured. Mále E zidî s ábove the áge of 12 were killed. Femále E zidî s were ensláved ánd tráded in á complex ánd public network of sexuál slávery. Those who fled to Mount Sinjár were besieged in order to ensure deáth from stárvátion, thirst ánd the blázing sun. Báses of economic support, such ás olive groves ánd irrigátion wells, were systemáticálly destroyed ánd mány áreás of the E zidî homelánd were sown with lándmines ánd improvised explosive devices (IEDs) to prevent the populátion from returning. We provide originál reseárch, evidence ánd context on the destruction of E zidî tángible culturál heritáge in the Báhzáni/Báshiqá ánd Sinjár áreás of northern Iráq. We present sátellite imágery ánálysis conducted by the EAMENA project, dráwing on dátá provided by E zidî representátives. According to the Depártment of Yázidi Affáirs in the Ministry of Awqáf ánd Religious Affáirs in the Kurdistán Regionál Government 68 E zidî sites were destroyed by the Islámic Státe. We consider 16 sites in the Báhzáni/Báshiqá áreá ánd 8 in the Sinjár áreá to which áccess wás possible ánd which could be documented. We conclude thát the destruction of the culturál heritáge of the E zidî people constituted á wár crime, á crime ágáinst humánity (persecution) ánd compelling evidence of genocidál intent. We recommend the considerátion of culturál heritáge destruction in ány prosecution of átrocity crimes, especiálly the crime of genocide. 1 This páper is án ábridged ánd updáted version of the report entitled 'Destroying the Soul of the Yázidis: Culturál Heritáge Destruction during the Islámic Státe's Genocide ágáinst the Yázidis', published by RASHID Internátionál, Yázdá ánd the Endángered Archáeology in the Middle Eást ánd North Africá Project (EAMENA) in August 2019. The full report máy be consulted here:

The historical, political, and religious dimensions of the genocide on the Yazidis

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International Journal of Yezidi Studies, Dec 2024

Mominoun Without Borders, 2 April, 2019

Iraqi Journal of Social and Political Psychology A scientific journal issued by Iraqi Association for Political Psychology, 2021

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Routledge Taylor & Frances Group, Feb 15, 2019

Terrorism and Political Violence, Routledge Taylor & Frances Group, Apr 15, 2019

Nationalities Papers, 2019

Genocide Studies International, 2019

International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 2020

Ethnopolitics, 2021

I.B. Tauris, 2021

SIYASAT ARABIYA - سياسات عربية, 2021

Asian Yearbook of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, 2021

Brill, 2021

International Journal on Minority and Group Rights

Genocide Studies International, 2019

The Asian Yearbook of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, 2021

le Centre français de recherche sur l’Irak CFRI, 2024

Dans cet article, Majid Hassan Ali explore les origines des divisions et de l exclusion de la min... more Dans cet article, Majid Hassan Ali explore les origines des divisions et de l exclusion de la minorité yézidie en Irak. Il détaille les facteurs ayant conduit au génocide de ce peuple et offre une analyse du paysage politique irakien en relation avec leur participation politique.

French Research Center on Iraq CFRI, 2024

In this article, Majid Hassan Ali explores the origins of the divisions and exclusion of the Yezi... more In this article, Majid Hassan Ali explores the origins of the divisions and exclusion of the Yezidi minority in Iraq. He details the factors that led to the genocide of this people and offers an analysis of the Iraqi political landscape in relation to their political participation.

Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, Jan 2, 2022

This study addresses the forced migration and internal displacement of ethnic and religious minor... more This study addresses the forced migration and internal displacement of ethnic and religious minorities in the so-called disputed areas of Iraq, with a focus on the Yazidi minority. Since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, the populations of these areas, especially non-Muslim religious minorities, have been targeted by jihadi organisations and armed groups. This persecution reached its peak following the invasion of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in 2014 and the perpetration of genocide against the Yazidi minority, which fled or was forcibly displaced to Kurdish areas in the north and Arab areas in central and southern Iraq. The Yazidi minority was almost entirely uprooted and displaced to cities in the Kurdistan Region. This study covers contextual developments and gaps related to an Iraqi minority in the disputed areas, discussing the factors and obstacles preventing the return of displaced Yazidis to the Sinjar region.

RASHID International e.V, Yazda, Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa (EAMENA), 2019

On 2 August 2019, the eve of the 5th anniversary of the attacks on Sinjar by the Islamic State (I... more On 2 August 2019, the eve of the 5th anniversary of the attacks on Sinjar by the Islamic State (IS), RASHID International, Yazda and the Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa Project (EAMENA) released the results of their investigation into cultural heritage destruction during the genocide against the Yazidis, in a report entitled ‘Destroying the Soul of the Yazidis: Cultural Heritage Destruction during the Islamic State’s Genocide against the Yazidis’.
Out of the total of 68 sites reported destroyed we consider 16 sites in the Bahzani/Bashiqa area and 8 in the Sinjar area to which access was possible and which could be documented.
Discussions of the genocide committed against the Yazidi people by IS from 2014 onwards have generally focused on murder, slavery and sexual exploitation. In this report we analyze the destruction of Yazidi tangible and intangible cultural heritage as a significant facet of the Islamic State’s policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Evidence of destruction is collected and presented in context with other criminal acts.

مركز لالش الثقافي والاجتماعي/ دهوك/ Lalish Center-Duhok, 2024

يتناول هذه الدراسة الاقلية الإيزيدية في جورجيا، ويسلط الضوء على احوالهم وتاريخ وجودهم والتقسيمات... more يتناول هذه الدراسة الاقلية الإيزيدية في جورجيا، ويسلط الضوء على احوالهم وتاريخ وجودهم والتقسيمات
المجتمعية والانتماءات الدينية والعرقية والقومية. وبروز نخبة قيادية اعادة احياء التراث الديني وتاسيس منظمات رسمية وتشكيل المجلس الروحاني الإيزيدي في جورجيا ومن ثم بناء معبد ومزار لاول مرة في تبليسي.

Ezidi 24 Fundation for Media, 2020

يتناول هذا المقال موضوع المرجعية الدينية والدنيوية الإيزيدية في إطار معرفي وتاريخي ويركزعلى اليات... more يتناول هذا المقال موضوع المرجعية الدينية والدنيوية الإيزيدية في إطار معرفي وتاريخي ويركزعلى اليات الترشيح واختيار المناصب في الهيكلية والهرمية الدينية والروحية والدنيوية والإدارية، وبيان دور التقاليد العرفية في كسب الشرعية لهذه المناصب على المستوى الديني والمجتمعي داخل الأوساط الإيزيدية العامة.
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This piece deals with the subject of the Yazidi religious and political leadership in an epistemological and historical framework. It is focused on the mechanisms of nomination and selection of positions in the religious, spiritual, worldly, and administrative hierarchy of the Yazidi leadership system. For these positions, this piece is explaining the role of customary traditions in gaining legitimacy at the religious and societal levels within the Yazidi milieus community.

EZIDI24, 2019

Historically, the Yazidi religious minority have long been persecuted as devil worshippers across... more Historically, the Yazidi religious minority have long been persecuted as devil worshippers across the region. They have also endured many genocidal campaigns, called firmans (pogroms or genocides) in Yazidi oral tradition during the Ottoman Empire (1514-1918). Although the number of ﬁrmans against the Yazidis is immeasurable, Yazidi tradition asserts that the minority has endured seventy-two ﬁrmans throughout history. The firmans are recognized by Yazidis as genocides and massacres, and thus the number seventy-two acquired symbolic meaning. The inclusion of recent events, such as the 2007 terrorist attack on the centres of Til-Izir and Siba-Shikhdir that killed around 800 Yazidis, seen as a firman itself, has led to a discrepancy in their numbering. In light of that, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attack of August 2014 would be considered the seventy-fourth ﬁrman.

Ezidi24.com , 2019

Mashrūʿ dastor maʾsasat al-kiyyān al-ʾĪzīdī al-ʿalamī The project of institutionalizing the Globa... more Mashrūʿ dastor maʾsasat al-kiyyān al-ʾĪzīdī al-ʿalamī
The project of institutionalizing the Global Yezidi Entity
مشروع دستور مأسسة الكيان الإيزيدي العالمي
وهو مشروع معد من قبل المجلس الروحاني الإيزيدي في جورجيا من اجل مأسسة وتنظيم الكيان الإيزيدي على المستوى العالمي.

https://ar.ezidi24.com/?p=17757
https://ezidi24.com/ar/?p=17757

University of Toronto Press Journals, 2019

Mehfel, 2018

في هذه المقالة يتم التطرق إلى سبي النساء الإيزيديات من خلال التتبع التاريخي، حيث يتناول عمليات ... more في هذه المقالة يتم التطرق إلى سبي النساء الإيزيديات من خلال التتبع التاريخي، حيث يتناول عمليات السبي التي رافقت او نتجت عن الحملات والغزوات العربية والاسلامية التي طالت الإيزيديين منذ بداية الغزوات العربية لمناطق تواجدهم، وتكرار تلك العمليات من جديد في القرن الواحد والعشرين من قبل دولة الخلافة الاسلامية في العراق والشام (داعش)، تلك العمليات التي تعرف في أدبيات الإيزيديين بالفرمانات التي تعني حرفيا (حملات الإبادة)، لاسيما تلك التي تعرضوا لها على أيدي العثمانيين والايرانيين والإمراء الكرد المسلمين، والتي يمكن وصفها بعمليات الإبادة الجماعية (الجينوسايد) بموجب المفاهيم المعاصرة. لقد وثقت المصادر التاريخية والوثائق الرسمية عدداً كبيرا من تلك الحملات التي كانت دوافعها دينية بالدرجة الأولى، ووثقت أيضا سبي نساء الإيزيديات التي رافقت كل حملة وغزوة، ونتجت عنها مأساة التي أثرت وماتزال تؤثر على سيكولوجية البقية المتبقية من الإيزيدية، المأساة التي يتوارثها الإيزيدية جيلا بعد حيل وتتكرر بين فترة وآخرى.

Syrian Studies Association Bulletin, Mar 2, 2018

After the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, the Kurdish Protection Units, Yakīnayyin Pārā... more After the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, the Kurdish Protection Units, Yakīnayyin Pārāstnā Gal (YPG) and Yakīnayyin Pārāstnā Jin (YPJ), took control of northeastern Syria where they formed the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (DFNS) in the three districts of al-Jazīra, Kūbāni, and ʿAfrīn. The DFNS was established as a self-governing project with a special political and administrative system that emphasizes the rights and political participation of all ethnic groups and religious minorities in those provinces. The Yezidi, as a religious minority, are scattered throughout these provinces and are engaged in some local administrative institutions on a certain scale. They also form their own civil society institutions. Concurrently, there is a Yezidi political organization that is opposed to the policies of self government and that accuses Rojāvā’s Kurdish authorities of marginalizing the political participation of the Yezidi and other religious minorities. In this paper, we will discuss the Yezidis’ political participation and representation within these areas, their autonomous institutions, and their political opposition.

Human Right Violations , 2015

For minorities to enjoy equal human rights they have to be active participants in the decision ma... more For minorities to enjoy equal human rights they have to be active participants in the decision making process, as a precondition, especially where their rights are concerned. Though the right to vote and participate in the political process, including running and holding public offices, is the most influential way to do so, the principle of public participation is a much broader concept. In addition, «it entails participation in governmental bodies, the judiciary and other agencies of the criminal justice system, decentralized and local forms of government, consultation mechanisms, as well as through cultural or territorial autonomy arrangements.
This report deals with Iraqi minority’s political participation and present a map of Iraqi minority groups. Therefore, the report is of great importance in understanding needs of the Iraqi minorities.It is forgone conclusion that effective political participation could contribute to reducing severe tensions, promoting stability and reducing migration of minority groups.Some of the Iraqi minorities cannot get their rights to political participation for legal reasons. That is, Iraqis of African origins and Kaka’s, for example, have not gotten official recognition. Baha’i has legally been banned as a religious minority in the light of revolutionary command council orders.According to interviews held with a number of minority’s representatives, there is a serious lack of political willingness behind failing to get full political participation. Our report relied on a number of interviews. These interviews held inside and outside Iraq. The former held in Baghdad, Basra, Erbil, Kirkuk, Dohuk, Al Diwaniyah, and Halabja. The latter in the US state of Michigan and German city of Hanover. Most of these interviews carried out in the July and September of 2015, and the rest in November.

University of Duhok (UoD), 2021

The book contains 262 pages. All the research papers in the book on the Yazidi tragedy of August ... more The book contains 262 pages. All the research papers in the book on the Yazidi tragedy of August 2014 and they were written with documents and discussions by the people concerned and documented scientific data.
Dr. Majid Hassan Ali and Arshad Hamad wrote about "the captivity of Yazidi women and their enslavement". While Shivan Bibo wrote a set of documents related to the genocide. Dr. Saeed Khodaida showed how the mass killing took place in the village of Kocho. Iyad Ajaj mentioned the educational and cultural impact of the ISIS invasion on the city of Sinjar and the position of the Yazidi woman in the struggle against ISIS. Khider Domle wrote about his future vision.

Book , 2011

The students portion of the society maintained a good and active position in the developing count... more The students portion of the society maintained a good and active position in the developing countries in relation to the national and liberal movement and that’s beans of the profound thought of the students which does net exist in any other portions of a society, in addition to the fact that students are more acquainted with the political, economical and social event. Thus. Student's movements have become a base for launching national and patriotic currents. Accordingly we have chosen the subject of this study which is manly concerned with the Kurdish students' movements in 1926-1970.
This study deals with the history and role of the Kurdish students' movement and its political struggle in Iraq. This study is meant to academically shed light on this movement being the first time such study is run in the universities of Kurdistan and Iraq. The importance of this study lies in the idea that it treats an important issue that has never been researched so far in the modern and contemporary any history of the Kurdish and Iraq. This movement also represents the main basis on which the Kurdish liberal and national movements were established in Iraq generally.
This study consists of an introduction, a preface, four chapters, and a conclusion: The preface stars researching the roots and the very beginnings of the emergence of the Kurdish students and the appearance of the political education. These students were able to establish the first Kurdish students association in 1912. This was the beginning for Kurdistan students' movement for the period that proceeded. The first chapter sheds light on the role of the Kurdish students in establishing cultural association and Kurdish political organizations in Iraq in 1926- 1946. Before going through this, it has been referred to the Iraqi student movement in relation to its effect on the Kurdish student movement. The role of the Kurdish students in establishing the cultural association and political organizations is tackled in two sections. The first deals with the period when south Kurdistan was attached to Iraq till the independence of Iraq in 1932. The second section deals with the role of the students in the period after the independence of Iraq till the end of World War II.
The second chapter is consecrated to study the development of the Kurdish students' movements in Iraq in 1946- 1970. This chapter is divided in to two sections, the first deals with early attempts to establish a student movement in Iraq then helding (Al- Siba`a) conference in Baghdad and the foundation op (the Iraqi students` Union) which contained the Kurdish students movements. The second section deals with the factors and circumstances that led to the establishing of a student organization that is concerned with the students of Kurdistan. This resulted into the foundation of (Kurdistan students` Union- Iraq).
The third chapter high lights the states of the Kurdish students' organizations regarding the internal and external political happenings and developments. The first section deals with their points of views regarding the Kurdish liberal movement in Kurdistan shedding light on the main events. The second section tackles the states and roles of the main political Iraqi and Arabic developments.
The fourth chapter studies the social and cultural activities of the Kurdish students' movements in Iraq clarifying the main activities represented by journalism, publication, books, and articles which were taking parting the international festivals, in addition to performing and presenting artistic shows and celebrating nawruz day and other activations. The conclusion sums up that this study came up with.

Zanco the Scientific Journal of Salahaddin University - Arbil, 2008

The Kurdish student movement took its systematic form results the first student conference in 194... more The Kurdish student movement took its systematic form results the first student conference in 1948 in the Al- Seba square in Baghdad and the Kurdish students participated their active participation demanded for making special organization regarding Kurdistan students. With the development happened in Iraq in the following period, students which were connected to left current "Communist" controlled the Iraqi General Student Union and this supports Kurdish student by the encouragement of Kurdistan Democratic party to think and move to form special and independent Kurdish student organization, then they formed Kurdistan Student Union in 1953 and the secret struggle entered and they coordinated with the Iraqi General students Union till the revolution of 14 August 1958. Became of many of reasons and factors, Kurdistan Student Union joined voluntarily the General Students Union in the Iraqi Republic and separated from in 1960. After a difficult stage in 1964 because of the division happened with them and that divided in to two wings carried the same name Iraqi- Kurdistan Student Union and each part worked independently from the other till agreement of 11 March 1970 where as the two wings unified organization carried their previous name, and that the Kurdish student movement entered new stage of the public struggle after the mentioned agreement.

EZIDI24, 2019

ʾIʿlān al-dastūr al-mūwaḥad li-l-kiyyān al-ʾĪzīdī al-ʿalamī Declaration of the Unified Constitut... more ʾIʿlān al-dastūr al-mūwaḥad li-l-kiyyān al-ʾĪzīdī al-ʿalamī
Declaration of the Unified Constitution of the Global Yazidi Entity

Majid Hassan Ali from Duhok University in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq summarized in his contribu... more Majid Hassan Ali from Duhok University in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq summarized in his contribution compared the policy of the Iraqi government to religious minorities in the early Iraqi Republic after the fall of the monarchy (1958-1968). He focused especially on the situation of the Yezidis. The example of the Yazidis gained importance because it pointed out that not only Christian minorities were at risk of becoming victims of religious fragmentation, but that all religious minorities are affected. A representative for that fact is the oppression of Sunni and Shiite rule in Iraq. All participants urgently required further reflection on current questions of religious fragmentation, combined with profound field research on individual minorities, who appeared to be particularly affected by oppression and migration.
During the workshop, the discussion on religious fragmentation was mainly conducted based on specific case examples, such as Armenians and Greeks in Turkey, Armenians in Syria and Armenia, Christian refugees from Syria, Armenians in Germany, Islamic migrants in Germany and migrants in Russia. The individual discourses were followed by a general discussion about Etrugul Sahin’s paper on “Islamic minorities” and the question of religious fragmentation. There was common consent that the religious fragmentation of societies is not the sole cause of conflicts or unbalanced social structures in the societies that were discussed. In the mentioned paper are hard-to-resolve contradictions within the Islamic concepts regarding contact with minorities. Otherwise, the paper argues the potential for a completely different evaluation and attitude of Islamic theology, as long as it seeks to connect to the context of the debates on religious freedom and protection of minorities. The question, whether such concepts can become legally effective in Islam-dominated societies, remains open. The discussed minority concepts were considered problematically by the participants from the Middle East because they are too static and ultimately involve the risk that representatives of the minorities could be prevented from taking on responsibility for their societies in a governmental leadership position. At the end of the workshop, the example of the Yazidis gained importance because it pointed out that not only Christian minorities were at risk of becoming victims of religious fragmentation, but that all religious minorities are affected. A representative for that fact is the oppression of Sunni and Shiite rule in Iraq. All participants urgently required further reflection on current questions of religious fragmentation, combined with profound field research on individual minorities, who appeared to be particularly affected by oppression and migration.

International Conference The Middle East and Caucasus. Culture, History, Politics, G. Tsereteli Institute of Oriental Studies, ILIA STATE UNIVERSITY, December 17-19, 2020, Tbilisi, Georgia, 2020

This paper examines the development of the Yazidi identity in Iraq after 2003, and the subsequent... more This paper examines the development of the Yazidi identity in Iraq after 2003, and the subsequent escalation of the controversial Yazidi identity after the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) invasion of Sinjar in 2014, an invasion that has caused great division among the Yazidi community. Furthermore, the study identifies the political trends that continue to influence the Yazidi’s ethnic, religious and ethno-nationalist identity as a whole. The debate at the core of the controversy is rooted in Kurdish and Arab political parties’ agendas. Meanwhile, the emergence and crystallization of the Yazidi identity can also be observed in spheres quite removed from majority politics. Internal political developments and the Yazidi movement outside of Iraq, have also contributed to this development. Irrespective of such influencing factors, it seems that the development of the Yazidi identity into a distinct ethno-religion (which is still a matter of dispute) is imminent in the medium- to long-term future. The arguments of this paper are mostly based on social media platforms and interviews with Yazidi politicians and activists.

ANATOLIA-THE CAUCASUS-IRAN: ETHNIC AND LINGUISTIC CONTACTS (ACIC) 10 - 12 May, 2018 Yerevan, Armenia Institute of Oriental Studies Russian-Armenian University, Yerevan, Armenia in cooperation with the Institute of Empirical Linguistics Goethe University of Frankfurt am Main, Germany, 2018

After 2003, the religious, sectarian, and ethnic minorities in Iraq became an important issue. Id... more After 2003, the religious, sectarian, and ethnic minorities in Iraq became an important issue. Identity issues became the center of conflicts between majority groups (e.g. Shiite Arab, Sunni Arab, and Sunni Kurdish). These majorities tried to claim the identities of the minorities e.g. Yazidis and Sabaks. The current central government in Baghdad is dominated by Shiite Arabs. In the Kurdistan region, the Kurds are governing and the majority are Sunni and claim nationalism according to their political view.
The relations between these minorities and the dominance of majority groups had an influence on linguistic and ethno-nationalist identity. Despite of a common language with the Kurds, there are conflicts between these minorities. The conflict is mainly on the definition of identity by these minorities and the ethno-nationalist identity definition by the Kurdish political parties. Such conflict issues led to the division of these minorities on the basis of four identity mainstreams such as Shiite, Sunni, Kurdish, and their self-identity.
In addition to sectarian and nationalist thoughts, these minorities started to redefine the definition of their identity. The aim is to keep identity out of the ideology of major groups. This study has two interrelated objectives: first, linguistic factor as an influential factor after 2003 in the policy of Kurdish parties as a control tool over the Yazidi and Shabak minorities in the disputed areas. Second, tracing the unsuccessful factors of the Kurdistan Region in gaining the attention of the above-mentioned minorities after 2014. This study shows that language and linguistic issues didn‘t have a strong effect on the above-mentioned minorities although the new conditions have been modified and revisited in this region. In the end, it is showing that these minorities are moving towards strengthening their own identity beyond language and linguistic factors.

Iraq and Arab Gulf Countries: Rapprochement? Workshop No. 5 , 2018

During the workshop, the discussion on religious fragmentation was mainly conducted based on spec... more During the workshop, the discussion on religious fragmentation was mainly conducted based on specific case examples, such as Armenians and Greeks in Turkey, Armenians in Syria and Armenia, Christian refugees from Syria, Armenians in Germany, Islamic migrants in Germany and migrants in Russia. The individual discourses were followed by a general discussion about Etrugul Sahin’s paper on “Islamic minorities” and the question of religious fragmentation. There was common consent that the religious fragmentation of societies is not the sole cause of conflicts or unbalanced social structures in the societies that were discussed. In the mentioned paper are hard-to-resolve contradictions within the Islamic concepts regarding contact with minorities. Otherwise, the paper argues the potential for a completely different evaluation and attitude of Islamic theology, as long as it seeks to connect to the context of the debates on religious freedom and protection of minorities. The question, whether such concepts can become legally effective in Islam-dominated societies, remains open. The discussed minority concepts were considered problematically by the participants from the Middle East because they are too static and ultimately involve the risk that representatives of the minorities could be prevented from taking on responsibility for their societies in a governmental leadership position. At the end of the workshop, the example of the Yazidis gained importance because it pointed out that not only Christian minorities were at risk of becoming victims of religious fragmentation, but that all religious minorities are affected. A representative for that fact is the oppression of Sunni and Shiite rule in Iraq. All participants urgently required further reflection on current questions of religious fragmentation, combined with profound field research on individual minorities, who appeared to be particularly affected by oppression and migration.

Al-Bayan Center for Planing and Studies, 2022

أسباب انقسام المجتمع الإيزيدي وتأثير ذلك على مستقبله وآليات الخروج من هذا الانقسام نشر في كتاب: ... more أسباب انقسام المجتمع الإيزيدي وتأثير ذلك على مستقبله وآليات الخروج من هذا الانقسام
نشر في كتاب:
الابادة الجماعية مستمرة- ديناميات وابعاد وفواعل الانقسام في المجتمع الايزيدي