Francesco Bromo | University of Oxford (original) (raw)

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Papers by Francesco Bromo

European Political Science Review, 2024

This article examines the relationship between term limits in parliament and “electoral disconnec... more This article examines the relationship between term limits in parliament and “electoral disconnection,” the notion that legislators constrained in their ability to run for office face diminished incentives to perform strategic activities to boost their chances of securing candidacy and re-election. We leverage the case of the Italian Five Star Movement’s party-imposed limit of two terms for affiliates seeking to gain or retain a parliamentary seat. We exploit an original dataset of parliamentary activities covering both chambers of the Italian Parliament between 2013 and 2022. We estimate a series of mixed-effect regression models to assess the performance of MPs who were elected in 2013 and re-elected in 2018. In line with our expectations, the evidence suggests that term-limited representatives serving their second mandate tend to become less productive when it comes to “electorally lucrative” activities and more prone to rebelling than their non-term-limited colleagues. These findings contribute to our understanding of the incentives that drive parliamentary behavior.

Social Science Quarterly, 2024

How, if at all, do different “varieties” or “principles” of democracy affect human happiness? Whi... more How, if at all, do different “varieties” or “principles” of democracy affect human happiness? While the study of democracy’s relationship with well-being is an old one, recent conceptual developments in the study of democracy have not been assessed to a great extent. In this article, we attempt to address this shortcoming. We examine the relationship between five varieties of democracy (liberal, participatory, deliberative, egalitarian, and polyarchy) and life satisfaction across 103 high-, middle-, and low-income countries in the 2010s. We find a modest, positive association between most democratic principles and self-reported satisfaction. Further exploration indicates that the strongest association is the one between life satisfaction and participatory democracy. This analysis represents an initial attempt at probing the effect of democracy on human happiness by disentangling the heterogeneous impact of different democratic principles. Implications for the study of democracy and subjective well-being are discussed.

The Journal of Legislative Studies, 2024

What happens in a state of emergency that is prolonged and unrelated to security with respect to ... more What happens in a state of emergency that is prolonged and unrelated to security with respect to the powers afforded to or used by the executive, checks and balances, and cooperation between the government, parliament, and sub-national authorities? This article investigates the variation in ‘executive aggrandisement’ (a temporary reduction in influence and oversight capacity of formal institutions vis-à-vis the executive) during the COVID-19 pandemic in six parliamentary democracies. We theorise that this variation can be in part explained based on path dependence. We explore how pre-pandemic levels of executive dominance and policy centralisation affect executive aggrandisement during the 2020–2022 emergency across our sample of countries. We show that Canada and Germany experienced little to no aggrandisement. In France, Israel, Italy, and the United Kingdom, government rule increased throughout the crisis at the expense of parliament and sub-national authorities. In line with our expectations, we find that most facets of the process of executive aggrandisement in a state of emergency can be interpreted in view of prior institutional arrangements. The outlier elements can be explained by considering circumstantial factors. Our evidence contributes to the literature on the political consequences of COVID-19 by filling some gaps regarding the roots of executive aggrandisement.

Interdisciplinary Political Studies, 2023

In this article, we add to the existing literature on the political consequences of Covid-19 by s... more In this article, we add to the existing literature on the political consequences of Covid-19 by studying executive power in Italy during the 2020 – 22 emergency. Given the direct, inverse link between executive centrality and accountability intended as the formal and informal institutions that limit unilateral action, we examine the behavior and practices of Italian executives in the context of the government-parliament relationship, the dynamics between the central state and the regional authorities (horizontal accountability), and the media (diagonal accountability). We focus on the choices made by the government during the Covid crisis. We present descriptive evidence indicating that executive centrality and standards of accountability fluctuated with an intensity proportional to the threat levels of the various stages of the pandemic.

Parliaments, Estates and Representation, 2023

Westminster ratified the Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act in 2022. It provides that: (a)... more Westminster ratified the Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act in 2022. It provides that: (a) PMs’ ability to dissolve parliament through the monarch is restored. (b) Writs for general elections are bestowed upon the executive. (c) Some applications of the royal prerogative are non-justiciable. This article presents a critical summary of the history and content of the act, and it discusses its implications. (1) The repeal of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act re-introduces flexibility vis-à-vis election timing. (2) The DCPA implies a transfer of dissolution authority from parliament back to governments. (3) The elimination of statutory confidence motions implies a return to the convention-based confidence procedure. This article argues that the bill rekindles cabinet supremacy. (i) Elections can be more easily strategically scheduled to the ruling party’s advantage. (ii) PMs can substantiate the employment of confidence votes with the threat of dissolution again. (iii) Leaders might capitalise on the absence of judicial review to further their agenda or elude the test of confidence. Altogether, the bill reshapes the relationship between the government and the legislature by deepening executive dominance to pre-FTPA levels and perhaps even higher, given the non-justiciability clause, at least as long as elections produce single-party majority cabinets.

Italian Journal of Electoral Studies, 2022

Scholars frequently give attention to the case of Italy for the purposes of comparative research.... more Scholars frequently give attention to the case of Italy for the purposes of comparative research. Whether they are concerned with assemblies, cabinets, leaders, or most aspects of governance, Italy often features in studies involving parliamentary systems. To aid students interested in examining the Italian case, I introduce a comprehensive dataset that tracks elections, governments, heads, and legislatures in Italy from 1720 to 2021. The dataset covers the Kingdom of Sardinia (1720-1861), the Kingdom of Italy (1861-1946), and the Italian Republic (1946-2021). Primarily, the dataset fills the lacuna vis-à-vis the availability of pre-WWII data. In this research note, I display the features of the dataset as well as presenting one example related to premature dissolutions of the Italian Parliament.

Verfassungsblog: On Matters Constitutional, 2023

The Leopard Paradox? "Everything must change so that everything can stay the same." (Giuseppe Tom... more The Leopard Paradox? "Everything must change so that everything can stay the same." (Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa, The Leopard, 1958) In early May, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni hosted a roundtable to discuss institutional reforms designed to improve "the stability of governments and legislatures, and respect for citizens' votes at the ballot box." A central campaign promise of hers, the reforms are meant to address Italians' exacerbating distrust of political institutions, rooted in the fact that Italy's administrations are among the most short-lived in Europe. This adds to its comparatively low levels of 'clarity of responsibility,' i.e., the public's inability to punish (or reward) political leaders. To show her commitment, Meloni nominated former Senate President Maria Casellati as 'Minister for Institutional Reforms,' a position created in the late 1980s and only rarely filled since.

European Political Science Review, 2024

This article examines the relationship between term limits in parliament and “electoral disconnec... more This article examines the relationship between term limits in parliament and “electoral disconnection,” the notion that legislators constrained in their ability to run for office face diminished incentives to perform strategic activities to boost their chances of securing candidacy and re-election. We leverage the case of the Italian Five Star Movement’s party-imposed limit of two terms for affiliates seeking to gain or retain a parliamentary seat. We exploit an original dataset of parliamentary activities covering both chambers of the Italian Parliament between 2013 and 2022. We estimate a series of mixed-effect regression models to assess the performance of MPs who were elected in 2013 and re-elected in 2018. In line with our expectations, the evidence suggests that term-limited representatives serving their second mandate tend to become less productive when it comes to “electorally lucrative” activities and more prone to rebelling than their non-term-limited colleagues. These findings contribute to our understanding of the incentives that drive parliamentary behavior.

Social Science Quarterly, 2024

How, if at all, do different “varieties” or “principles” of democracy affect human happiness? Whi... more How, if at all, do different “varieties” or “principles” of democracy affect human happiness? While the study of democracy’s relationship with well-being is an old one, recent conceptual developments in the study of democracy have not been assessed to a great extent. In this article, we attempt to address this shortcoming. We examine the relationship between five varieties of democracy (liberal, participatory, deliberative, egalitarian, and polyarchy) and life satisfaction across 103 high-, middle-, and low-income countries in the 2010s. We find a modest, positive association between most democratic principles and self-reported satisfaction. Further exploration indicates that the strongest association is the one between life satisfaction and participatory democracy. This analysis represents an initial attempt at probing the effect of democracy on human happiness by disentangling the heterogeneous impact of different democratic principles. Implications for the study of democracy and subjective well-being are discussed.

The Journal of Legislative Studies, 2024

What happens in a state of emergency that is prolonged and unrelated to security with respect to ... more What happens in a state of emergency that is prolonged and unrelated to security with respect to the powers afforded to or used by the executive, checks and balances, and cooperation between the government, parliament, and sub-national authorities? This article investigates the variation in ‘executive aggrandisement’ (a temporary reduction in influence and oversight capacity of formal institutions vis-à-vis the executive) during the COVID-19 pandemic in six parliamentary democracies. We theorise that this variation can be in part explained based on path dependence. We explore how pre-pandemic levels of executive dominance and policy centralisation affect executive aggrandisement during the 2020–2022 emergency across our sample of countries. We show that Canada and Germany experienced little to no aggrandisement. In France, Israel, Italy, and the United Kingdom, government rule increased throughout the crisis at the expense of parliament and sub-national authorities. In line with our expectations, we find that most facets of the process of executive aggrandisement in a state of emergency can be interpreted in view of prior institutional arrangements. The outlier elements can be explained by considering circumstantial factors. Our evidence contributes to the literature on the political consequences of COVID-19 by filling some gaps regarding the roots of executive aggrandisement.

Interdisciplinary Political Studies, 2023

In this article, we add to the existing literature on the political consequences of Covid-19 by s... more In this article, we add to the existing literature on the political consequences of Covid-19 by studying executive power in Italy during the 2020 – 22 emergency. Given the direct, inverse link between executive centrality and accountability intended as the formal and informal institutions that limit unilateral action, we examine the behavior and practices of Italian executives in the context of the government-parliament relationship, the dynamics between the central state and the regional authorities (horizontal accountability), and the media (diagonal accountability). We focus on the choices made by the government during the Covid crisis. We present descriptive evidence indicating that executive centrality and standards of accountability fluctuated with an intensity proportional to the threat levels of the various stages of the pandemic.

Parliaments, Estates and Representation, 2023

Westminster ratified the Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act in 2022. It provides that: (a)... more Westminster ratified the Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act in 2022. It provides that: (a) PMs’ ability to dissolve parliament through the monarch is restored. (b) Writs for general elections are bestowed upon the executive. (c) Some applications of the royal prerogative are non-justiciable. This article presents a critical summary of the history and content of the act, and it discusses its implications. (1) The repeal of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act re-introduces flexibility vis-à-vis election timing. (2) The DCPA implies a transfer of dissolution authority from parliament back to governments. (3) The elimination of statutory confidence motions implies a return to the convention-based confidence procedure. This article argues that the bill rekindles cabinet supremacy. (i) Elections can be more easily strategically scheduled to the ruling party’s advantage. (ii) PMs can substantiate the employment of confidence votes with the threat of dissolution again. (iii) Leaders might capitalise on the absence of judicial review to further their agenda or elude the test of confidence. Altogether, the bill reshapes the relationship between the government and the legislature by deepening executive dominance to pre-FTPA levels and perhaps even higher, given the non-justiciability clause, at least as long as elections produce single-party majority cabinets.

Italian Journal of Electoral Studies, 2022

Scholars frequently give attention to the case of Italy for the purposes of comparative research.... more Scholars frequently give attention to the case of Italy for the purposes of comparative research. Whether they are concerned with assemblies, cabinets, leaders, or most aspects of governance, Italy often features in studies involving parliamentary systems. To aid students interested in examining the Italian case, I introduce a comprehensive dataset that tracks elections, governments, heads, and legislatures in Italy from 1720 to 2021. The dataset covers the Kingdom of Sardinia (1720-1861), the Kingdom of Italy (1861-1946), and the Italian Republic (1946-2021). Primarily, the dataset fills the lacuna vis-à-vis the availability of pre-WWII data. In this research note, I display the features of the dataset as well as presenting one example related to premature dissolutions of the Italian Parliament.

Verfassungsblog: On Matters Constitutional, 2023

The Leopard Paradox? "Everything must change so that everything can stay the same." (Giuseppe Tom... more The Leopard Paradox? "Everything must change so that everything can stay the same." (Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa, The Leopard, 1958) In early May, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni hosted a roundtable to discuss institutional reforms designed to improve "the stability of governments and legislatures, and respect for citizens' votes at the ballot box." A central campaign promise of hers, the reforms are meant to address Italians' exacerbating distrust of political institutions, rooted in the fact that Italy's administrations are among the most short-lived in Europe. This adds to its comparatively low levels of 'clarity of responsibility,' i.e., the public's inability to punish (or reward) political leaders. To show her commitment, Meloni nominated former Senate President Maria Casellati as 'Minister for Institutional Reforms,' a position created in the late 1980s and only rarely filled since.