Todd H Hall | University of Oxford (original) (raw)
Books by Todd H Hall
In Emotional Diplomacy, Todd H. Hall explores the politics of officially expressed emotion on the... more In Emotional Diplomacy, Todd H. Hall explores the politics of officially expressed emotion on the international stage, looking at the ways in which state actors strategically deploy emotional behavior to shape the perceptions of others. Examining diverse instances of emotional behavior, Hall reveals that official emotional displays are not simply cheap talk but rather play an important role in the strategies and interactions of state actors. Emotional diplomacy is more than rhetoric; as this book demonstrates, its implications extend to the provision of economic and military aid, great-power cooperation, and even the use of armed force.
Emotional Diplomacy provides the theoretical tools necessary for understanding the nature and significance of state-level emotional behavior and offers new observations of how states seek reconciliation, strategically respond to unforeseen crises, and demonstrate resolve in the face of perceived provocations. Hall investigates three specific strands of emotional diplomacy: those rooted in anger, sympathy, and guilt. Presenting original research drawing on interviews and sources in five different languages, Hall provides new insights into the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, the post-9/11 reactions of China and Russia, and relations between West Germany and Israel after World War II. He also demonstrates how his arguments can be extended to further cases ranging from Sino-Japanese relations to diplomatic interactions in Latin America. Emotional Diplomacy offers a unique take on the intersection of strategic action and emotional display, offering a means for making sense of why states appear to behave emotionally.
Papers by Todd H Hall
Political Science Quarterly, 2012
ON WHAT BASIS DO STATE ACTORS RESPOND under unprecedented circumstances, when shocks to the inter... more ON WHAT BASIS DO STATE ACTORS RESPOND under unprecedented circumstances, when shocks to the international system occur that were neither anticipated nor previously experienced? International leaders found themselves formulating policy under such circumstances in the direct aftermath of September 11. While it was quite apparent that the United States would retaliate, what form this would take, and the consequences it would have for various members of the international system, were far from clear. This article looks at the behavior of two states in particular-the Russian Federation (RF) and the People's Republic of China (PRC)-to explore how their respective leaders chose to act toward the United States. Given that the RF and the PRC were regional great powers with security concerns both vis-à-vis the United States and Central Asia, their behavior in this instance should not be exempt from the claims of mainstream international relations (IR) theory. Nevertheless, this article maintains that the actions taken by RF and PRC officials under these circumstances represent an unacknowledged puzzle for existing IR theories and thus a possibility for theory building. Offensive realism has difficulty TODD HALL is an assistant professor at the University of Toronto. He has held post-doctoral fellowships at Princeton and Harvard, as well as visiting scholar appointments at the Free University of Berlin and Tsinghua University in Beijing. Recent and upcoming publications include articles in The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Security Studies, and International Studies Quarterly.
International Studies Quarterly, 2021
A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions... more A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions can shape political perceptions and behavior and how international actors may seek to manipulate, harness, or deploy emotions and emotional displays for political ends. Less attention, however, has been paid to how political struggles can also center upon issues of who can or should feel what emotion and whose feelings matter. Precisely, we theorize a distributive politics of emotion that can manifest in three general forms, all of which have their own properties and logics of contestation. The first centers on emotional obligations, understood as an actor's duties to feel and express specific emotions. The second concerns emotional entitlements, or the rights an actor enjoys to either feel or not feel certain emotions. And the third involves hierarchies of emotional deference, that is, the varying degrees of priority accorded to different actors’ feelings. We illustrate how the pol...
European Journal of International Relations, 2021
Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state ... more Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state actors take edge them closer to war. Less attention has been devoted to the ways in which state actors’ perceptions of what is at stake in a dispute can also change, with important consequences for the likelihood of conflict. This paper examines the phenomenon of dispute inflation – wherein a contest over an object or issue assumes ever greater stakes and significance for its protagonists – and identifies three different mechanisms that can generate increasing non-material stakes. The upshot is that theoretically even a minor dispute can grow into a major conflict due to swelling stakes, especially when dispute inflation spirals. To illustrate these dynamics at work, this paper looks to recent developments in the dispute between the People’s Republic of China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.
Journal of Chinese Political Science, 2019
A 2018-as kémiai Nobel-díjat három kutatónak ítélték oda: a díj egyik felét Frances Arnold kapta ... more A 2018-as kémiai Nobel-díjat három kutatónak ítélték oda: a díj egyik felét Frances Arnold kapta "enzimek irányított evolúciójáért", míg a másik felét Sir Gregory P. Winter és George P. Smith érdemelte ki "peptidek és antitestek fágbemutatásáért". Az irányított evolúció módszerével a fehérjemérnökség olyan fázisba érkezett, ahol már az élőlényekben nem használt reakciókat is képesek kifejlesztett fehérjék katalizálni, míg a fágbemutatás forradalmasította a gyógyszeripari fejlesztéseket és új, antitestalapú gyógyszermolekulák alkalmazásához vezetett.
Political Psychology, 2019
Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by... more Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by members of a group. While much attention has been devoted to the potential for affective and emotional experience beyond the individual level, IR scholars have said less about the politics of invoking popular emotion. This article addresses that gap. Specifically, we argue that between individual-and even shared-affective experience on the one hand and group-based "popular emotion" on the other exists not mechanisms of aggregation but rather processes of framing, projection, and propagation that are deeply political. We distinguish between two tropes that commonly structure references to popular emotion: communal emotion, the idealized attribution of an authentic, unifying emotional response of "the people," and mass emotion, a volatile and potentially dangerous mob-like reaction, but one also susceptible to manipulation. Using the outbreak of World War I as a launching pad, we demonstrate the political significance of popular emotion, including its enduring relevance for understanding contemporary populism.
International Studies Review, 2017
International Studies Review, 2017
International Studies Review, 2015
What happened in 1914? Can it happen again? In 1914, militaries were out of control, having convi... more What happened in 1914? Can it happen again? In 1914, militaries were out of control, having convinced themselves of the superiority of the offensive and their own superiority visa -vis their civilian counterparts; today, militaries are on a much tighter leash and less likely to believe in the destabilizing fantasy of a quick, glorious, and victorious strike. In 1914, the protagonist states faced domestic crises and paralysis that left them without the confidence needed to take the bold moves required to maintain peace; today, while certainly not without their problems, the players on the East Asian stage have not yet reached that point of desperation. In 1914, inward looking domestic coalitions that paired economic protectionism with virulent nationalism dominated the scene in Germany; today in China, the governing coalition is more internationalist, even if it does pepper this with appeals to nationalism upon occasion. In 1914, leaders lacked the foresight to recognize the devastation war would bring; today, nuclear weapons leave little doubt as to war's destructive power. In 1914, a precarious balance of power reigned; today, the United States and its allies remain regionally predominant. Many indicators suggest history will not repeat itself. But beware, as noted in the oft cited quotation from Mark Twain, history may still rhyme. Alliance partners can be dangerous sources of entanglement, both in 1914 and today. The South China Sea, with its festering territorial disputes, is, in the words of former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, "a maritime Balkans" (p. 204). Repeated crises played out in the lead up to World War I; similar dynamics are at risk of unfolding in the East Asian theater. Perceptions of closing windows or opening vulnerabilities could invite preventive action. East Asia is still lacking in robust security institutions. And, above all, there is the role of contingency. What if Archduke Franz Ferdinand had not been shot? What if Russia had chosen not to mobilize? What if the German army had not marched through Belgium? What if the various Great Powers had not followed their allies into war? There were many contingent events and choices that could have gone otherwise. Today the possibility exists in East Asia for analogous contingent events-a collision in the South China Sea, perhaps-or decisions made in their wake that could produce armed conflict, even war. These are the lessons of Richard Rosencrance and Steven Miller's edited volume, The Next Great War? The Roots of World War I and the Risk of U.S.-China Conflict. Assembling an impressive collection of contributors, Rosencrance and Miller offer the reader a rich variety of analyses focusing on the international-, domestic-, and even individual-level causes of World War I and the lessons one can glean from them pertaining to the future of East Asia. The bottom line is that, while no one in the volume is betting on war soon, we should not be lulled Hall, Todd H. (2015) Back to the Future Trenches? International Studies Review,
Perspectives on Politics, 2016
International Organization, 2015
Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play li... more Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play little role in how we theorize actorhood in international relations. We offer six amendments for integrating affective dynamics into existing conceptions of individual-level actorhood in IR. From these amendments emerge the theoretical micro-foundations upon which we build propositions concerning potential collective-level affective dynamics and political strategies. We illustrate the analytical payoff of our proposals by examining the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. By amending existing understandings of actorhood to include human affective experience, we can integrate and make sense of a variety of psychological, social, and political consequences stemming from the attacks, both within the United States and internationally.
EJIR, 2021
Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state ... more Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state actors take edge them closer to war. Less attention has been devoted to the ways in which state actors’ perceptions of what is at stake in a dispute can also change, with important consequences for the likelihood of conflict. This paper examines the phenomenon of dispute inflation – wherein a contest over an object or issue assumes ever greater stakes and significance for its protagonists – and identifies three different mechanisms that can generate increasing non-material stakes. The upshot is that theoretically even a minor dispute can grow into a major conflict due to swelling stakes, especially when dispute inflation spirals. To illustrate these dynamics at work, this paper looks to recent developments in the dispute between the People’s Republic of China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.
St Antony's International Review, 2020
A few thoughts about studying China's international relations
Texas National Security Review, 2019
Political Psychology, 2019
Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by... more Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by members of a group. While much attention has been devoted to the potential for affective and emotional experience beyond the individual level, IR scholars have said less about the politics of invoking popular emotion. This article addresses that gap. Specifically, we argue that between individual—and even shared—affective experience on the one hand and group-based “popular emotion” on the other exists not mechanisms of aggregation but rather processes of framing, projection, and propagation that are deeply political. We distinguish between two tropes that commonly structure references to popular emotion: communal emotion, the idealized attribution of an authentic, unifying emotional response of “the people,” and mass emotion, a volatile and potentially dangerous mob-like reaction, but one also susceptible to manipulation. Using the outbreak of World War I as a showcase, we demonstrate the political significance of popular emotion, including its enduring relevance for understanding contemporary populism.
International Studies Review, 2017
Part of the Forum, Discourse and Emotions in International Relations
Both the East and Southeast China Seas have been home to a series of repeated episodes of tension... more Both the East and Southeast China Seas have been home to a series of repeated episodes of tension between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its neighbors. Much of the existing literature either treats such episodes as isolated data points or as the manifestation of underlying structural factors. In this paper, we argue that repeated tensions can have important effects on subsequent interactions, generating emergent dynamics with dangerous consequences. What is more, we believe those dynamics to already be in play in several of the disputes within East Asia today. Examining recent developments in PRC-Japan and PRC-Philippines relations, we seek to shed light on how iterated episodes of tension are shaping the trajectory of interactions in both dyads. We believe these insights can inform efforts to understand relations in the region and beyond, given the growing frequency and intensity of repeated tensions among actors.
This article presents a theory of provocations. Precisely, it defines provocations as incidents o... more This article presents a theory of provocations. Precisely, it defines provocations as incidents or actions that incline state actors toward rash, aggressive responses by eliciting outraged reactions. Outraged reactions come in three forms: personal, performative, and popular. While each form is different in nature, all work to produce strong—albeit temporary—pressures for rapid, retaliatory satisfaction. Importantly, these reactions can be mutually reinforcing and are not immune to further amplification by the actions of those with ulterior motives, political or otherwise. By laying out these dynamics, it becomes possible to understand how provocative actions can lead state actors to engage in behavior—such as France's headlong rush into defeat—that would otherwise be quite puzzling.
Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play li... more Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play little role in how we theorize actorhood in international relations. We offer six amendments for integrating affective dynamics into existing conceptions of individual-level actorhood in IR. From these amendments emerge the theoretical micro-foundations upon which we build propositions concerning potential collective level affective dynamics and political strategies. We illustrate the analytical payoff of our proposals by examining the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. By amending existing understandings of actorhood to include human affective experience, we can integrate and make sense of a variety of psychological, social, and political consequences stemming from the attacks, both within the United States and internationally.
In Emotional Diplomacy, Todd H. Hall explores the politics of officially expressed emotion on the... more In Emotional Diplomacy, Todd H. Hall explores the politics of officially expressed emotion on the international stage, looking at the ways in which state actors strategically deploy emotional behavior to shape the perceptions of others. Examining diverse instances of emotional behavior, Hall reveals that official emotional displays are not simply cheap talk but rather play an important role in the strategies and interactions of state actors. Emotional diplomacy is more than rhetoric; as this book demonstrates, its implications extend to the provision of economic and military aid, great-power cooperation, and even the use of armed force.
Emotional Diplomacy provides the theoretical tools necessary for understanding the nature and significance of state-level emotional behavior and offers new observations of how states seek reconciliation, strategically respond to unforeseen crises, and demonstrate resolve in the face of perceived provocations. Hall investigates three specific strands of emotional diplomacy: those rooted in anger, sympathy, and guilt. Presenting original research drawing on interviews and sources in five different languages, Hall provides new insights into the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, the post-9/11 reactions of China and Russia, and relations between West Germany and Israel after World War II. He also demonstrates how his arguments can be extended to further cases ranging from Sino-Japanese relations to diplomatic interactions in Latin America. Emotional Diplomacy offers a unique take on the intersection of strategic action and emotional display, offering a means for making sense of why states appear to behave emotionally.
Political Science Quarterly, 2012
ON WHAT BASIS DO STATE ACTORS RESPOND under unprecedented circumstances, when shocks to the inter... more ON WHAT BASIS DO STATE ACTORS RESPOND under unprecedented circumstances, when shocks to the international system occur that were neither anticipated nor previously experienced? International leaders found themselves formulating policy under such circumstances in the direct aftermath of September 11. While it was quite apparent that the United States would retaliate, what form this would take, and the consequences it would have for various members of the international system, were far from clear. This article looks at the behavior of two states in particular-the Russian Federation (RF) and the People's Republic of China (PRC)-to explore how their respective leaders chose to act toward the United States. Given that the RF and the PRC were regional great powers with security concerns both vis-à-vis the United States and Central Asia, their behavior in this instance should not be exempt from the claims of mainstream international relations (IR) theory. Nevertheless, this article maintains that the actions taken by RF and PRC officials under these circumstances represent an unacknowledged puzzle for existing IR theories and thus a possibility for theory building. Offensive realism has difficulty TODD HALL is an assistant professor at the University of Toronto. He has held post-doctoral fellowships at Princeton and Harvard, as well as visiting scholar appointments at the Free University of Berlin and Tsinghua University in Beijing. Recent and upcoming publications include articles in The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Security Studies, and International Studies Quarterly.
International Studies Quarterly, 2021
A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions... more A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions can shape political perceptions and behavior and how international actors may seek to manipulate, harness, or deploy emotions and emotional displays for political ends. Less attention, however, has been paid to how political struggles can also center upon issues of who can or should feel what emotion and whose feelings matter. Precisely, we theorize a distributive politics of emotion that can manifest in three general forms, all of which have their own properties and logics of contestation. The first centers on emotional obligations, understood as an actor's duties to feel and express specific emotions. The second concerns emotional entitlements, or the rights an actor enjoys to either feel or not feel certain emotions. And the third involves hierarchies of emotional deference, that is, the varying degrees of priority accorded to different actors’ feelings. We illustrate how the pol...
European Journal of International Relations, 2021
Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state ... more Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state actors take edge them closer to war. Less attention has been devoted to the ways in which state actors’ perceptions of what is at stake in a dispute can also change, with important consequences for the likelihood of conflict. This paper examines the phenomenon of dispute inflation – wherein a contest over an object or issue assumes ever greater stakes and significance for its protagonists – and identifies three different mechanisms that can generate increasing non-material stakes. The upshot is that theoretically even a minor dispute can grow into a major conflict due to swelling stakes, especially when dispute inflation spirals. To illustrate these dynamics at work, this paper looks to recent developments in the dispute between the People’s Republic of China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.
Journal of Chinese Political Science, 2019
A 2018-as kémiai Nobel-díjat három kutatónak ítélték oda: a díj egyik felét Frances Arnold kapta ... more A 2018-as kémiai Nobel-díjat három kutatónak ítélték oda: a díj egyik felét Frances Arnold kapta "enzimek irányított evolúciójáért", míg a másik felét Sir Gregory P. Winter és George P. Smith érdemelte ki "peptidek és antitestek fágbemutatásáért". Az irányított evolúció módszerével a fehérjemérnökség olyan fázisba érkezett, ahol már az élőlényekben nem használt reakciókat is képesek kifejlesztett fehérjék katalizálni, míg a fágbemutatás forradalmasította a gyógyszeripari fejlesztéseket és új, antitestalapú gyógyszermolekulák alkalmazásához vezetett.
Political Psychology, 2019
Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by... more Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by members of a group. While much attention has been devoted to the potential for affective and emotional experience beyond the individual level, IR scholars have said less about the politics of invoking popular emotion. This article addresses that gap. Specifically, we argue that between individual-and even shared-affective experience on the one hand and group-based "popular emotion" on the other exists not mechanisms of aggregation but rather processes of framing, projection, and propagation that are deeply political. We distinguish between two tropes that commonly structure references to popular emotion: communal emotion, the idealized attribution of an authentic, unifying emotional response of "the people," and mass emotion, a volatile and potentially dangerous mob-like reaction, but one also susceptible to manipulation. Using the outbreak of World War I as a launching pad, we demonstrate the political significance of popular emotion, including its enduring relevance for understanding contemporary populism.
International Studies Review, 2017
International Studies Review, 2017
International Studies Review, 2015
What happened in 1914? Can it happen again? In 1914, militaries were out of control, having convi... more What happened in 1914? Can it happen again? In 1914, militaries were out of control, having convinced themselves of the superiority of the offensive and their own superiority visa -vis their civilian counterparts; today, militaries are on a much tighter leash and less likely to believe in the destabilizing fantasy of a quick, glorious, and victorious strike. In 1914, the protagonist states faced domestic crises and paralysis that left them without the confidence needed to take the bold moves required to maintain peace; today, while certainly not without their problems, the players on the East Asian stage have not yet reached that point of desperation. In 1914, inward looking domestic coalitions that paired economic protectionism with virulent nationalism dominated the scene in Germany; today in China, the governing coalition is more internationalist, even if it does pepper this with appeals to nationalism upon occasion. In 1914, leaders lacked the foresight to recognize the devastation war would bring; today, nuclear weapons leave little doubt as to war's destructive power. In 1914, a precarious balance of power reigned; today, the United States and its allies remain regionally predominant. Many indicators suggest history will not repeat itself. But beware, as noted in the oft cited quotation from Mark Twain, history may still rhyme. Alliance partners can be dangerous sources of entanglement, both in 1914 and today. The South China Sea, with its festering territorial disputes, is, in the words of former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, "a maritime Balkans" (p. 204). Repeated crises played out in the lead up to World War I; similar dynamics are at risk of unfolding in the East Asian theater. Perceptions of closing windows or opening vulnerabilities could invite preventive action. East Asia is still lacking in robust security institutions. And, above all, there is the role of contingency. What if Archduke Franz Ferdinand had not been shot? What if Russia had chosen not to mobilize? What if the German army had not marched through Belgium? What if the various Great Powers had not followed their allies into war? There were many contingent events and choices that could have gone otherwise. Today the possibility exists in East Asia for analogous contingent events-a collision in the South China Sea, perhaps-or decisions made in their wake that could produce armed conflict, even war. These are the lessons of Richard Rosencrance and Steven Miller's edited volume, The Next Great War? The Roots of World War I and the Risk of U.S.-China Conflict. Assembling an impressive collection of contributors, Rosencrance and Miller offer the reader a rich variety of analyses focusing on the international-, domestic-, and even individual-level causes of World War I and the lessons one can glean from them pertaining to the future of East Asia. The bottom line is that, while no one in the volume is betting on war soon, we should not be lulled Hall, Todd H. (2015) Back to the Future Trenches? International Studies Review,
Perspectives on Politics, 2016
International Organization, 2015
Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play li... more Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play little role in how we theorize actorhood in international relations. We offer six amendments for integrating affective dynamics into existing conceptions of individual-level actorhood in IR. From these amendments emerge the theoretical micro-foundations upon which we build propositions concerning potential collective-level affective dynamics and political strategies. We illustrate the analytical payoff of our proposals by examining the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. By amending existing understandings of actorhood to include human affective experience, we can integrate and make sense of a variety of psychological, social, and political consequences stemming from the attacks, both within the United States and internationally.
EJIR, 2021
Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state ... more Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state actors take edge them closer to war. Less attention has been devoted to the ways in which state actors’ perceptions of what is at stake in a dispute can also change, with important consequences for the likelihood of conflict. This paper examines the phenomenon of dispute inflation – wherein a contest over an object or issue assumes ever greater stakes and significance for its protagonists – and identifies three different mechanisms that can generate increasing non-material stakes. The upshot is that theoretically even a minor dispute can grow into a major conflict due to swelling stakes, especially when dispute inflation spirals. To illustrate these dynamics at work, this paper looks to recent developments in the dispute between the People’s Republic of China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.
St Antony's International Review, 2020
A few thoughts about studying China's international relations
Texas National Security Review, 2019
Political Psychology, 2019
Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by... more Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by members of a group. While much attention has been devoted to the potential for affective and emotional experience beyond the individual level, IR scholars have said less about the politics of invoking popular emotion. This article addresses that gap. Specifically, we argue that between individual—and even shared—affective experience on the one hand and group-based “popular emotion” on the other exists not mechanisms of aggregation but rather processes of framing, projection, and propagation that are deeply political. We distinguish between two tropes that commonly structure references to popular emotion: communal emotion, the idealized attribution of an authentic, unifying emotional response of “the people,” and mass emotion, a volatile and potentially dangerous mob-like reaction, but one also susceptible to manipulation. Using the outbreak of World War I as a showcase, we demonstrate the political significance of popular emotion, including its enduring relevance for understanding contemporary populism.
International Studies Review, 2017
Part of the Forum, Discourse and Emotions in International Relations
Both the East and Southeast China Seas have been home to a series of repeated episodes of tension... more Both the East and Southeast China Seas have been home to a series of repeated episodes of tension between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its neighbors. Much of the existing literature either treats such episodes as isolated data points or as the manifestation of underlying structural factors. In this paper, we argue that repeated tensions can have important effects on subsequent interactions, generating emergent dynamics with dangerous consequences. What is more, we believe those dynamics to already be in play in several of the disputes within East Asia today. Examining recent developments in PRC-Japan and PRC-Philippines relations, we seek to shed light on how iterated episodes of tension are shaping the trajectory of interactions in both dyads. We believe these insights can inform efforts to understand relations in the region and beyond, given the growing frequency and intensity of repeated tensions among actors.
This article presents a theory of provocations. Precisely, it defines provocations as incidents o... more This article presents a theory of provocations. Precisely, it defines provocations as incidents or actions that incline state actors toward rash, aggressive responses by eliciting outraged reactions. Outraged reactions come in three forms: personal, performative, and popular. While each form is different in nature, all work to produce strong—albeit temporary—pressures for rapid, retaliatory satisfaction. Importantly, these reactions can be mutually reinforcing and are not immune to further amplification by the actions of those with ulterior motives, political or otherwise. By laying out these dynamics, it becomes possible to understand how provocative actions can lead state actors to engage in behavior—such as France's headlong rush into defeat—that would otherwise be quite puzzling.
Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play li... more Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play little role in how we theorize actorhood in international relations. We offer six amendments for integrating affective dynamics into existing conceptions of individual-level actorhood in IR. From these amendments emerge the theoretical micro-foundations upon which we build propositions concerning potential collective level affective dynamics and political strategies. We illustrate the analytical payoff of our proposals by examining the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. By amending existing understandings of actorhood to include human affective experience, we can integrate and make sense of a variety of psychological, social, and political consequences stemming from the attacks, both within the United States and internationally.
War on the Rocks, 2019
More reasons than one... War on the Rocks blog post.
Notes from a talk given at the LSE. Very short and simple.
International Studies Quarterly, 2021
A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions... more A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions can shape political perceptions and behavior and how international actors may seek to manipulate, harness, or deploy emotions and emotional displays for political ends. Less attention, however, has been paid to how political struggles can also center upon issues of who can or should feel what emotion and whose feelings matter. Precisely, we theorize a distributive politics of emotion that can manifest in three general forms, all of which have their own properties and logics of contestation. The first centers on emotional obligations, understood as an actor's duties to feel and express specific emotions. The second concerns emotional entitlements, or the rights an actor enjoys to either feel or not feel certain emotions. And the third involves hierarchies of emotional deference, that is, the varying degrees of priority accorded to different actors' feelings. We illustrate how the politics of emotions can unfold on the international stage by looking at developments in the so-called history problem within Sino-Japanese relations.