Birol A Yesilada | Portland State University (original) (raw)
Papers by Birol A Yesilada
The partnership between the European Union (EU) and Turkey has been unlike any other accession pr... more The partnership between the European Union (EU) and Turkey has been unlike any other accession process. Turkey has had a close relationship with Western Europe since it joined the National Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1952 and became an associate member of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1963. During the Cold War, there was hardly any serious doubt about this country eventually becoming a member of the Western European Economic Community. However, developments since the end of the Cold War have raised considerable misgivings over Turkey’s membership in the EU, first among several political leaders of member states and their respective citizens, and lately among Turkish leaders and the general Turkish public. Debates over Turkey’s membership fall into two distinct categories. First, those who oppose Turkey’s membership in the EU point at this country’s economic problems, deterioration of democracy, and the Islamic culture of its society. These states either outright object to Turkey’s membership or favor changing the negotiation process to end with nothing more than a preferential partnership between the EU and Turkey. Second, supporters of Turkey’s membership emphasize this country’s economic and strategic importance for the EU, as well as the Union’s treaty obligations to complete the accession negotiation. Moreover, Turkey’s supporters argue that the EU cannot afford to cut off its ties to this country at a time when President Erdogan is looking for excuses to realign his country with anti-NATO countries. When one looks at the potential for Turkey’s membership in the EU, accession seems further away, if not impossible. The challenges for Turkey include a roller-coaster performance along democratic (political) acquis, the economic cost of enlargement, the Europeanness of Turkey, and the acquis communautaire. Once a promising potential member, Turkey has become a policy nightmare for the EU. Although the Copenhagen criteria represent the primary framework for accession, regional, and systemic developments further complicate such decision-making. For the political acquis, Turkish democracy has deteriorated to such an extent that it no longer meets the minimum requirements for membership. On the economic front, Turkey remains one of the EU’s most important trade and investment partners. However, the Turkish economy is showing severe signs of overheating coupled with the falling value of the Turkish lira. Furthermore, the Turkish public is increasingly moving away from the Europeans in terms of social values that dominate the general population. Instead of the convergence of societal benefits, there is a growing gap between Turks and other Europeans. Furthermore, there is a growing sentiment among Turks that the EU leaders are not interested in having Turkey join the Union. Finally, Turkey and the EU need to find a permanent solution to such problems as the refugee crisis, EU–NATO partnership, Cyprus, and bilateral disputes between Greece and Turkey.
The International Journal of Turkish Studies, 2016
Cyprus GAIL RUTH HOOK, Protectorate Cyprus: British Imperial Power Before WWI (London, I.B. Tauri... more Cyprus GAIL RUTH HOOK, Protectorate Cyprus: British Imperial Power Before WWI (London, I.B. Tauris: 2013) Pp. 304. $ 110 cloth.This is a welcome study in the field of Cyprus's history and fills a missing link in the literature. Very few works of this calibre have been published about the British rule of Cyprus and even fewer about the time of British protectorate between 1878 and 1914. Gail Dallas Hook's meticulously researched study spans the time when the British took administrative control of Cyprus from the Ottoman Empire to World War I, when they annexed the island, eventually turning it into a Crown Colony in 1925.Due to its geopolitical status in the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus has always been the focus of every major power with grand ambitions regionally and beyond. When the Ottoman Empire needed Britain's help in fighting the Russian Empire in 1878, the price was the administrative turnover of Cyprus and Egypt to the British. What followed afterwards is quite fascinating and shows how the British never intended to return the island to the Ottomans but wanted to develop it as "British Cyprus" as part of their informal empire. Consequently, this is an important case study into how the British established a community of compatriots while developing a functional colony that could provide economic and security benefits for the empire. This project required massive investments and local training as Cyprus at the time was very much a forsaken poor province of the Ottoman Empire. Protectorate Cyprus further demonstrates how the British attempted to bring "good government" to Cyprus yet failed to resolve the issues of Muslim and Greek Orthodox divisions. A unique representation of Britain's "informal empire" before World War I, which has been little studied. Hook's work is a crucial addition to the history of the British Empire. Not, however, ae detailed chronology of all the events the British encountered in Cyprus, the study is organized into chapters examining key policy challenges the pre-colonial administration faced and overcame.The first part of the book comprises an introduction and five chapters addressing the strategic policies the British employed to take administrative control of the island from the Ottomans, organize their administration and establish a British colony in Cyprus. In presenting the minimal historical background for the reader, Hook states that England had ruled Cyprus for nearly three centuries between 1191 and 1489-from the time Richard the Lionhearted conquered it until the Venetians overtook it (p. 16). This is a surprising error given how meticulously researched the book is. In fact, within a year after he captured Cyprus, Richard I gave it to the Templars, who sold it to Guy De Lusignan. The Lusignan dynasty then ruled Cyprus until it passed on to Venice through a marriage. Another problem in the introduction is found in the brief chronology (pp. 18-20), where the dates jump from 1960 (founding of the Republic) to the 1974 Turkish intervention that followed a Greek coup, with no mention of the first breakdown of the bicommunal Republic of Cyprus in 1963.Chapter 1 provides a detailed overview of the island as the British first arrived. It is rich in its description of the local administration's problematic relationship with the Ottoman capital and shows how underdeveloped the island's infrastructure and uneducated its multiethnic population were. These were formidable challenges for the British administrators. In chapter 2, Hook lays out the landscape of the island and British planning for major administrative and economic reforms and investments. In chapter 3 we learn that most of the first British administrators were not civilians but military men who had extensive experience in good governance. The first British High Commissioner, Sir Garnet Wolseley, played a crucial role in establishing a civil service and converting the Ottoman police force into British colonial-style units (pp 86-89). …
Middle East Journal, May 15, 2022
Turkey's State Crisis: Institutions, Reform, and Conflict, by Bülent Aras. Syracuse, NY: Syra... more Turkey's State Crisis: Institutions, Reform, and Conflict, by Bülent Aras. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2022. 176 pages. 60cloth;60 cloth; 60cloth;19.95 paper, e-book.
Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi dergisi, Jun 15, 2001
and guests. Before I began my talk I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for your ki... more and guests. Before I began my talk I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for your kind invitation and hospitality. I would like to give special thanks to two individuals who made this conference possible-Dean Prof. Dr. Zehra Odyakmaz and the Cultural Attaché of the United States, Dr. Ann Welden.
Introduction The Turkish New Right's Attempt at Hegemony by Muharrem Tunay Ideology Social Ba... more Introduction The Turkish New Right's Attempt at Hegemony by Muharrem Tunay Ideology Social Bases, and the Organizational Structure of the Post-1980 Political Parties by Ayse Ayatta The Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and Its Institutional Framework by Sencer Ayata The Development of Turkish Manufacturing Industry During 1976-1987: An Overview by Oktar Turel Turkey's Labor Market Policies in the 1980s Against the Background of Its Stabilization Program by Fikret Senses The World Bank and the Transformation of Turkish Agriculture by Zulkuf Aydin Trade Strategy in the 1980s by Canan Balkir Turkish Foreign Poilicy towards the Middle East by Birol A. Yesilada Turkey and the European Community: Prospects for a New Relationship by Atila Eralp Turkey and the Western Alliance in the 1980s by Duygu Bazoglu Sezer Epilogue by Atila Eralp, Muharrem Tunay, and Birol A. Yesilada Index
Routledge eBooks, Nov 19, 2015
Turkish Studies, Sep 1, 2012
... MLA Citation: Yesilada, Birol. ... Yesilada, BA and Noordijk, P. , 2008-04-03 "Changing ... more ... MLA Citation: Yesilada, Birol. ... Yesilada, BA and Noordijk, P. , 2008-04-03 "Changing Value System in the European Union" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the MPSA Annual National Conference, Palmer House Hotel, Hilton, Chicago, IL Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. ...
The International Journal of Turkish Studies, 1996
The link between public opinion and participation has never been more important for the future of... more The link between public opinion and participation has never been more important for the future of the European Union. Politicians want to know citizens' satisfaction with government policies and the state of the economy and their policy preferences. Surveys of public opinion tap into people's degree of satisfaction and help decision makers adjust their policies and strategies to ensure success in upcoming elections. As such, public opinion polling has become an important tool of governments everywhere whether European Commission or member states or private individuals and organizations conduct them. In addition to electoral issues, public opinion surveys provide valuable information on peoples' changing attitudes, beliefs, and values. 1 Today, the EU faces surmountable challenges that threaten the future of the Union. These include economic and financial problems of many member states, institutional shortcomings at the EU level to provide effective policies for economic recovery, two-track EU integration (Eurozone and others), and democratic deficits to name a few. EU Quo Vadis? There is no denial that "ever closer union" 2 must be achieved economically as well as politically if the EU is to survive the domestic and external challenges it faces. On the economic front, a deepening of integration will enhance the advantages of EU's internal market (yet to be completed) and protect its members against external and domestic shocks by creating symmetry across the regions. Politically, a deeper union will legitimize governance of a more united EU and bring its institutions closer to the people. Such deepening of political integration will also provide protection against nationalistic outlooks that favor a dissolution of the Union. At the same time, it will go a long way in legitimizing the EU as a true global actor. Perhaps jumping into Economic and Monetary Union prior to completion of the Common Market (Single Market) was premature but external systemic changes pushed European leaders to make that decision. Subsequent monetary union among some of the states further created division within the union. Add to this the very slow pace of political union and one gets a formula for disaster. As many economists would say "monetary union without a political union would not work." 3 It only takes one major financial crisis to bring that monetary union down like a house of cards. The EU is currently working hard to ensure that will not happen by pushing ahead with new formulas for fiscal coordination that blends its supranational and intergovernmental decision-making mechanisms. Yet, ordinary citizens are rarely informed of the EU, its institutions, or its policies. In other words, while the EU knows a lot about its citizens through extensive surveys, the same cannot be said the other way around. So where lies the problem? Public Opinion The Eurobarometer (EB) has been the instrument of choice for surveying pubic opinion in the European Union. Jacques-René Rabier, a senior official involved in social sciences at the
New Perspectives on Turkey, 1987
Since the beginning of liberal pluralist politics in 1950, Turkey has experienced three military ... more Since the beginning of liberal pluralist politics in 1950, Turkey has experienced three military coups in 1960, 1971, and 1980. Of these military incursions the ones in 1960 and 1980 were the most serious in scope. Each time the armed forces remained in power for a short time, 1960–1961 and 1980–1983, and completely revised the existing constitutional framework. These were unlike the 1971 intervention which did not result in a complete revision of the political system, but only in an amendment of the constitution to provide the state with more powers in dealing with domestic violence. In this respect, the 1960 coup marks the end of the First Republic. The subsequent period, 1961–1980 is the Second Republic.
Journal of Small Business Management
The partnership between the European Union (EU) and Turkey has been unlike any other accession pr... more The partnership between the European Union (EU) and Turkey has been unlike any other accession process. Turkey has had a close relationship with Western Europe since it joined the National Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1952 and became an associate member of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1963. During the Cold War, there was hardly any serious doubt about this country eventually becoming a member of the Western European Economic Community. However, developments since the end of the Cold War have raised considerable misgivings over Turkey’s membership in the EU, first among several political leaders of member states and their respective citizens, and lately among Turkish leaders and the general Turkish public. Debates over Turkey’s membership fall into two distinct categories. First, those who oppose Turkey’s membership in the EU point at this country’s economic problems, deterioration of democracy, and the Islamic culture of its society. These states either outright object to Turkey’s membership or favor changing the negotiation process to end with nothing more than a preferential partnership between the EU and Turkey. Second, supporters of Turkey’s membership emphasize this country’s economic and strategic importance for the EU, as well as the Union’s treaty obligations to complete the accession negotiation. Moreover, Turkey’s supporters argue that the EU cannot afford to cut off its ties to this country at a time when President Erdogan is looking for excuses to realign his country with anti-NATO countries. When one looks at the potential for Turkey’s membership in the EU, accession seems further away, if not impossible. The challenges for Turkey include a roller-coaster performance along democratic (political) acquis, the economic cost of enlargement, the Europeanness of Turkey, and the acquis communautaire. Once a promising potential member, Turkey has become a policy nightmare for the EU. Although the Copenhagen criteria represent the primary framework for accession, regional, and systemic developments further complicate such decision-making. For the political acquis, Turkish democracy has deteriorated to such an extent that it no longer meets the minimum requirements for membership. On the economic front, Turkey remains one of the EU’s most important trade and investment partners. However, the Turkish economy is showing severe signs of overheating coupled with the falling value of the Turkish lira. Furthermore, the Turkish public is increasingly moving away from the Europeans in terms of social values that dominate the general population. Instead of the convergence of societal benefits, there is a growing gap between Turks and other Europeans. Furthermore, there is a growing sentiment among Turks that the EU leaders are not interested in having Turkey join the Union. Finally, Turkey and the EU need to find a permanent solution to such problems as the refugee crisis, EU–NATO partnership, Cyprus, and bilateral disputes between Greece and Turkey.
The International Journal of Turkish Studies, 2016
Cyprus GAIL RUTH HOOK, Protectorate Cyprus: British Imperial Power Before WWI (London, I.B. Tauri... more Cyprus GAIL RUTH HOOK, Protectorate Cyprus: British Imperial Power Before WWI (London, I.B. Tauris: 2013) Pp. 304. $ 110 cloth.This is a welcome study in the field of Cyprus's history and fills a missing link in the literature. Very few works of this calibre have been published about the British rule of Cyprus and even fewer about the time of British protectorate between 1878 and 1914. Gail Dallas Hook's meticulously researched study spans the time when the British took administrative control of Cyprus from the Ottoman Empire to World War I, when they annexed the island, eventually turning it into a Crown Colony in 1925.Due to its geopolitical status in the Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus has always been the focus of every major power with grand ambitions regionally and beyond. When the Ottoman Empire needed Britain's help in fighting the Russian Empire in 1878, the price was the administrative turnover of Cyprus and Egypt to the British. What followed afterwards is quite fascinating and shows how the British never intended to return the island to the Ottomans but wanted to develop it as "British Cyprus" as part of their informal empire. Consequently, this is an important case study into how the British established a community of compatriots while developing a functional colony that could provide economic and security benefits for the empire. This project required massive investments and local training as Cyprus at the time was very much a forsaken poor province of the Ottoman Empire. Protectorate Cyprus further demonstrates how the British attempted to bring "good government" to Cyprus yet failed to resolve the issues of Muslim and Greek Orthodox divisions. A unique representation of Britain's "informal empire" before World War I, which has been little studied. Hook's work is a crucial addition to the history of the British Empire. Not, however, ae detailed chronology of all the events the British encountered in Cyprus, the study is organized into chapters examining key policy challenges the pre-colonial administration faced and overcame.The first part of the book comprises an introduction and five chapters addressing the strategic policies the British employed to take administrative control of the island from the Ottomans, organize their administration and establish a British colony in Cyprus. In presenting the minimal historical background for the reader, Hook states that England had ruled Cyprus for nearly three centuries between 1191 and 1489-from the time Richard the Lionhearted conquered it until the Venetians overtook it (p. 16). This is a surprising error given how meticulously researched the book is. In fact, within a year after he captured Cyprus, Richard I gave it to the Templars, who sold it to Guy De Lusignan. The Lusignan dynasty then ruled Cyprus until it passed on to Venice through a marriage. Another problem in the introduction is found in the brief chronology (pp. 18-20), where the dates jump from 1960 (founding of the Republic) to the 1974 Turkish intervention that followed a Greek coup, with no mention of the first breakdown of the bicommunal Republic of Cyprus in 1963.Chapter 1 provides a detailed overview of the island as the British first arrived. It is rich in its description of the local administration's problematic relationship with the Ottoman capital and shows how underdeveloped the island's infrastructure and uneducated its multiethnic population were. These were formidable challenges for the British administrators. In chapter 2, Hook lays out the landscape of the island and British planning for major administrative and economic reforms and investments. In chapter 3 we learn that most of the first British administrators were not civilians but military men who had extensive experience in good governance. The first British High Commissioner, Sir Garnet Wolseley, played a crucial role in establishing a civil service and converting the Ottoman police force into British colonial-style units (pp 86-89). …
Middle East Journal, May 15, 2022
Turkey's State Crisis: Institutions, Reform, and Conflict, by Bülent Aras. Syracuse, NY: Syra... more Turkey's State Crisis: Institutions, Reform, and Conflict, by Bülent Aras. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2022. 176 pages. 60cloth;60 cloth; 60cloth;19.95 paper, e-book.
Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi dergisi, Jun 15, 2001
and guests. Before I began my talk I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for your ki... more and guests. Before I began my talk I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for your kind invitation and hospitality. I would like to give special thanks to two individuals who made this conference possible-Dean Prof. Dr. Zehra Odyakmaz and the Cultural Attaché of the United States, Dr. Ann Welden.
Introduction The Turkish New Right's Attempt at Hegemony by Muharrem Tunay Ideology Social Ba... more Introduction The Turkish New Right's Attempt at Hegemony by Muharrem Tunay Ideology Social Bases, and the Organizational Structure of the Post-1980 Political Parties by Ayse Ayatta The Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and Its Institutional Framework by Sencer Ayata The Development of Turkish Manufacturing Industry During 1976-1987: An Overview by Oktar Turel Turkey's Labor Market Policies in the 1980s Against the Background of Its Stabilization Program by Fikret Senses The World Bank and the Transformation of Turkish Agriculture by Zulkuf Aydin Trade Strategy in the 1980s by Canan Balkir Turkish Foreign Poilicy towards the Middle East by Birol A. Yesilada Turkey and the European Community: Prospects for a New Relationship by Atila Eralp Turkey and the Western Alliance in the 1980s by Duygu Bazoglu Sezer Epilogue by Atila Eralp, Muharrem Tunay, and Birol A. Yesilada Index
Routledge eBooks, Nov 19, 2015
Turkish Studies, Sep 1, 2012
... MLA Citation: Yesilada, Birol. ... Yesilada, BA and Noordijk, P. , 2008-04-03 "Changing ... more ... MLA Citation: Yesilada, Birol. ... Yesilada, BA and Noordijk, P. , 2008-04-03 "Changing Value System in the European Union" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the MPSA Annual National Conference, Palmer House Hotel, Hilton, Chicago, IL Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. ...
The International Journal of Turkish Studies, 1996
The link between public opinion and participation has never been more important for the future of... more The link between public opinion and participation has never been more important for the future of the European Union. Politicians want to know citizens' satisfaction with government policies and the state of the economy and their policy preferences. Surveys of public opinion tap into people's degree of satisfaction and help decision makers adjust their policies and strategies to ensure success in upcoming elections. As such, public opinion polling has become an important tool of governments everywhere whether European Commission or member states or private individuals and organizations conduct them. In addition to electoral issues, public opinion surveys provide valuable information on peoples' changing attitudes, beliefs, and values. 1 Today, the EU faces surmountable challenges that threaten the future of the Union. These include economic and financial problems of many member states, institutional shortcomings at the EU level to provide effective policies for economic recovery, two-track EU integration (Eurozone and others), and democratic deficits to name a few. EU Quo Vadis? There is no denial that "ever closer union" 2 must be achieved economically as well as politically if the EU is to survive the domestic and external challenges it faces. On the economic front, a deepening of integration will enhance the advantages of EU's internal market (yet to be completed) and protect its members against external and domestic shocks by creating symmetry across the regions. Politically, a deeper union will legitimize governance of a more united EU and bring its institutions closer to the people. Such deepening of political integration will also provide protection against nationalistic outlooks that favor a dissolution of the Union. At the same time, it will go a long way in legitimizing the EU as a true global actor. Perhaps jumping into Economic and Monetary Union prior to completion of the Common Market (Single Market) was premature but external systemic changes pushed European leaders to make that decision. Subsequent monetary union among some of the states further created division within the union. Add to this the very slow pace of political union and one gets a formula for disaster. As many economists would say "monetary union without a political union would not work." 3 It only takes one major financial crisis to bring that monetary union down like a house of cards. The EU is currently working hard to ensure that will not happen by pushing ahead with new formulas for fiscal coordination that blends its supranational and intergovernmental decision-making mechanisms. Yet, ordinary citizens are rarely informed of the EU, its institutions, or its policies. In other words, while the EU knows a lot about its citizens through extensive surveys, the same cannot be said the other way around. So where lies the problem? Public Opinion The Eurobarometer (EB) has been the instrument of choice for surveying pubic opinion in the European Union. Jacques-René Rabier, a senior official involved in social sciences at the
New Perspectives on Turkey, 1987
Since the beginning of liberal pluralist politics in 1950, Turkey has experienced three military ... more Since the beginning of liberal pluralist politics in 1950, Turkey has experienced three military coups in 1960, 1971, and 1980. Of these military incursions the ones in 1960 and 1980 were the most serious in scope. Each time the armed forces remained in power for a short time, 1960–1961 and 1980–1983, and completely revised the existing constitutional framework. These were unlike the 1971 intervention which did not result in a complete revision of the political system, but only in an amendment of the constitution to provide the state with more powers in dealing with domestic violence. In this respect, the 1960 coup marks the end of the First Republic. The subsequent period, 1961–1980 is the Second Republic.
Journal of Small Business Management
Retour page d'accueil Chercher, sur, Tous les supports. Retour page d'accueil, Plus de ... more Retour page d'accueil Chercher, sur, Tous les supports. Retour page d'accueil, Plus de 1.614.000 de titres à notre catalogue ! Notice. ...
Routledge, 2009
Product Information Surveying the European Union's evolution from the Rome Treaty to the pre... more Product Information
Surveying the European Union's evolution from the Rome Treaty to the present, The Emerging European Union captures the full story of Europe's ongoing integration, its changing identity, and its increasing importance as a global actor in the 21st Century. This text's concise but comprehensive overview of the history, institutions, and policies of the European Union lays out the major elements of the European integration and explain how the European Union functions. Emphasizing competing intergovernmental and supranational forces, The Emerging European Union explains the origins and future of the European Union as well as its political uniqueness.
University of Michigan Press, 1999
Comparative Political Parties and Party Elites presents a comparative analysis of political parti... more Comparative Political Parties and Party Elites presents a comparative analysis of political parties and party elites in contemporary democracies. The cases covered include developed and developing countries ranging from the United States to the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.
The contributors reexamine some of the classical issues found in the behavioral literature on political parties and party elites, shedding new light on issues such as the influence of women on political parties, the impact on parties of social change, the relationship between electoral alliances and political outcomes, the effect of emerging elites on parties, and the role of parties as links between the masses and government elites.
The contributors—all students of Samuel J. Eldersveld—put this volume together in his honor. As Dwanine Marvick puts it, "[They] bring Professor Elderveld's concern with evidence and with methods of inquiry--an insistence on feasible and tested procedures, a shrewdness about how questions should be phrased, a sensitivity about the changing responsiveness of aging institutions to unfolding contextual realities to bear on these significant questions. . . ."
This volume fills a vacuum in the existing literature on political parties and party elites. Elite literature, in particular, has been ignored in recent studies in political science. As such, it is of interest to scholars and graduate students of political parties and elites.
Routledge, 2011
This book examines the decade in office of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its effort... more This book examines the decade in office of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its efforts to transform the Turkish republic toward a more Islamist-oriented system. If it succeeds, Turkey’s dramatic shift will be the most important change in the Middle East power balance since the 1979 Iranian revolution and will have equally devastating effects on Western interests.
Routledge, 2013
The possibility of Turkey’s accession to the European Union has been problematic. Initially, the ... more The possibility of Turkey’s accession to the European Union has been problematic. Initially, the EU’s pursuit of regional economic integration and enlargement of membership, at the exclusion of Turkey, strained relations between the two. It was not until 1999, and under pressure from the US, that Turkey was considered as a potential candidate for membership.
This book seeks to provide a comprehensive assessment of the fluctuating relations between the EU and Turkey in the twenty-first century. Applying complementary theoretical models to evaluate prospects for Turkey’s membership, analysis includes; Turkey’s report card on the Copenhagen criteria, public opinion in Europe and Turkey, and benefits and challenges based on projection estimates. The results show that whilst both sides stand to make significant gains from Turkey’s membership, the current state of affairs point in the direction of a failure.
Examining complex issues surrounding EU-Turkey relations and addressing the critical question of what will happen if Turkey is rejected by the EU, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, Turkey and the wider Middle East.
Routledge, 2017
Today, the European Union faces challenges that not only threaten internal cohesion but also its ... more Today, the European Union faces challenges that not only threaten internal cohesion but also its position in the global system. This book is about the future of the EU in the light of global power transition taking place in the 21st Century and demonstrates how its future rests on a delicate balance between policy challenge, member states’ interests, and convergence or divergence of societal values across its peoples. The book examines factors behind the decline of the EU relative to the rise of China and other powers in the global hierarchy and what policy options are available for EU leaders to implement in order to compete as a global actor. It analyses determinants of regional integration, key policy challenges the EU faces in its quest for an "ever deeper union" and identifies significant factors (i.e., power relations, economic relations, emergent social values across the EU) that can explain likelihood of further integration or conflict between EU member states. This text will be essential reading to scholars, students and practitioners interested in European Union politics and International Relations and Security studies and Comparative politics
The future of the European Union (EU) rests on a delicate balance of policy challenges. On the o... more The future of the European Union (EU) rests on a delicate balance of policy challenges. On the one hand, recent financial crisis exposed EU’s failure to match economic and monetary union (EMU) with necessary integration along political union. Once more, it became crystal clear that monetary union cannot be sustained without a serious political union. Additional problems facing the EU on this front is unwillingness of Britain to fully commit itself to a true fiscal/political union, poor relations with Russia, and Turkey which is experiencing the longest accession process in EU history. There are no simple solutions out of these challenges unless EU leaders can reach a consensus on a serious fiscal union (political union) and repair relations with Russia and Turkey. The magnitude of the financial damage the last crisis caused in the EU is so grave that observers and analysts have concluded a big decision must be made regarding fiscal union (thus political union) to save EMU. Failure to formulate a viable fiscal union could derail Monetary Union and possible breakup the Eurozone. Not only does this problem threatens deepening of economic and monetary integration, it spills over to EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), part of its overall Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and makes it difficult to complete EU-NATO partnership and enable Europe to meet challenges posed by rising powers like China and India.
ISA Annual Conference, 2017
This paper examines where Turkey belongs based on the analysis of values data obtained from the W... more This paper examines where Turkey belongs based on the analysis of values data obtained from the World Values Survey project. It assesses changes in social attitudes, beliefs, and values of Turkish citizens and compares them to those of people living in the EU and other countries. With this comparison, we attempt to show where the Turks are heading in their values and to what extent they belong in the EU from the perspective of Europeanness – one of the key requirements for EU membership. The other requirements are: a stable democratic system, the functioning market economy, and acquis communautaire.
ISA Annual Conference, 2018
Roundtable discussion on regional conflicts. This presentation examines the Cyprus conflict and i... more Roundtable discussion on regional conflicts. This presentation examines the Cyprus conflict and issues at hand and stakeholder preferences by employing an agent-based dynamic bargaining program.
ISA Conference Paper, 2018
Power Transition theory provides an alternative analysis of causal factors behind deepening of re... more Power Transition theory provides an alternative analysis of causal factors behind deepening of regional integration. This study operationalizes power transition’s conflict-cooperation measure to include deepening (stages) of integration in order to provide a more robust model for regional integration in Europe. While other attempts have been made along these lines, this study adds a more details regarding the concept of status quo commitment. The general theory proposed here refutes some of the main arguments of the neorealist (i.e. balance of power) and integration (i.e. neofunctionalism and supranationalism) theories and shows the way for future research and discussion in both areas. First, integration, which is a cooperative phenomenon, falls outside the scope of neorealist inquiry. It is further demonstrated that functionalism and supranationalism consider only cooperative behavior and have a built-in mechanism of the deeding integration not supported by the evidence. Model in this study, derived from power transition theory, covers the complete continuum of possible interactions between states ranging from war (sever conflict) to political union (full integration). Results show that states may deepen their ties or disintegrate their associations just as crisis can escalate to war or get resolved peacefully.
ISA Annual Conference , 2019
This paper preliminarily explores factors that promote civil wars focusing on leadership change a... more This paper preliminarily explores factors that promote civil wars focusing on leadership change and secession. We argue that most civil wars are motivated by the desire of rebels to replace the existing government, but a minority of civil wars, usually more persistent and intense, are waged by rebels who wish to dissolve the current state. In this paper, we focus on value differences among provinces to determine if such distances motivate civil wars. Moreover, considering the previous history of independence, we attempt to distinguish leadership change from secession conflicts.
This work was prompted by our recent work on European integration (Yesilada et al. 2018). We show that deepening of regional integration in Europe depends on the convergence of social values between member states of the European Union . We conjecture that the same process but in reverse is at play within states challenged by civil wars. Civil wars may take place in countries where values diverge from those of the central government and in states with a history of autonomous self-rule rebels will seek independence.
Previous work on civil war suggests this path may be profitable provided we add controls for the relative capacity of opposing groups to wage a civil war. This pilot-study is a preliminary attempt to identify some of the factors behind the civil war. We focus on value divergence and convergence first because this aspect of the civil war has not been directly addressed and if successful, could signal ways that governments and foreign aid provide can reduce the level of dissent within society. The model we outline below outlines our objectives for the future and incorporates measures of relative capabilities and controls for previous independent status
in addition to value measures presented here.