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Conference Presentations by Bianca L Gentil
In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreib... more In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreiber (2005) note that, " For the Classic Maya, studies of sacred landscapes are dominated by research on caves " and they go on to say, " In contrast to the empirically grounded cave research, other work on Classic Maya sacred landscapes is highly speculative in nature. " The more speculative studies are often attempts to read meaning onto the built environment by drawing on plans from traditional archaeological investigations that were conducted with little or no interest in sacred landscape. Furthermore, these sacred landscape studies rarely engage the physical landscape as an experiential process as suggested by Christopher Tilly (1994). In general, non-cave Maya archaeologists appear to be at a loss on how to engage sacred landscapes because they lack a model of the nature of sacred landmarks. An underappreciated aspect of the Petexbatun Regional Cave Project was its articulation of an explicit model of the general principles on which ancient Maya landscape was conceptualized (Brady 1997:602-604). The model recognized Earth as a sacred and animate entity and adopted an indigenous understanding of the term cave to approximate the Maya word ch'een which refers to almost any part of the environment that penetrates the earth and includes a range of natural features such as caves, canyons, cenotes, sinkholes, springs, crevices, and any number of other holes (Laughlin 1975:132). Brady (1997:603) has noted, " it appears that the most sacred locations are those that combine the fundamental elements of earth and water into a single sacred expression of the power of the earth. " The importance of having an explicit model of ancient Maya sacred landscape became clear in the course of the project described below.
In an area where most of the written record is destroyed, modeling political interactions through... more In an area where most of the written record is destroyed, modeling political interactions through spatial relationships with the environment and other political centers along with exchange relationships, can provide insight into regional intra-site relationships. This poster displays a theoretical model using Geographic Information Systems technology of regional heterarchical relationships between sites in the Northeastern Petén. The model is formulated by implementing hierarchical political markers and environmental elements as weighted variables to estimate political spheres of influence. Weighted Vonoroi diagrams are used to create theoretical political boundaries that provide modeled perimeters of political economies, and by extension power and influence between sites. This theoretical approach can then be measured archaeologically by using the distributional model of network exchange. Modeled boundaries coupled with the distributional approach can then test proposed theories of political allegiances and/or conflict between centers.
Preliminary results from the first season of survey and recognizance of the archaeological materi... more Preliminary results from the first season of survey and recognizance of the archaeological material of secondary/rural settlements in the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley. This material serves to quantify the changes in site occupation and settlement distribution of sites during the Classic - Postclassic transition (600-1250CE).
Papers by Bianca L Gentil
Journal of Field Archaeology, 2021
ABSTRACT This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian arti... more ABSTRACT This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian artifacts in Tepeticpac and Metepec, two settlements of Late Postclassic (a.d. 1250/1300–1519) Tlaxcallan. The first sample (n = 9222) was recovered in two architectural compounds at Tepeticpac, a first-order settlement and part of the Tlaxcallan urban core. Tepeticpac materials exhibit a strong focus on prismatic blade production intended mainly for ceremonial or ritual use. The second sample (n = 14,915) comes from an architectural compound and a nearby obsidian discard area in Metepec, a peripheral second-order site. Metepec artifacts focused on the production of blades and bifacials, with greater evidence of different phases of obsidian processing indicating the presence of a nearby obsidian workshop. Comparison of obsidian craft production from both sites points towards decentralized craft production at Tlaxcallan and an open market economy for obsidian acquisition and consumption but also to marked political and socioeconomic hierarchies within the polity.
In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreib... more In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreiber (2005) note that, " For the Classic Maya, studies of sacred landscapes are dominated by research on caves " and they go on to say, " In contrast to the empirically grounded cave research, other work on Classic Maya sacred landscapes is highly speculative in nature. " The more speculative studies are often attempts to read meaning onto the built environment by drawing on plans from traditional archaeological investigations that were conducted with little or no interest in sacred landscape. Furthermore, these sacred landscape studies rarely engage the physical landscape as an experiential process as suggested by Christopher Tilly (1994). In general, non-cave Maya archaeologists appear to be at a loss on how to engage sacred landscapes because they lack a model of the nature of sacred landmarks. An underappreciated aspect of the Petexbatun Regional Cave Project was its articulation of an explicit model of the general principles on which ancient Maya landscape was conceptualized (Brady 1997:602-604). The model recognized Earth as a sacred and animate entity and adopted an indigenous understanding of the term cave to approximate the Maya word ch'een which refers to almost any part of the environment that penetrates the earth and includes a range of natural features such as caves, canyons, cenotes, sinkholes, springs, crevices, and any number of other holes (Laughlin 1975:132). Brady (1997:603) has noted, " it appears that the most sacred locations are those that combine the fundamental elements of earth and water into a single sacred expression of the power of the earth. " The importance of having an explicit model of ancient Maya sacred landscape became clear in the course of the project described below.
This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian artifacts in ... more This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian artifacts in Tepeticpac and Metepec, two settlements of Late Postclassic (a.d. 1250/1300–1519) Tlaxcallan. The first sample (n = 9222) was recovered in two architectural compounds at Tepeticpac, a first-order settlement and part of the Tlaxcallan urban core. Tepeticpac materials exhibit a strong focus on prismatic blade production intended mainly for ceremonial or ritual use. The second sample (n = 14,915) comes from an architectural compound and a nearby obsidian discard area in Metepec, a peripheral second-order site. Metepec artifacts focused on the production of blades and bifacials, with greater evidence of different phases of obsidian processing indicating the presence of a nearby obsidian workshop. Comparison of obsidian craft production from both sites points towards decentralized craft production at Tlaxcallan and an open market economy for obsidian acquisition and consumption but also to ma...
Latin American Antiquity
This study investigates the impact of the Aztec Triple Alliance on trade and economic activity in... more This study investigates the impact of the Aztec Triple Alliance on trade and economic activity in the region of Puebla-Tlaxcala during the Late Postclassic period (AD 1200–1519). Ethnohistorical sources describe the Aztec Triple Alliance as constantly at war with settlements in the Tlaxcala region. To weaken their Tlaxcalteca rivals, the Aztecs imposed a trade blockade to reduce the flow of resources into Puebla-Tlaxcala. This article uses archaeological evidence to evaluate the effectiveness of this blockade. It compares the types of obsidian used to manufacture lithic tools from Aztec-controlled sources with those used within Puebla-Tlaxcala. Information from the large center of Tepeticpac and the small obsidian workshop site of Cinco Santos II, both in the Tlaxcala domain, are compared to other sites in Central Mexico prior to and during the height of Aztec influence. The results show little difference in regional trade patterns: obsidian from Sierra de las Navajas and Otumba was...
In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreib... more In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreiber (2005) note that, " For the Classic Maya, studies of sacred landscapes are dominated by research on caves " and they go on to say, " In contrast to the empirically grounded cave research, other work on Classic Maya sacred landscapes is highly speculative in nature. " The more speculative studies are often attempts to read meaning onto the built environment by drawing on plans from traditional archaeological investigations that were conducted with little or no interest in sacred landscape. Furthermore, these sacred landscape studies rarely engage the physical landscape as an experiential process as suggested by Christopher Tilly (1994). In general, non-cave Maya archaeologists appear to be at a loss on how to engage sacred landscapes because they lack a model of the nature of sacred landmarks. An underappreciated aspect of the Petexbatun Regional Cave Project was its articulation of an explicit model of the general principles on which ancient Maya landscape was conceptualized (Brady 1997:602-604). The model recognized Earth as a sacred and animate entity and adopted an indigenous understanding of the term cave to approximate the Maya word ch'een which refers to almost any part of the environment that penetrates the earth and includes a range of natural features such as caves, canyons, cenotes, sinkholes, springs, crevices, and any number of other holes (Laughlin 1975:132). Brady (1997:603) has noted, " it appears that the most sacred locations are those that combine the fundamental elements of earth and water into a single sacred expression of the power of the earth. " The importance of having an explicit model of ancient Maya sacred landscape became clear in the course of the project described below.
In an area where most of the written record is destroyed, modeling political interactions through... more In an area where most of the written record is destroyed, modeling political interactions through spatial relationships with the environment and other political centers along with exchange relationships, can provide insight into regional intra-site relationships. This poster displays a theoretical model using Geographic Information Systems technology of regional heterarchical relationships between sites in the Northeastern Petén. The model is formulated by implementing hierarchical political markers and environmental elements as weighted variables to estimate political spheres of influence. Weighted Vonoroi diagrams are used to create theoretical political boundaries that provide modeled perimeters of political economies, and by extension power and influence between sites. This theoretical approach can then be measured archaeologically by using the distributional model of network exchange. Modeled boundaries coupled with the distributional approach can then test proposed theories of political allegiances and/or conflict between centers.
Preliminary results from the first season of survey and recognizance of the archaeological materi... more Preliminary results from the first season of survey and recognizance of the archaeological material of secondary/rural settlements in the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley. This material serves to quantify the changes in site occupation and settlement distribution of sites during the Classic - Postclassic transition (600-1250CE).
Journal of Field Archaeology, 2021
ABSTRACT This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian arti... more ABSTRACT This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian artifacts in Tepeticpac and Metepec, two settlements of Late Postclassic (a.d. 1250/1300–1519) Tlaxcallan. The first sample (n = 9222) was recovered in two architectural compounds at Tepeticpac, a first-order settlement and part of the Tlaxcallan urban core. Tepeticpac materials exhibit a strong focus on prismatic blade production intended mainly for ceremonial or ritual use. The second sample (n = 14,915) comes from an architectural compound and a nearby obsidian discard area in Metepec, a peripheral second-order site. Metepec artifacts focused on the production of blades and bifacials, with greater evidence of different phases of obsidian processing indicating the presence of a nearby obsidian workshop. Comparison of obsidian craft production from both sites points towards decentralized craft production at Tlaxcallan and an open market economy for obsidian acquisition and consumption but also to marked political and socioeconomic hierarchies within the polity.
In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreib... more In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, Michael Smith and Katharina Schreiber (2005) note that, " For the Classic Maya, studies of sacred landscapes are dominated by research on caves " and they go on to say, " In contrast to the empirically grounded cave research, other work on Classic Maya sacred landscapes is highly speculative in nature. " The more speculative studies are often attempts to read meaning onto the built environment by drawing on plans from traditional archaeological investigations that were conducted with little or no interest in sacred landscape. Furthermore, these sacred landscape studies rarely engage the physical landscape as an experiential process as suggested by Christopher Tilly (1994). In general, non-cave Maya archaeologists appear to be at a loss on how to engage sacred landscapes because they lack a model of the nature of sacred landmarks. An underappreciated aspect of the Petexbatun Regional Cave Project was its articulation of an explicit model of the general principles on which ancient Maya landscape was conceptualized (Brady 1997:602-604). The model recognized Earth as a sacred and animate entity and adopted an indigenous understanding of the term cave to approximate the Maya word ch'een which refers to almost any part of the environment that penetrates the earth and includes a range of natural features such as caves, canyons, cenotes, sinkholes, springs, crevices, and any number of other holes (Laughlin 1975:132). Brady (1997:603) has noted, " it appears that the most sacred locations are those that combine the fundamental elements of earth and water into a single sacred expression of the power of the earth. " The importance of having an explicit model of ancient Maya sacred landscape became clear in the course of the project described below.
This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian artifacts in ... more This work present results of an analysis of supply, use, and production of obsidian artifacts in Tepeticpac and Metepec, two settlements of Late Postclassic (a.d. 1250/1300–1519) Tlaxcallan. The first sample (n = 9222) was recovered in two architectural compounds at Tepeticpac, a first-order settlement and part of the Tlaxcallan urban core. Tepeticpac materials exhibit a strong focus on prismatic blade production intended mainly for ceremonial or ritual use. The second sample (n = 14,915) comes from an architectural compound and a nearby obsidian discard area in Metepec, a peripheral second-order site. Metepec artifacts focused on the production of blades and bifacials, with greater evidence of different phases of obsidian processing indicating the presence of a nearby obsidian workshop. Comparison of obsidian craft production from both sites points towards decentralized craft production at Tlaxcallan and an open market economy for obsidian acquisition and consumption but also to ma...
Latin American Antiquity
This study investigates the impact of the Aztec Triple Alliance on trade and economic activity in... more This study investigates the impact of the Aztec Triple Alliance on trade and economic activity in the region of Puebla-Tlaxcala during the Late Postclassic period (AD 1200–1519). Ethnohistorical sources describe the Aztec Triple Alliance as constantly at war with settlements in the Tlaxcala region. To weaken their Tlaxcalteca rivals, the Aztecs imposed a trade blockade to reduce the flow of resources into Puebla-Tlaxcala. This article uses archaeological evidence to evaluate the effectiveness of this blockade. It compares the types of obsidian used to manufacture lithic tools from Aztec-controlled sources with those used within Puebla-Tlaxcala. Information from the large center of Tepeticpac and the small obsidian workshop site of Cinco Santos II, both in the Tlaxcala domain, are compared to other sites in Central Mexico prior to and during the height of Aztec influence. The results show little difference in regional trade patterns: obsidian from Sierra de las Navajas and Otumba was...