Vanja Dergic | Institute of social sciences Ivo Pilar (original) (raw)
Papers by Vanja Dergic
Journal of Youth Studies, 2022
Sociologija i prostor, 2022
U studiji koja objedinjuje kvantitativni i kvalitativni istraživački pristup proučavana je zastup... more U studiji koja objedinjuje kvantitativni i kvalitativni istraživački pristup proučavana je zastupljenost pojedinih oblika kulturne participacije među mladima i različiti obrasci kulturne transmisije. Kvantitativni dio istraživanja temelji se na anketnom istraživanju 2148 učenika drugih i trećih razreda iz 28 hrvatskih srednjih škola (u dobi od 15 do 17), a kvalitativni na 60 polustrukturiranih intervjua s učenicima te devet s njihovim nastavnicima. Pored toga su u devet obitelji provedena 23 dubinska intervjua s mladima (u dobi od 18 do 26) i njihovim precima (očevi/majke, djedovi/bake). Istraživanje je pokazalo da se kulturne aktivnosti iz perspektive mladih mogu klasificirati u domene visoke kulture, popularne online i popularne glazbene kulture. Adolescenti obuhvaćeni istraživanjem pokazali su ograničeno zanimanje za visoku i tradicionalnu kulturu nadomještajući ih popularnom kulturom, primjerice online sadržajima ili slušanjem glazbe. Socijalni status tek u maloj mjeri objašnjava kulturnu participaciju bilo koje vrste, što uvelike problematizira teorijsku pretpostavku o kulturnoj reprodukciji visoke kulture. Iako je roditeljska kulturna participacija u promatranoj dobi još uvijek važna za participaciju djece, njezina snaga i utjecaj slabe i prepuštaju mjesto vršnjacima koji u srednjoj školi u tom segmentu adolescentima postaju glavni socijalizacijski agens. Stoga možemo zaključiti kako u kulturnoj participaciji adolescenata dominira popularna kultura koju konzumiraju poglavito s vršnjacima i pod njihovim utjecajem.
Mediterranean Islands Conference 2022: Preserving, Evaluating and Developing the Mediterranean, 2022
After the capitulation of fascist Italy in September 1943, the Nazis launched an offensive on Dal... more After the capitulation of fascist Italy in September 1943, the Nazis launched an offensive on Dalmatia. As a result, the civilian population was evacuated, organised by the leadership of the anti-fascist movement with Allied logistical support. Refugees were transported by ship via the island of Vis and southern Italy to Egypt. From February 1944 to March 1946, El Shatt refugee camp on the Sinai Peninsula was home to more than 30, 000 people from Dalmatia. The general aim of this paper is to examine the ways and dynamics by which family remembrances of El Shatt are transmitted. This research used semi-structured interviews and secondary sources of data. The research findings show that: young people are less interested in this topic than older respondents ; in addition to the ancestors themselves, relatives and neighbours also play a certain role in maintaining these memories. Although family memory of El Shatt is fading, the family memory of respondents has an important impact on respondents’ political views and their relationship towards the official culture of memory about WWII.
This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk... more This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk activism´conducted activism´conducted as part of the MYPLACE project. Through 21 in-depth interviews, the most common topics that arose were related to gender issues and perceptions of politics. One of the main findings is related to the specific perception of gender roles among members of the punk scene. Except for the activist scene, in which women are still heavily involved, the ratio of men to women is uneven in other areas. This raises the question of the similarity between the perception of gender roles in the punk scene and that among the general and more mainstream culture. This issue can also be discussed in relation to the fragmentation of the punk scene. Most of the respondents expressed critical views towards contemporary politics and the wish to subvert the dominant discourse; however, when discussing specific undertakings to change this discourse, a certain gap is apparent between specific principles and practices.
Ovom će se prezentacijom predstaviti rezultati etnografskog istraživanja pod nazivom ´Zagreb Prid... more Ovom će se prezentacijom predstaviti rezultati etnografskog istraživanja pod nazivom ´Zagreb Pride LGBTIQ NGO´ provedenog u sklopu projekta PROMISE (Promicanje uključenosti i društvenog sudjelovanja mladih: mogućnosti i izazovi za ´konfliktne´ mlade u Europskim zemljama). Cilj projekta je istražiti koja je uloga mladih ljudi u oblikovanju društva (prošlost, sadašnjost i budućnost) i koji je njihov odgovor na izazove s kojima se suočavaju. Projektom se želi istražiti kako se negativne reakcije kod mladih ljudi mogu transformirati u pozitivna društvena postignuća te se naglasak stavlja na mlade koji su ´u konfliktu´ s društvenim normama društva u kojem žive. Zbog društvenog i političkog konteksta u kojem se razvijao LGBTIQ pokret u Hrvatskoj za istraživanje je odabrana organizacija Zagreb Pride. Poseban naglasak je stavljen na vremenski period nakon referenduma o braku 2013. godine, nakon čega dolazi do povećanja zločina iz mržnje i govora mržnje prema LGBTIQ ljudima u Hrvatskoj. Prezentacija se temelji na rezultatima etnografskog istraživanja koje je trajalo 11 mjeseci i unutar kojeg je napravljena analiza 31 polu-strukturiranog intervjua. Sudionici su mladi ljudi u dobi od 16 do 33 godine koji su u trenutku provođenja intervjua bili aktivni ili bivši volonteri i članovi organizacije. Kao jedan od ključnih nalaza istraživanja prikazat će se prisutnost stigmatizacije i nasilja prema mladim LGBTIQ osobama te što mladim ljudima aktivnima u Zagreb Pride-u znači njihov aktivizam. Također, sudionici istraživanja nasilje unutar školskog sustava, kao i ono prisutno unutar obitelji ističu kao jedan od najvećih problema s kojim se susreću. Osim navedenih nalaza, istraživanje također pokazuje kako je LGBTIQ pokret doprinio jačanju društvene kohezije i smanjenju marginalizacije, stigmatizacije i isključenosti LGBTIQ osoba u Hrvatskoj.
Amalgam Casopis Studenata Sociologije, May 2, 2011
Revija za sociologiju, 2016
Keep it simple, make it fast- Book of proceedings (2019), 2019
This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk... more This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk activism´conducted activism´conducted as part of the MYPLACE project. Through 21 in-depth interviews, the most common topics that arose were related to gender issues and perceptions of politics. One of the main findings is related to the specific perception of gender roles among members of the punk scene. Except for the activist scene, in which women are still heavily involved, the ratio of men to women is uneven in other areas. This raises the question of the similarity between the perception of gender roles in the punk scene and that among the general and more mainstream culture. This issue can also be discussed in relation to the fragmentation of the punk scene. Most of the respondents expressed critical views towards contemporary politics and the wish to subvert the dominant discourse; however, when discussing specific undertakings to change this discourse, a certain gap is apparent between specific principles and practices.
A number of recent international studies have reported the growing electoral success of populist ... more A number of recent international studies have reported the growing electoral success of populist parties among younger age groups. In this study, authors analysed the " breeding ground " for populism among the youth in Zagreb using the results of the Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement (MYPLACE) project in Croatia. A mixed methods approach was employed with thematic analysis of 61 semi-structured interviews and regression analysis on a survey sample data of 1,216 young people aged 16–25. Qualitative analysis indicated analogies to Cas Mudde's three core concepts of populism (the " good people " , the " bad elite " and the " general will ") among interviewees' opinions. In addition, common ideological features of populism (nationalism and radical egalitarianism) were to a degree present among the interviewees' attitudes. In the quantitative part of this paper, the authors narrowed the analysis of populism to the radical right variant of populism, and – given the lack of prominent populist actors in Croatia – to support of ideas rather than political parties. The attitude towards a political system with a strong leader not constrained by parliament was chosen as the outcome since it holds significant populist potential in contemporary democracies. Analyses showed the connection of the anti-elite, anti-systemic attitudes – as well as authoritarianism and a few right-wing political attitudes – with the strong leader preference. Both qualitative and quantitative results of this study indicated that the " breeding ground " for populism exists among the youth in Zagreb. Additional research is required to further examine that complex and previously unexplored topic.
SAŽETAK Kada se govori o počecima razvoja civilnog društva na našim prostorima, moraju se spomen... more SAŽETAK
Kada se govori o počecima razvoja civilnog društva na našim prostorima, moraju se spomenuti osamdesete godine koje su doprinijele razvoju civilnog društva kakvo danas poznajemo. To su bile godine obilježene buđenjem ženskih, mirovnih i ekoloških prava, pokreta za ljudska prava i općenito su doprinijele demokratizaciji društva. Tada nije bilo prostora za mlade gdje bi mogli potpuno slobodno govoriti i raditi ono što drže potrebnim i ispravnim. Koliko god se stvarao dojam slobode, toliko su se i postavljale granice kada bi se ta sloboda pokušala iskoristiti otvaranjem nekoga važnijeg pitanja. Ovo su neki od razloga zbog kojih se pojavljuju pioniri aktivizma na našem prostoru. Postavljanjem temelja civilnoga društva u osamdesetim su se godinama dogodili značajni pomaci na polju demokratizacije društva. Veliku ulogu tada su odigrale inicijative poput TTB-a i kasnije udruge Svarun, Ženske grupe Trešnjevka te danas poznate Zelene akcije.
KLJUČNE RIJEČI: civilno društvo, društveni pokret, aktivizam, TTB, Svarun, ženska prava, mirovni pokreti, ekološki pokreti
Book Reviews by Vanja Dergic
Drustvena Istrazivanja, 2015
Journal of Youth Studies, 2022
Sociologija i prostor, 2022
U studiji koja objedinjuje kvantitativni i kvalitativni istraživački pristup proučavana je zastup... more U studiji koja objedinjuje kvantitativni i kvalitativni istraživački pristup proučavana je zastupljenost pojedinih oblika kulturne participacije među mladima i različiti obrasci kulturne transmisije. Kvantitativni dio istraživanja temelji se na anketnom istraživanju 2148 učenika drugih i trećih razreda iz 28 hrvatskih srednjih škola (u dobi od 15 do 17), a kvalitativni na 60 polustrukturiranih intervjua s učenicima te devet s njihovim nastavnicima. Pored toga su u devet obitelji provedena 23 dubinska intervjua s mladima (u dobi od 18 do 26) i njihovim precima (očevi/majke, djedovi/bake). Istraživanje je pokazalo da se kulturne aktivnosti iz perspektive mladih mogu klasificirati u domene visoke kulture, popularne online i popularne glazbene kulture. Adolescenti obuhvaćeni istraživanjem pokazali su ograničeno zanimanje za visoku i tradicionalnu kulturu nadomještajući ih popularnom kulturom, primjerice online sadržajima ili slušanjem glazbe. Socijalni status tek u maloj mjeri objašnjava kulturnu participaciju bilo koje vrste, što uvelike problematizira teorijsku pretpostavku o kulturnoj reprodukciji visoke kulture. Iako je roditeljska kulturna participacija u promatranoj dobi još uvijek važna za participaciju djece, njezina snaga i utjecaj slabe i prepuštaju mjesto vršnjacima koji u srednjoj školi u tom segmentu adolescentima postaju glavni socijalizacijski agens. Stoga možemo zaključiti kako u kulturnoj participaciji adolescenata dominira popularna kultura koju konzumiraju poglavito s vršnjacima i pod njihovim utjecajem.
Mediterranean Islands Conference 2022: Preserving, Evaluating and Developing the Mediterranean, 2022
After the capitulation of fascist Italy in September 1943, the Nazis launched an offensive on Dal... more After the capitulation of fascist Italy in September 1943, the Nazis launched an offensive on Dalmatia. As a result, the civilian population was evacuated, organised by the leadership of the anti-fascist movement with Allied logistical support. Refugees were transported by ship via the island of Vis and southern Italy to Egypt. From February 1944 to March 1946, El Shatt refugee camp on the Sinai Peninsula was home to more than 30, 000 people from Dalmatia. The general aim of this paper is to examine the ways and dynamics by which family remembrances of El Shatt are transmitted. This research used semi-structured interviews and secondary sources of data. The research findings show that: young people are less interested in this topic than older respondents ; in addition to the ancestors themselves, relatives and neighbours also play a certain role in maintaining these memories. Although family memory of El Shatt is fading, the family memory of respondents has an important impact on respondents’ political views and their relationship towards the official culture of memory about WWII.
This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk... more This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk activism´conducted activism´conducted as part of the MYPLACE project. Through 21 in-depth interviews, the most common topics that arose were related to gender issues and perceptions of politics. One of the main findings is related to the specific perception of gender roles among members of the punk scene. Except for the activist scene, in which women are still heavily involved, the ratio of men to women is uneven in other areas. This raises the question of the similarity between the perception of gender roles in the punk scene and that among the general and more mainstream culture. This issue can also be discussed in relation to the fragmentation of the punk scene. Most of the respondents expressed critical views towards contemporary politics and the wish to subvert the dominant discourse; however, when discussing specific undertakings to change this discourse, a certain gap is apparent between specific principles and practices.
Ovom će se prezentacijom predstaviti rezultati etnografskog istraživanja pod nazivom ´Zagreb Prid... more Ovom će se prezentacijom predstaviti rezultati etnografskog istraživanja pod nazivom ´Zagreb Pride LGBTIQ NGO´ provedenog u sklopu projekta PROMISE (Promicanje uključenosti i društvenog sudjelovanja mladih: mogućnosti i izazovi za ´konfliktne´ mlade u Europskim zemljama). Cilj projekta je istražiti koja je uloga mladih ljudi u oblikovanju društva (prošlost, sadašnjost i budućnost) i koji je njihov odgovor na izazove s kojima se suočavaju. Projektom se želi istražiti kako se negativne reakcije kod mladih ljudi mogu transformirati u pozitivna društvena postignuća te se naglasak stavlja na mlade koji su ´u konfliktu´ s društvenim normama društva u kojem žive. Zbog društvenog i političkog konteksta u kojem se razvijao LGBTIQ pokret u Hrvatskoj za istraživanje je odabrana organizacija Zagreb Pride. Poseban naglasak je stavljen na vremenski period nakon referenduma o braku 2013. godine, nakon čega dolazi do povećanja zločina iz mržnje i govora mržnje prema LGBTIQ ljudima u Hrvatskoj. Prezentacija se temelji na rezultatima etnografskog istraživanja koje je trajalo 11 mjeseci i unutar kojeg je napravljena analiza 31 polu-strukturiranog intervjua. Sudionici su mladi ljudi u dobi od 16 do 33 godine koji su u trenutku provođenja intervjua bili aktivni ili bivši volonteri i članovi organizacije. Kao jedan od ključnih nalaza istraživanja prikazat će se prisutnost stigmatizacije i nasilja prema mladim LGBTIQ osobama te što mladim ljudima aktivnima u Zagreb Pride-u znači njihov aktivizam. Također, sudionici istraživanja nasilje unutar školskog sustava, kao i ono prisutno unutar obitelji ističu kao jedan od najvećih problema s kojim se susreću. Osim navedenih nalaza, istraživanje također pokazuje kako je LGBTIQ pokret doprinio jačanju društvene kohezije i smanjenju marginalizacije, stigmatizacije i isključenosti LGBTIQ osoba u Hrvatskoj.
Amalgam Casopis Studenata Sociologije, May 2, 2011
Revija za sociologiju, 2016
Keep it simple, make it fast- Book of proceedings (2019), 2019
This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk... more This paper will introduce key findings of the ethnographic case study´Antistudy´Anti-fascist punk activism´conducted activism´conducted as part of the MYPLACE project. Through 21 in-depth interviews, the most common topics that arose were related to gender issues and perceptions of politics. One of the main findings is related to the specific perception of gender roles among members of the punk scene. Except for the activist scene, in which women are still heavily involved, the ratio of men to women is uneven in other areas. This raises the question of the similarity between the perception of gender roles in the punk scene and that among the general and more mainstream culture. This issue can also be discussed in relation to the fragmentation of the punk scene. Most of the respondents expressed critical views towards contemporary politics and the wish to subvert the dominant discourse; however, when discussing specific undertakings to change this discourse, a certain gap is apparent between specific principles and practices.
A number of recent international studies have reported the growing electoral success of populist ... more A number of recent international studies have reported the growing electoral success of populist parties among younger age groups. In this study, authors analysed the " breeding ground " for populism among the youth in Zagreb using the results of the Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement (MYPLACE) project in Croatia. A mixed methods approach was employed with thematic analysis of 61 semi-structured interviews and regression analysis on a survey sample data of 1,216 young people aged 16–25. Qualitative analysis indicated analogies to Cas Mudde's three core concepts of populism (the " good people " , the " bad elite " and the " general will ") among interviewees' opinions. In addition, common ideological features of populism (nationalism and radical egalitarianism) were to a degree present among the interviewees' attitudes. In the quantitative part of this paper, the authors narrowed the analysis of populism to the radical right variant of populism, and – given the lack of prominent populist actors in Croatia – to support of ideas rather than political parties. The attitude towards a political system with a strong leader not constrained by parliament was chosen as the outcome since it holds significant populist potential in contemporary democracies. Analyses showed the connection of the anti-elite, anti-systemic attitudes – as well as authoritarianism and a few right-wing political attitudes – with the strong leader preference. Both qualitative and quantitative results of this study indicated that the " breeding ground " for populism exists among the youth in Zagreb. Additional research is required to further examine that complex and previously unexplored topic.
SAŽETAK Kada se govori o počecima razvoja civilnog društva na našim prostorima, moraju se spomen... more SAŽETAK
Kada se govori o počecima razvoja civilnog društva na našim prostorima, moraju se spomenuti osamdesete godine koje su doprinijele razvoju civilnog društva kakvo danas poznajemo. To su bile godine obilježene buđenjem ženskih, mirovnih i ekoloških prava, pokreta za ljudska prava i općenito su doprinijele demokratizaciji društva. Tada nije bilo prostora za mlade gdje bi mogli potpuno slobodno govoriti i raditi ono što drže potrebnim i ispravnim. Koliko god se stvarao dojam slobode, toliko su se i postavljale granice kada bi se ta sloboda pokušala iskoristiti otvaranjem nekoga važnijeg pitanja. Ovo su neki od razloga zbog kojih se pojavljuju pioniri aktivizma na našem prostoru. Postavljanjem temelja civilnoga društva u osamdesetim su se godinama dogodili značajni pomaci na polju demokratizacije društva. Veliku ulogu tada su odigrale inicijative poput TTB-a i kasnije udruge Svarun, Ženske grupe Trešnjevka te danas poznate Zelene akcije.
KLJUČNE RIJEČI: civilno društvo, društveni pokret, aktivizam, TTB, Svarun, ženska prava, mirovni pokreti, ekološki pokreti
Drustvena Istrazivanja, 2015
Drustvena Istrazivanja, Dec 1, 2015
![Research paper thumbnail of [Book review] Youth in Putin´s Russia](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/103865873/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Sociologija i prostor, 2023
Nova knjiga Centra za studije mladih iz Sankt Petersburga predstavlja studije kojima se pokušava ... more Nova knjiga Centra za studije mladih iz Sankt Petersburga predstavlja studije kojima se pokušava objasniti specifična pozicija mladih u Rusiji s obzirom na globalne trendove. Posebnost ruskih istraživanja o životima mladih ljudi je u kulturološkom, političkom i ekonomskom (ne)razumijevanju njihovih potencijala. Knjiga urednice Elene Omelčenko sastoji se od jedanaest poglavlja u kojima se, s obzirom na njihove razlike, govori o generaciji mladih ljudi koji su rođeni, školovani i odrasli u vrijeme vladavine ruskog predsjednika Vladimira Putina.
Abstract: In this paper we aim to explore the inclinations of youth in Croatia to populism and to... more Abstract:
In this paper we aim to explore the inclinations of youth in Croatia to populism and to understand their sources. The contemporary debate on populism could be more important than ever, with 2014 European parliament elections results which can be seen as the herald of the ‘new strength’ of populist forces in Europe. At the same time, populism is a rarely researched phenomenon in Croatia (Milardović 2004; Zakošek, 2010; Šalaj 2012), and to our knowledge our paper is the first comprehensive demand-side analysis. Drawing on the results of the MYPLACE project in Croatia, a research with a combined methodology, we used the data obtained with a social survey undertaken on the sample made of 1216 individuals between 16 and 25 years and a qualitative analysis of 61 in-depth interviews, conducted in 2013.
Populism is a complex phenomenon which must be analysed in relation to the broader political system and cultural context. Thus, it is important to emphasize that our results are situated in the context of Croatian youths’ general discontent with politics and politicians and strikingly low trust in institutions. The qualitative analysis showed that attitudes like these grow deep - the young are mostly alienated from the political system. They hold the political elites as highly corrupted and incapable for pulling Croatia out of the economic crisis. Our respondents recognised and condemned (mainstream) populist strategies among the main political parties, mostly on the basis of politics without real substance, and politicians giving promises they know they can’t or even don’t intend to keep.
In our search for the ‘breeding ground’ for (radical) populism, we focused on finding analogies with three core concepts of populism: the good people, the bad elite and the general will (Mudde, 2004), as it would be helpful for the populist actors if the electorate shares their values. The perspective that the elite is corrupted (the bad elite), was almost undivided among our respondents, and quite strong. Interviewees often stressed the need for a political system where people would be listened more, would have more influence on politics and expressed the opinion that public referenda should have a more important role, which brings us to the other two core concepts of (radical) populism: populist emphasis on the general will and the perception of ‘people’ as good/righteous political actors. Given the (relative) lack of radical populist actors in Croatia, in an effort to understand the potential ‘breeding ground’ for populism in Croatia, we tried to understand the main radical ideologies which have been proven as related to populism. Qualitative analysis showed our respondents’ perception of a wide spread of usual suspect ideological features of populism among Croats - nationalism/nativism and radical egalitarianism.
Since less than 2% of our respondents have ever voted for a more radical political option, it was very interesting to see that a small majority of the survey respondents expressed a positive attitude towards a system with a strong leader who is not constrained by parliament (responses fairly or very good - 55%). Interviews also showed that a part of the youth desire strong leadership from few people or even from one ‘strong leader’ unconstrained by democratic procedures, and we believe that in Croatia that path dominantly leads to populism and not some kind of elitism. We choose the strong leader variable as a proxy for the regression analysis of populism because of the great importance of strong leaders for populist parties. Much has been written on populist aim to function unconstrained from the institutions and rules of the democratic process, and from the political elites who both construct and follow the liberal democratic rules.
Regression results indicate that two predictors – attitudes towards politicians’ corruption and justification of political violence had an important unique contribution in explaining the criteria of preference for a strong leader not constrained by the parliament. The importance of criteria of politicians’ corruption for the explanation of preference for a strong leader is in line with the importance of anti-elitist and anti-systemic attitudes for the definition of the construct of radical populism. Every radicalism and populism in particular, above all, thrives on anti-elitist and anti-systemic attitudes (e.g. Canovan, 1999; Meny & Surel, 2002; Arditi, 2002; Mudde, 2007). Justification of violence for various political purposes (e.g. to overthrow a government, to protect jobs from being cut, to protect an ethnic/racial group etc.) has shown to be the second strongest unique contributor for the explanation of preference for a strong leader. Using violence as means for achieving the end is an important part of radical nativist, anti-immigrant and xenophobic ideologies. Attitudes which correspond to those ideologies were shown as important predictors of populism in previous research (eg. Mudde, 2007; Flecker et al., 2004, Norris, 2005; Turner, 2009; Kymlicka, 2003).
Regression results show a slight skew on the ideological spectrum of youth who are more inclined to support strong leaders. They tend to place themselves more on the right-wing of the political spectrum (r=0,12; p<0,01). The right-wing voters in Croatia usually have stronger nationalist/nativist feelings, stronger religious identity (Zakošek, 2010) and reduced tolerance towards ethnic minorities (Henjak, 2005). Significant negative correlation of attitudes towards minorities with preference for a strong leader (r=-0,16; p<0,01) was also established.
In conclusion, this research has found that the ‘breeding ground’ for populism in Croatia definitely exists among the youth. It appears as a part of the youth is willing to accept any change to give them hope for better political leadership and a better life, even if it means rejecting the representative democratic system and choosing a strong leader to govern the country. Still, for a long time there were no relevant radical populist actors and parties in Croatia. We hold that as an ‘supply-side’ explanations issue, perhaps the most important factor being the institutional and the political influence of European Union. Newest political developments, primarily the fast success of Ivan Vilibor Sinčić, a 24-year old populist presidential candidate who advocated a return to semi-presidential system and strongly rejected political and economic elites should be viewed in that framework.
The young have always been one of the best indicators of social change and frequently the force d... more The young have always been one of the best indicators of social change and frequently the force driving it. We aim to introduce the results of a recently finished research on the MYPLACE project for Croatia analysing the historical and cultural contextualization of young people's political heritage and social participation. MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement) is a FP7 European comparative project which explores how young people's social consciousness is shaped by the shadows (past, present and future) of totalitarianism and populism in Europe. The research is composed of a social survey drawing upon the sample made of 1216 individuals between 16 and 25 years and a qualitative analysis of 61 in-depth interviews.
The research is focused on the generation which grew up in a time of a political, social and economic transition and whose historical memory of totalitarianism, the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Balkan wars is almost solely transmitted memory. That generation faces an unsecure future in Croatia today, with the third greatest youth unemployment rate in the EU and economy without recovery in sight. It is well known that this can push people to a greater susceptibility to radical politics and that younger people without much political experience and historical knowledge are a vulnerable group. We aim to present the findings on the legacy of some of the crucial points of political heritage – socialism and the war in Croatia, as well as opinions and disputes on democracy in Croatia today and the susceptibility to radical politics.
Ovom će se prezentacijom predstaviti rezultati etnografskog istraživanja pod nazivom ´Zagreb Prid... more Ovom će se prezentacijom predstaviti rezultati etnografskog istraživanja pod nazivom ´Zagreb Pride LGBTIQ NGO´ provedenog u sklopu projekta PROMISE (Promicanje uključenosti i društvenog sudjelovanja mladih: mogućnosti i izazovi za ´konfliktne´ mlade u Europskim zemljama). Cilj projekta je istražiti koja je uloga mladih ljudi u oblikovanju društva (prošlost, sadašnjost i budućnost) i koji je njihov odgovor na izazove s kojima se suočavaju. Projektom se želi istražiti kako se negativne reakcije kod mladih ljudi mogu transformirati u pozitivna društvena postignuća te se naglasak stavlja na mlade koji su ´u konfliktu´ s društvenim normama društva u kojem žive. Zbog društvenog i političkog konteksta u kojem se razvijao LGBTIQ pokret u Hrvatskoj za istraživanje je odabrana organizacija Zagreb Pride. Poseban naglasak je stavljen na vremenski period nakon referenduma o braku 2013. godine, nakon čega dolazi do povećanja zločina iz mržnje i govora mržnje prema LGBTIQ ljudima u Hrvatskoj. Prezentacija se temelji na rezultatima etnografskog istraživanja koje je trajalo 11 mjeseci i unutar kojeg je napravljena analiza 31 polu-strukturiranog intervjua. Sudionici su mladi ljudi u dobi od 16 do 33 godine koji su u trenutku provođenja intervjua bili aktivni ili bivši volonteri i članovi organizacije.
Kao jedan od ključnih nalaza istraživanja prikazat će se prisutnost stigmatizacije i nasilja prema mladim LGBTIQ osobama te što mladim ljudima aktivnima u Zagreb Pride-u znači njihov aktivizam. Također, sudionici istraživanja nasilje unutar školskog sustava, kao i ono prisutno unutar obitelji ističu kao jedan od najvećih problema s kojim se susreću. Osim navedenih nalaza, istraživanje također pokazuje kako je LGBTIQ pokret doprinio jačanju društvene kohezije i smanjenju marginalizacije, stigmatizacije i isključenosti LGBTIQ osoba u Hrvatskoj.
This presentation will introduce the results of recently finished ethnography on Zagreb Pride LGB... more This presentation will introduce the results of recently finished ethnography on Zagreb Pride LGBTIQ non-government organization. This ethnographic case study was part of the PROMISE (Promoting youth involvement and social engagement: opportunities and challenges for ´conflicted´ young people across Europe) project which explores the experiences of young people who encounter conflicts and/or are stigmatized. The objectives of PROMISE are to explore young people´s role in shaping society (past, present and future) and to investigate their responses to these challenges, as well as transform them to positive social achievement.
Focus of PROMISE is on young people that are ´in conflict´ with authority and social norms, because of which Zagreb Pride was chosen considering social and political context of the LGBTIQ movement in Croatia. This refer to years following the campaign for marriage referendum in 2013 after which there was an increase of hate speech and hate crimes against LGBTIQ people in Croatia.
Key findings of this ethnography are the existences of stigmatization, violence and bulling towards LGBTIQ community in Croatia. Conflict young people encounter in school or college is noticed as significant problem in this study. Another common example of conflict is within family because of the traditionally shaped gender expectations, which often collides to respondent´s sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
In 2013, the organization ´In the Name of the Family´ organized the campaign that resulted in a r... more In 2013, the organization ´In the Name of the Family´ organized the campaign that resulted in a referendum for inclusion of a definition of marriage as a union of man and woman in the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. As a reaction on a campaign Zagreb Pride organized the biggest Pride March until then, gathering around 15 000 supporters, under the motto ´This country is for all of us!´. Those events took place in the political and social context of country burdened with recession, numerous corruption affairs and civil distrust in political institutions. This led to radicalization of different politics and created the favorable atmosphere for political populist actors, often supported by neoconservative civil society organizations.
This presentation will introduce the results of recently finished ethnography on the PROMISE project about Zagreb Pride LGBTIQ non-government organization. PROMISE (Promoting youth involvement and social engagement: opportunities and challenges for ´conflicted´ young people across Europe) is a Horizon 2020 project which aims to understand and promote young people´s engagement in society in different European countries. The objectives of PROMISE are to explore young people´s role in shaping society (past, present and future) and to investigate their responses to these challenges, as well as transform them to positive social achievement.
As the project is focused on young people that are ´in conflict´ with authority and social norms, Zagreb Pride was chosen because of the social and political context of the LGBTIQ movement in Croatia. This especially refers on years following the campaign for marriage referendum because of increase of hate speech against LGBTIQ people in Croatia. The paper will present the result of ethnographic fieldwork that lasted for eleven months, after which a qualitative analysis of 31 semi-structured interviews was made. As one of the key findings of the ethnography is the existence of stigmatization as well as experiences of violence and bulling for LGBTIQ community in Croatia.
Key words: Gender equality, sexuality, conflict, marriage referendum, LGBTIQ rights, stigmatization
This presentation will introduce key findings of the ethnography case study ´Anti-fascist punk ac... more This presentation will introduce key findings of the ethnography case study ´Anti-fascist punk activism´ that was conducted as a part of the MYPLACE project. The objectives of the project were to explore how young people´s social participation is shaped by the shadows (past, present and future) of totalitarisms and populism in Europe. Through 21 in-depth interviews with members of the local anti-fascist organization, members of the non-profit collective that organises punk concerts and members of local punk bands, most common topics that would occurred were related to personal understanding of politics, gender issues and violence.
During the fieldwork it was noted that there is strong disunity and fragmentation of the punk scene in Zagreb, which could be caused by the different understanding and meaning attributed to declaring oneself politically. However, most of the respondents in this study who declared themselves antifascists belong to the contemporary ´antifa punk´ scene rooted in the protest movements of the 1990s (reclaim the streets action, food not bombs, etc.) as well as in anti-nationalist resistance to retraditionalization processes in Croatian society.
Most of the respondents expressed critical views on contemporary politics and a certain wish to subvert dominant discourse, but when talking about specific practices and activities for changing thereof, there is a certain gap in emancipatory rhetoric of some of them. One of the main examples of this can be seen in the understanding of gender roles. Except for activism scene where women are still a big part of organisational and managing teams, in other areas, such as bands, audience or even pogo dance, the ratio of men and women is uneven.
This leads to the conclusions that the understanding of gender roles on the punk scene in Croatia is not significantly different to ones of general and more mainstream culture.
Key words: Politics, anti-fascism, gender, apolitical
The current Russian social and political conditions constitute an environment unfavorable for the... more The current Russian social and political conditions constitute an environment unfavorable for the development of feminist activities. More specifically, the conservative discourse designed by the power elites contributes to the formation of a patriarchal political culture, which comprises a serious challenge to the growth of grassroots feminist initiatives and facilitates alienation, marginalisation, and stigmatisation of feminists.
This report will introduce the results of ethnographic case study on the PROMISE project about Za... more This report will introduce the results of ethnographic case study on the PROMISE project about Zagreb Pride LGBTIQ non-government organization. The objectives of PROMISE are to explore young people´s role in shaping society (past, present and future) and to investigate their responses to these challenges, as well as transform them to positive social achievement. Organization Zagreb Pride was chosen because of the political and social context of LGBTIQ movement in Croatia, which especially refer to years following the campaign for marriage referendum in 2013 when there was an increase of hate speech against LGBTIQ people in Croatia.
Key findings of the ethnography are the existence of stigmatization as well as experiences of violence and bulling for LGBTIQ community in Croatia. Conflicts young LGBTIQ people encounter in school or college is significant problem noticed in this study, having a result in lack of support in recognition and reporting of bullying. Another common example of conflict is within family because of the traditionally shaped gender expectations, which often collides to respondent´s sexual orientation and/or gender identity. However, with all the above, most of the volunteers in this year´s organizational committee were young people ranging from 16 to 34 years old. This is one of the example how in 16 years of activities in Croatia, Zagreb Pride March empowered LGBTIQ community by creating positive climate for social and political change.
PROMISE Policy brief Zagreb Pride, 2018