Åshild Kolås | Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) (original) (raw)

Articles by Åshild Kolås

Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 2024

The Norwegian parliament has agreed to fund the Nansen Support Program for Ukraine, promising to ... more The Norwegian parliament has agreed to fund the Nansen Support Program for Ukraine, promising to deliver a total of NOK 75 billion (EUR 6.7 billion) in military and civilian aid to Ukraine over the period 2023-2027. In 2023, half of the aid was delivered in the form of military support, the other half constituted civilian support, including humanitarian relief and direct support to the Government of Ukraine. Over the next four years, the distribution between military and civilian aid through the Nansen Support Program will be decided on an annual basis. To achieve the long-term goal of making Ukraine 'well-functioning, democratic and safe', and supporting the country's ambitions for European integration, the Norwegian aid is intended to strengthen democratic institutions, the rule of law and civil society in Ukraine. This paper examines the debate on Norway's assistance to Ukraine and discusses the competing, or even conflicting, goals of helping Ukraine win the war and strengthening Ukrainian civil society, looking for answers to several difficult questions: How will the Norwegian government ensure that funding to Ukraine is in fact spent 'in line with Ukraine's needs' and does not enrich criminals or facilitate unlawful activities? How will the funding help strengthen Ukraine's democratic institutions and civil society?

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 2023

This article investigates the "othering" of Muslims in two Northeast Indian states: Assam and Tri... more This article investigates the "othering" of Muslims in two Northeast Indian states: Assam and Tripura, in a region known for its ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity, and long history of militancy and civil unrest. Northeast Indian politics thrives on disagreement between "Us" and "Them" and tensions over illegal migration, drawing on overlapping or intersecting frames of "othering." This study asks why and how the political "othering" of Muslims persists, and why the religious frame, or the Hindu-Muslim divide, is more salient in some parts of the region than in others. Drawing on fieldwork on the Indian side of the Indo-Bangladesh border in Tripura and southern Assam, historical records and contemporary print media archives, this study compares the role of Hindu-Muslim contention in the politics of the two neighboring states and finds reproduction of the Hindu-Muslim divide in Assam and resistance to Muslim "othering" in Tripura. The theoretical contribution of this article is to confront the concept of "othering" with colonial and post-colonial frameworks of representation to understand how contemporary non-Western "worlds of difference" capitalize on, reproduce and resist vestiges of colonial representations.

ABSTRACT: It is commonly assumed that insecurity experienced by citizens in the wake of a terror ... more ABSTRACT: It is commonly assumed that insecurity experienced by citizens in the wake of a terror attack gives rise to public demands for strong countermeasures, which political leaders must respond to. This article asks how Norwegian society was affected by the 22 July 2011 attacks against the government office complex in Oslo and Labour Party youth camp on Utøya. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, it analyses political impact, examining post-22 July public debates and related policymaking. A dataset of newspaper op-eds and commentaries was created to determine the significance of key issues debated in the print media after the attacks, and changes over time in the intensity of debates. Key issues were then followed up in a qualitative analysis of policy implications. The study further investigated the discursive framing of the attacks, and the problems and possible solutions evoked in the debates. Was this a ‘critical event’ as Veena Das has theorised, bringing about new sorts of action through the reworking of traditional categories, codes or meanings? Public security emerges as the key frame within which the 22 July attacks have been debated. Arguments over police reforms and alleged inaction by authorities stand out as the most lasting debate.

Article · Jan 2017 · Social Identities

This article analyses discourses on Islamist radicalisation and threats of terrorism in Norway, w... more This article analyses discourses on Islamist radicalisation and threats of terrorism in Norway, with a focus on a new category of people known as “Syria travellers”, i.e. young Norwegians who go to Syria to fight for the Islamic State. Our analysis of debates in the media, policy documents and parliamentary discussions revealed two main narratives regarding the authorities’ response to Syria travellers: the first emphasises legal sanctions, and the second highlights the reintegration of returnees. We found that contentions about how to react to the new kind of people (the Syria travellers) are intertwined with the way these people are portrayed, understood or “made up”. In the political realm, there is also a striking consensus on the need for both reintegrative and legislative responses.

This article examines the framing of ‘ethnic conflict’ in Northeast India, focusing on militant g... more This article examines the framing of ‘ethnic conflict’ in Northeast India, focusing on militant groups and insurgency in the hill areas of Assam and a form of political violence known locally as ‘ethnic clashes’. The article argues that ‘ethnic clashes’ have become an institutionalized form of armed violence in the region, while ‘ethnic rivalry’ is a key diagnostic frame for conflict. As enactments and imaginaries of institutiona- lized violence, ‘ethnic clashes’ are a product of actors who hold stakes in representing armed political violence as a result of ‘ethnic conflict’ between rivaling tribal com- munities. The article looks at the representation of causes of conflict as well as the framing of acts of violence as key sites of contestation, and thus as integral aspects of the conflict. This raises questions about the feasibility of scholarly efforts to make sense of specific cases of conflict via generic categories such as the ‘ethnic conflict’.

Ceasefires are often seen as a simple measure to end violence and allow more substantive negotiat... more Ceasefires are often seen as a simple measure to end violence and allow more substantive negotiations to begin. Contemporary conflict resolution models thus posit the ceasefire as a basic step in the peacebuilding trajectory. Offering an in-depth analysis of Naga militancy in Northeast India, this article argues that ceasefires should rather be understood as a part of the dynamics of conflict. Northeast India is a site of protracted conflict involving multiple contestants, where Naga militant organizations play a key role. A string of ceasefires since 1997 between the Indian government and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has contained fighting between security forces and militants, while violence has continued unabated between NSCN factions and among an array of other armed groups in the area claimed as 'Nagalim', with serious consequences for local communities. This study suggests that ceasefires may impact on conflict dynamics in at least three ways, all interrelated: (1) by affecting the internal cohesion of belligerent groups, (2) by affecting the operational space of armed groups, and (3) by affecting the relations between multiple stakeholders and parties to a conflict, including but not limited to the challenger(s) and the state. The study concludes that the terms of ceasefire agreements, the strategic use of ceasefires by conflict actors, and the opportunities created by a lack of effective monitoring of ceasefire ground rules has facilitated the operations of militants vying for territory, revenues from illegal 'taxation' and political stakes. Ceasefires have also paved the way for an escalation of factional and intergroup fighting and violent politics in Northeast India, by empowering signatory groups versus contenders as well as nonviolent actors.

Critical Studies on Terrorism, 2010

Development and Change, 2014

This article examines discourses about grassland degradation in China as expressed by herders, go... more This article examines discourses about grassland degradation in China as expressed by herders, government officials and researchers, presenting findings from fieldwork in Xilinguole League, Inner Mongolia. Recognizing degradation discourse and grassland restoration policies as key sites of political contestation, this study does not try to arrive at the scientific facts about degradation, but rather seeks to illuminate the mechanisms by which grasslands are identified as degraded, and the implementation of policies to restore and protect the grasslands. A key finding is that policy outcomes are widely divergent and difficult to predict. This is not merely due to differences among actors in terms of their interests, access to resources, power, values or knowledge, but as much a result of contradictions and tensions inherent in key policy goals, opening up spaces for local resistance as well as selective policy implementation. This highlights the open-ended and contested nature of China's environmental state project.

India has been the second most conflict-prone country in the world since World War II in terms of... more India has been the second most conflict-prone country in the world since World War II in terms of number of armed conflicts. These figures are indicative of the protracted nature of these conflicts. Why is it, one might ask, that a country famous for Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent resistance movement and tenets is host to so many intractable conflicts? This paper outlines the evolution of India's post-Cold War conflict management policies, and suggests that the critical re-thinking of conflict and peacebuilding by the international community can provide valuable insights for Indian scholars and policymakers.

Global Public Health, 2011

Pilgrimage and the rebuilding of religious sites are immensely popular in contemporary Tibet. The... more Pilgrimage and the rebuilding of religious sites are immensely popular in contemporary Tibet. The state-controlled media commonly attribute such religious practices to undesirable attitudes of ‘traditionalism’, and claim that the ‘traditional ideas’ of farmers and herders and their ‘poor sense of commodity’ represent major obstacles to economic development. At the same time positive images of ‘modernisation’, represented by state-sponsored development projects and targets for economic growth, are given extensive coverage. This paper investigates discourses and practices of ‘modernisation’ in contemporary Tibet, questioning the alleged conflict between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’. Firstly, it discusses some of the competing representations of ‘modernity’ in the mass media, in popular literature, as well as in political discourse. Secondly, it describes ‘modernity’ as it is practised in the display and use of consumer goods by urban Tibetans, and investigates reactions to urban reconstruction and development projects in and near the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.

This article deals with the development of ethnic tourism in ‘Shangri-La’ and the concomitant rec... more This article deals with the development of ethnic tourism in ‘Shangri-La’ and the concomitant reconstruction of the area as a ‘Tibetan’ place. It discusses how the area has been ‘sacralized’ in the process of incorporating it into the ‘sacred realm’ of Buddhist Tibet, how it has been ‘ethnicized’ in connection with the establishment of Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and, finally, how it is currently also being ‘exoticized’ with the promotion of Diqing as a tourist destination and the renaming of one of its counties, Zhongdian, as ‘Shangri-La’. The paper explores the tensions between these various ‘place-making’ strategies, how ‘place’ is reinvented and how hegemonic interpretations of ‘place’ are contested. Theoretically, it brings together some contemporary perspectives on ‘place making’ from various different fields, including anthropological studies of place and identity, the political geography of territories and boundaries and studies of pilgrimage and religious geography.

This article examines the categories and concepts through which the Tibetan social world has been... more This article examines the categories and concepts through which the Tibetan social world has been represented, prior to and during the Mao era (1949-1976). The categories typical of the pre-Communist Tibetan polity are first described, with emphasis on the close connections between politics and religion. With the advent of Chinese Communist rule in Tibet, a new account of social identity was introduced where, as a key Marxist concept, "class" became the decisive factor for identifying people. The article describes how the "class" system was put into practice in the Tibetan areas of China and how the introduction of "class" categories provided an account of social identity that paved the way for radical social transformations that were subsequently launched by the Chinese authorities.

Responding to recent critiques, foreign aid organisations are increasingly ‘going local’ in their... more Responding to recent critiques, foreign aid
organisations are increasingly ‘going local’ in
their operations in order to integrate local
actors into their peace-building and aid
projects. This is done under the belief that
entering into partnerships directly with
grassroots actors will increase local
autonomy in joint ventures, thus
empowering locals as agents of change both
during and after the project period. But
despite its normative and conceptual appeal,
we argue that this model is not workable in
practice and cannot be under the current
structural conditions of the international aid
environment. This is due to a fundamental
disconnect between the conceptualisation
and rationale of ‘going local’ and the
structural and institutional frameworks
within which ‘local ownership’ is supposed
to be operationalised and implemented. This
paper uses the example of Nepal to illustrate
that this disconnect not only prevents foreign
aid organisations from reaching their stated
goals, but exacerbates the very problems that
‘going local’ is supposed to address.

Tibetan Buddhism, rather than secular nationalist ideology, provides vital idioms for the politic... more Tibetan Buddhism, rather than secular nationalist ideology, provides vital idioms for the political discourse on Tibetan independence. This article deals with the interrelations between Tibetan politics and religion within Tibet and in exile Tibetan settlements in India. It is argued that within and outside Tibet, popular expressions of Tibetan identity rely on religious symbolism. In Tibet, religious idioms are reappearing in completely new contexts, as political expressions of opposition to Chinese rule. In India, Tibetan refugee elites reinterpret these idioms in their own terms while redefining Tibetan identity and culture for the outside world and for refugees themselves. The educated, English-speaking sections of the refugee population are also the main producers of nationalist rhetoric in the secular sense. This is particularly true of those who are based in Dharamsala, the Indian headquarters of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government-in-exile. After examining the `culture' of Tibetan politics, the questions raised are how and why secular nationalist arguments, rather than arguments based on religion, become a part of political discourse. The choice of arguments is found to reflect the notions of legitimacy and rhetoric of the different audiences addressed. Power relations surface in every aspect of politics, including the use of political languages and definition of the boundaries and contents of `the political'.

Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 2024

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 2023

Article · Jan 2017 · Social Identities

Critical Studies on Terrorism, 2010

Development and Change, 2014

Global Public Health, 2011

India in Global Nuclear Governance, 2019

In the prevailing international security situation, the world community, including India believes... more In the prevailing international security situation, the world community, including India believes nuclear security must be conferred high priority for global peace and security. As a responsible member of this community, India finds itself prioritising this aspect more than ever before. The volume is a revisit of the Indian nuclear discourse. It envisages a comprehensive and predictable nuclear governance architecture for the future, and discusses how India might play a proactive role in this effort.

Women, Peace and Security in Myanmar: Between Feminism and Ethnopolitics, 2019

After decades of political turbulence, autocratic rule and ethnopolitical conflict, Myanmar is in... more After decades of political turbulence, autocratic rule and ethnopolitical conflict, Myanmar is in the midst of a thorny peace process. This volume describes the contributions of women to contemporary Burmese politics and reflects on the significance of the Women, Peace and Security agenda in the context of Myanmar. The contributors to this volume investigate how women have mobilized for peace, while they do not ignore the fact that women are also stakeholders in conflict. The book investigates the perspectives, aims and activities of women’s organizations, and the challenges and aspirations of women activists in Myanmar’s ethnic areas such as the states of Kachin and Mon. Exploring the diverse expressions of women’s agency for change in Myanmar, the book engages critically with the Women, Peace and Security literature, and takes a close look at the obstacles to women’s participation in the peace process. Examining the politics of Myanmar through the lens of gender, the volume highlights the contributions of women to social change, peace and conflict resolution in Myanmar. The book covers the contemporary repercussions of Myanmar’s long history of conflict on gender relations, and contributes new insights into the debate on gender and political change in societies affected by conflict.

The reindeer herders of Aoluguya, China, are a group of former hunters who today see themselves a... more The reindeer herders of Aoluguya, China, are a group of former hunters who today see themselves as “keepers of reindeer” as they engage in ethnic tourism and exchange experiences with their Ewenki neighbors in Russian Siberia. Though to some their future seems problematic, this book focuses on the present, challenging the pessimistic outlook, reviewing current issues, and describing the efforts of the Ewenki to reclaim their forest lifestyle and develop new forest livelihoods. Both academic and literary contributions balance the volume written by authors who are either indigenous to the region or have carried out fieldwork among the Aoluguya Ewenki since the late 1990s.

India's explosive economic growth and emerging power status make it a key country of interest for... more India's explosive economic growth and emerging power status make it a key country of interest for policymakers, researchers and scholars within South Asia and around the world. But while many of India's threats and conflicts are strategized and discussed extensively within the confines of security studies, strategic studies and conventional international relations perspectives, many less visible challenges are set to impact significantly on India's potential for economic growth as well as the human security and livelihoods of hundreds of millions of Indian citizens.

Drawing on extensive research within India, this book looks at some of the ‘hidden risks’ that India faces, exploring how a broadened scope of what constitutes ‘risk’ itself holds value for Indian security studies practitioners and policymakers. It highlights several human security risks facing India, including the inability of the world’s largest democracy to deal effectively with widespread poverty and health issues, resource depletion and environmental mismanagement, pervasive corruption and institutionalized crime, communal violence, a protracted Maoist insurgency, and deadlocked peace processes in the Northeast among others. The book extracts common themes from these seemingly disparate problems, discussing what underlying failures allow them to persist and why policymakers heavily securitize some political issues while ignoring others.

Providing an understanding of how several lesser-studied risks can pose potential or actual threats to Indian society and its ‘emerging power’ growth narrative, this book is a useful contribution to South Asian Studies, International Security Studies and Global Politics.

This book explores the relationship between tourism, culture and ethnic identity in Tibet in , fo... more This book explores the relationship between tourism, culture and ethnic identity in Tibet in , focusing in particular on Shangrila, a Tibetan region in Southwest China, to show how local ‘Tibetan culture’ is reconstructed as a marketable commodity for tourists. It analyses the socio-economic effects of Shangrila tourism in Tibet, investigating who benefits economically, whilest also considering its political implications and the ways in which tourism might be linked to the negotiation and reassertion of ethnic identity. It goes on to examine the spatial re-imagining provoked by the development of tourism, and asks whether a tourist destination inevitably becomes a ‘pseudo-community’ for the visited. Can a fictitious name, invented for the sake of tourists, still provide the ‘natives’ of a place with a sense of identity? This book argues that conceptions of place are closely linked to notions of social identity, and in the case of Shangrila particularly to ethnic identity. Viewing the spatial as socially constructed, and place-making as vital to social organisation, this is a study of how place is constructed and contested. It describes how local villagers and monastic elites have negotiated the area’s religious geography, how agents of the Communist state have redefined it as a minority area, and how tourism developers are now marketing the region as Shangrila for tourist consumption. It outlines the different ‘place-making’ strategies utilised by the various social actors, including local villagers to create the communities in which they live, monastic elites to invent a Buddhist Tibetan realm of ‘religious geography’, agents of the People’s Republic of China to define the area as part of the communist state, and tourism developers to market the region as ‘Shangrila’ for tourist consumption. Overall, this book is an insightful account of the complex links between tourism, culture and Tibetanethnic identity in Tibet, and will be of interest to a wide range of disciplines including social anthropology, sociology, human geography, tourism and development studies.

The state of Tibetan culture within contemporary China is a highly politicized topic on which rel... more The state of Tibetan culture within contemporary China is a highly politicized topic on which reliable information is rare. But what is Tibetan culture and how should it be developed or preserved? The Chinese authorities and the Tibetans in exile present conflicting views on almost every aspect of Tibetan cultural life.

Ashild Kolas and Monika Thowsen have gathered an astounding array of data to quantify Tibetan cultural activities - involving Tibetan language, literature, visual arts, museums, performing arts, festivals, and religion. Their study is based on fieldwork and interviews conducted in the ethnic Tibetan areas surrounding the Tibetan Autonomous Region - parts of the Chinese provinces of Sichuan, Gansu, Yunnan, and Qinghai. Aware of the ambiguous nature of information collected in restricted circumstances, they make every effort to present a complete and unbiased picture of Tibetan communities living on China's western frontiers.

Kolas and Thowsen investigate the present conditions of Tibetan cultural life and cultural expression, providing a wealth of detailed information on topics such as the number of restored monasteries and nunneries and the number of monks, nuns, and tulkus (reincarnated lamas) affiliated with them; sources of funding for monastic reconstruction and financial support of clerics; types of religious ceremonies being practiced; the content of monastic and secular education; school attendance; educational curriculum and funding; the role of language in Tibetan schools; and Tibetan news and cultural media.

On the Margins of Tibet will be of interest to historians and social scientists studying modern China and Tibetan culture, and to the many others concerned about Tibet's place in the world.

Critical Studies on Terrorism, Apr 26, 2010

... Facing the consequences of public out-rage over security failures, India&amp;#x27;s H... more ... Facing the consequences of public out-rage over security failures, India&amp;#x27;s Home Minister Shivraj Patil resigned within a few days of the attacks, as did Maharashtra State Chief Minister VilasraoDeshmukh and Deputy Chief Minister RR Patil (Lakshmi 2008a). ...

Asian Ethnicity, Jul 7, 2015

This article examines the framing of ‘ethnic conflict’ in Northeast India, focusing on militant g... more This article examines the framing of ‘ethnic conflict’ in Northeast India, focusing on militant groups and insurgency in the hill areas of Assam and a form of political violence known locally as ‘ethnic clashes’. The article argues that ‘ethnic clashes’ have become an institutionalized form of armed violence in the region, while ‘ethnic rivalry’ is a key diagnostic frame for conflict. As enactments and imaginaries of institutionalized violence, ‘ethnic clashes’ are a product of actors who hold stakes in representing armed political violence as a result of ‘ethnic conflict’ between rivaling tribal communities. The article looks at the representation of causes of conflict as well as the framing of acts of violence as key sites of contestation, and thus as integral aspects of the conflict. This raises questions about the feasibility of scholarly efforts to make sense of specific cases of conflict via generic categories such as the ‘ethnic conflict’.

Journal of Peace Research, Nov 1, 2011

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

This article investigates the “othering” of Muslims in two Northeast Indian states: Assam and Tri... more This article investigates the “othering” of Muslims in two Northeast Indian states: Assam and Tripura, in a region known for its ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity, and long history of militancy and civil unrest. Northeast Indian politics thrives on disagreement between “Us” and “Them” and tensions over illegal migration, drawing on overlapping or intersecting frames of “othering.” This study asks why and how the political “othering” of Muslims persists, and why the religious frame, or the Hindu–Muslim divide, is more salient in some parts of the region than in others. Drawing on fieldwork on the Indian side of the Indo-Bangladesh border in Tripura and southern Assam, historical records and contemporary print media archives, this study compares the role of Hindu–Muslim contention in the politics of the two neighboring states and finds reproduction of the Hindu–Muslim divide in Assam and resistance to Muslim “othering” in Tripura. The theoretical contribution of this article i...

Berghahn Books, Dec 31, 2022

European Conference on Information Systems, 2021

With countries introducing new forms of computer-mediated means of collecting citizen data (such ... more With countries introducing new forms of computer-mediated means of collecting citizen data (such as biometrics and bllod samples) through a process referred to as “digital identification”, this shapes the construction of digital identity. Digital identity becomes an important lens to understand citizen attitudes and behaviour towards their acceptance or not of state enabled initiatives of surveillance (such as through contact tracing) and vaccination uptake. Analysing theoretically the linkages between processes of digital identification, identity construction, citizens’ behaviour and attitudes towards e-governance initiatives, represents an important research priority, particularly of understanding these processes from the perspective of citizens. This will help to reduce the current research bias of analysing supply side and technology focused dynamics of e-governance initiatives, such as the delivery of internet and mobile phones. This social perspective of the research responds to the World Health Organization (WHO) call in the recently published “A coordinated global research roadmaps: 2019 Novel Coronavirus”, which details guidelines to conduct ethical and socially inclusive research sensitive to the social context, particularly the needs of marginalized populations. Thereby, we focus on discussing technical design and implementation, and their implications on understanding the socio-political circumstances that shape the decisions of citizens, within the larger ecosystem of health care services and information systems

Journal of Peace Research, May 1, 2007

free from the mains, but provide cheaper water for the many poor people who do not have access to... more free from the mains, but provide cheaper water for the many poor people who do not have access to the public water supply. Subsidizing water for the poor directly would be more efficient and less costly. The water crisis is in large measure due to an inefficient and corrupt public sector, particularly in developing countries. This message is controversial but increasingly taken seriously in the development community. Nils Petter Gleditsch

Inner Asia, 2003

Pilgrimage and the rebuilding of religious sites are immensely popular in contemporary Tibet. The... more Pilgrimage and the rebuilding of religious sites are immensely popular in contemporary Tibet. The state-controlled media commonly attribute such religious practices to undesirable attitudes of 'traditionalism', and claim that the 'traditional ideas' of farmers and herders and their 'poor sense of commodity' represent major obstacles to economic development. At the same time positive images of 'modernisation', represented by state-sponsored development projects and targets for economic growth, are given extensive coverage. This paper investigates discourses and practices of 'modernisation' in contemporary Tibet, questioning the alleged conflict between 'modernity' and 'tradition'. Firstly, it discusses some of the competing representations of 'modernity' in the mass media, in popular literature, as well as in political discourse. Secondly, it describes 'modernity' as it is practised in the display and use of consumer goods by urban Tibetans, and investigates reactions to urban reconstruction and development projects in and near the Tibetan capital of Lhasa.

Routledge eBooks, Jul 6, 2017

1. Localizing Shangrila 2. The Political Economy of Tourism 3. Issues and Methods 4. Sacred Space... more 1. Localizing Shangrila 2. The Political Economy of Tourism 3. Issues and Methods 4. Sacred Space, State Territory and Tourist Destination 5. Hallowed Ground 6. Imagining the Nation 7. Shangrila: A Space of Dreams 8. Tourism, Place-Making and Tibetan Identity

Tourism Geographies, Aug 1, 2004

... they are represented, an issue that is also at the very junction of the experiential/ symboli... more ... they are represented, an issue that is also at the very junction of the experiential/ symbolic and the ... Songtseling, for example, receives a large number of tour groups every year and the sale of ... Nevertheless, the name change has consequences for the way the area is understood ...

Environment And Planning C: Politics And Space, Mar 24, 2021

The pledge to build a “great”, “beautiful” southern border wall was a cornerstone of Donald J. Tr... more The pledge to build a “great”, “beautiful” southern border wall was a cornerstone of Donald J. Trump’s 2016 presidential election campaign. This paper analyzes Trump’s border wall project as an example of performative statecraft, suggesting that the wall works better rhetorically, than as a barrier against unauthorized cross-border movement. Identifying Trump’s performative statecraft as “entrepreneurial”, we argue that his border wall discourse differs from that of earlier presidents in the way Trump meshes the performance of the border wall as a protective device with his own performance as an entrepreneur and developer. Trump’s border wall discourse accentuates his personal skills as an entrepreneur, and makes these skills relevant to his key campaign promises: to “Make America Great Again”, and defend the nation against transnational crime. Despite Trump’s radical reformulation of US asylum policy, enhanced pursuit of unauthorized immigrants, termination of Obama-era programs like Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), and disturbing but short-lived family separation and ‘Zero-Tolerance’ detention scheme, the border security policies of President Trump are not as novel as his promotional campaigns would have us believe. In fact, Trump’s border control strategies have continued many of the measures introduced by earlier presidents. The novelty of the Trump presidency lies in the strong focus on the new US–Mexico border wall, and fervent attention to the physical attributes and instrumental functions of the wall. Much more than a fence, Trump’s proposed border wall is a grand, awe-inspiring monument to national security, and to Trump’s entrepreneurial statecraft. It also works as a visual aide for Trump’s plan to “Make America Great Again”. Border walls stand as testimony to the power of the state, and the determination of those who defend it. Trump’s border wall would be no exception.

Berghahn Books, Dec 31, 2022

International Affairs, 2015

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system ... more All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

Dette verket omfattes av bestemmelsene i Lov om opphavsretten til åndsverk m.v. av 1961. Verket u... more Dette verket omfattes av bestemmelsene i Lov om opphavsretten til åndsverk m.v. av 1961. Verket utgis Open Access under betingelsene i Creative Commons-lisensen CC-BY 4.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). Denne tillater tredjepart å kopiere, distribuere og spre verket i hvilket som helst medium eller format, og å remixe, endre, og bygge videre på materialet til et hvilket som helst formål, inkludert kommersielle, under betingelse av at korrekt kreditering og en lenke til lisensen er oppgitt, og at man indikerer om endringer er blitt gjort. Tredjepart kan gjøre dette på enhver rimelig måte, men uten at det kan forstås slik at lisensgiver bifaller tredjepart eller tredjeparts bruk av verket. Boken er utgitt med støtte fra Norges forskningsråd og er en del av prosjektet NECORE, finansiert av Norges forskningsråd og koordinert ved Institutt for fredsforskning (PRIO).

Strategic Analysis, Jul 1, 2013

While oil and gas industries are already well established in Siberia and Alaska, the melting of t... more While oil and gas industries are already well established in Siberia and Alaska, the melting of the Arctic ice cap is opening up new areas of the High North to hydrocarbon exploration. According to the US Geological Survey (USGS), the Arctic is expected to hold about 22 per cent of the world's undiscovered, technically recoverable conventional oil and natural gas resources (about 13 per cent of undiscovered oil reserves, 30 per cent of natural gas, and 20 per cent of natural gas liquids). 1 Greenland waters are believed to be particularly rich in oil, and may contain reserves of up to 50 billion barrels, equivalent of Libyan oil reserves. 2 Of the Arctic Council's five member states bordering the Arctic Ocean, Russia and Norway have already submitted continental shelf claims to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. Another two member states, Canada and Denmark (on behalf of Greenland) are in the process of submitting their claims. Sovereign rights to offshore hydrocarbon reserves are key issues at stake in these claims. While some analysts see the scenario as a 'scramble' for Arctic hydrocarbons, others highlight the huge technological difficulties of oil and gas extraction in the Arctic, and suggest that territorial disputes are relatively insignificant. 3 Nevertheless, the Arctic region's substantial mineral and hydrocarbon wealth makes issues of sovereignty and governance all the more important to stakeholders, including indigenous peoples as well as states. The Arctic Council is an important forum for discussing circumpolar affairs such as resource management and environmental protection. In addition to the eight Arctic states

Strategic Analysis, Nov 9, 2007

and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study pu... more and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution , reselling , loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

International Affairs, Mar 2015

Asian Studies Review, 2003

Journal of Peace Research, 2009

Journal of Peace Research, 2007

According to the Human Security Report (2005; 2009/2010), India remains the world’s second most c... more According to the Human Security Report (2005; 2009/2010), India remains the world’s second most conflict-prone country (after Burma/Myanmar) in the post-World War II period. India also ranks highest in terms of cases of armed conflict and one-sided violence as of the 2002-2003 ‘Human Security Audit’. As the world’s most violent democracy, India’s armed conflicts are both numerous and protracted, but are generally low-intensity. Perhaps this is why India is seldom studied as a country in conflict. Nor does it feature in the study of post-conflict peacebuilding even as policymakers and analysts turn their attention to the external peacebuilding strategies and potentials of emerging powers (see for instance Sagar 2009, Schweller 2011). In this paper we address this gap with a structured examination and analysis of Indian responses to some of its most significant and long-lasting internal conflicts before and after the watershed 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, querying whether and how Indian approaches to peacebuilding are
best described as ‘liberal’, ‘illiberal’, or ‘hybrid’, and whether there is an inherently ‘Indian’ mode of peacebuilding at all. We aim to contribute to the critical rethinking of (il)liberal peacebuilding and hybrid peace governance, illustrating not only that peacebuilding activities can be employed internally in addition to their traditional use of external actors trying to fix ‘failed’ states, but that Indian debates on conflict management and resolution already employ the rhetoric (if not the actions) of liberal peacebuilding to justify interventions of varied degrees of liberality across the country through developmental security lenses.