Rudie van Leeuwen | Radboud University Nijmegen (original) (raw)
Videos by Rudie van Leeuwen
Legend has it that Rembrandt van Rijn gave some of his own pouches with paint to his friend Jan S... more Legend has it that Rembrandt van Rijn gave some of his own pouches with paint to his friend Jan Six I, and that this unique gift has remained in the family's possession eversince. Martine Gosselink, Robert van Langh and Stephanie Archangel research the little satchells of pig bladder with pigments from the Six Collection. Since only the background story is known, the focus is on material-technical research. To determine the vericity of the story once and for all, the pouches and pigments are examined in different ways: in the particle accelerator in Hamburg they are tested for certain substances, including the unique to Rembrandt plumbonacrite (a pigment that was used for lead white). Shown in this excerpt is how paleographer Rudie van Leeuwen analyzes the handwritten labels of the pouches. Is this really 17th century longhand and even an autograph inscription by Rembrandt? For the entire broadcast of SE1 EP2, which aired Feb 12, 2020 8:30 PM, visit: https://npostart.nl/AT_2127974
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17-12-2018, I defended my doctoral dissertation about portraits of rulers and burghers as biblica... more 17-12-2018, I defended my doctoral dissertation about portraits of rulers and burghers as biblical figures @ Radboud University Nijmegen (in Dutch): "Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de 16de en 17de eeuw". Since the Middle Ages rulers and burghers have been depicted in the guise of well-known biblical figures. In these “portraits historiés” individuals could, for example, be depicted as the Old Testament king David, or the shepherds adoring Christ. The Modern Devotion stimulated an intimate relationship with biblical figures, and portraits historiés in Passion scenes reflect such spiritual notions. Through biblical portraiture, believers could place themselves in the skin of heroes of faith, such as the Apostles at the Last Supper, and be part of the cloud of witnesses. In the Reformation era, the portrait historié proved a suitable means for propagating adherence to a denomination.
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Thesis Chapters by Rudie van Leeuwen
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, 2018
Inhoudsopgave VOORWOORD 5 LEGENDA | VERANTWOORDING VAN DE SPELLING VAN BIJBELSE NAMEN EN HOOFDL... more Inhoudsopgave
VOORWOORD 5
LEGENDA | VERANTWOORDING VAN DE SPELLING VAN BIJBELSE NAMEN EN HOOFDLETTERGEBRUIK 6
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
The catalogue of early modern Dutch and Flemish portraits in the guise of biblical figures is an ... more The catalogue of early modern Dutch and Flemish portraits in the guise of biblical figures is an inventory of core works from the period after 1550 to 1700. To keep the notes concise, recurring essential information of the works discussed in the main text has been transferred to here. The list does not offer a complete overview but a selection of representative works and is limited to autonomous portrait pieces. It includes paintings with biblical subjects, mainly group and family portraits as well as portraits that consist of a single figure. In all recorded works, the individuals who are portrayed as Biblical figures appear either in the guise of the main protagonists of a Biblical story (who are known by name), or as anonymous characters involved in the main narrative (who are not individually specifiable, for instance the Israelites or the Shepherds adoring the Christ Infant). The main selection principle for this list was ascertaining "portrait properties," either on the basis of the characterisation of the work or by the number of individuals portrayed (→ Chapter 1). Multi-figured Biblical scenes in which only a few portraits appear (in assistance and / or self-portraits) have been left out (unless part of a series with proper portraits historiés). Altarpieces, epitaphs and painted memoria with isolated/separated (donor) portraits and so-called integrated portraits historiés are also not included. Only a few non-secular paintings containing multiple portraits (from churches e.g.) that are discussed in detail in the main text have been recorded in this catalogue for practical reasons. Narrative scenes with a Biblical source that do not represent actual 'historical' events, such as the Works of Mercy, are beyond the scope of this list; as well as (timeless) parables that are not depicted as a historical scene. This catalogue could not have been made without the help of fellow students from the project group on the portrait historié led by Prof. Dr. Volker Manuth, who laid the foundation for a database I and Charlotte Huiskens worked on from 2004 to 2005 , and which afterwards was expanded with great accuracy and care by Susanne Hilckmann from the Centre for Art History Documentation Nijmegen (CKD). The final database, Porthis, co-developed by Willy Piron, is accessible via the CKD site and contains portraits historiés with all sorts of subjects from all over Europe. https://www.ru.nl/ckd/databases/porthis/porthis/
Due to copyright rules and limited uploadability in academia.edu, the images have been removed from this overview. The images can be consulted through PortHis or by downloading the complete file of my PhD thesis at Radboud Repository (see link below). The images in the latter resource are in black and white and reduced in size to prevent infringement of the image rights, that have been granted only for a non-commercial purposes. When making use of Radboud Repository, Dutch law, general copyrights and restrictive user guidelines apply with regard to distribution and reproduction of the documents that can be downloaded freely for personal use.
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Today, art historians use the designation 'portrait historié' for portraits in the guise of histo... more Today, art historians use the designation 'portrait historié' for portraits in the guise of historical (mythological, biblical, legendary) figures. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the concept was not used for a definite subset of portrait or history painting. Nonetheless, it is possible to analyse the meaning of the linguistic construct 'portrait historie' in individual cases and to capture its precise use at certain points in time. In this semasiological overview the different types of portraits that were identified with this container concept are discussed. In addition, on the basis of current (and more or less synonymous) terminology, related portrait types are discussed, including allegorical portraits, conversation pieces, portraits in action, turqueries, fancy portraits and theater portraits. Typical examples of this are reviewed in chronological order of creation, with particular attention paid to aspects of ornamentation, allegorisation, narrativity, attitude, fantasy, resemblance, role play and theater costumes. The introduction of ever-new variants of portrait historié (as well as the embedding of related art-theoretical concepts in an aesthetic context) appears to be influenced by the change in the judgment of taste, the shift of socio-political circumstances and growing historical awareness. In the Age of Enlightenment, the portrait historié was subject of ridicule and developed from an allegorical image of the incarnation of power into a frivolous and imaginative representation, only to be rehabilitated in the nineteenth century as a historicising manner of portraiture.
Appendix: Semasiologie van het portrait historié na 1700 621
CONVERSATIESTUKKEN: PORTRAITS EN ACTION 621
ENKELVOUDIG PORTRET: SUJETS DE LA FABLE & DE CAPRICE 623
VAN ALLEGORISCHE TRAVESTIE NAAR WAARACHTIGE HISTORIE 625
HISTORISCHEN PORTRAITE & SULZERS SEELENMAHLEREI 628
PORTRAITS IN THE GRAND MANNER & COMPOSITE PORTRAIT 629
PORTRAIT DE FANTAISIE & VRAISEMBLANCE 630
FANCY PORTRAITS & THE PICTURESQUE STYLE 632
RELIGIEUZE FANCY PORTRAITS: RELIGIOUS FANCIES 633
TURQUERIE: PORTRAIT EN SULTANE 636
THEATRALE PORTRETTEN EN DRAMATISCHE ATTIDUDES 637
WITTICISM, FANCY & BORROWING: MOCK HEROIC 639
STRIKING AN ATTITUDE: GOLDSMITH EN HET PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ 641
MIXT & FALSE WIT: THEATRICAL PORTRAITS, EPIGRAMMATICALLY DELINEATED 642
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
The biblical “portrait historié” in the Netherlands of the 16th and 17th centuries.
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 13. The end of the donor portrait in the Dutch Republic left a gap in the artistic repertoi... more Chap. 13. The end of the donor portrait in the Dutch Republic left a gap in the artistic repertoire of spiritual self-imagination. The absence of portraits in ecclesiastical environments, as part of a commemorative cult, has stimulated the rise of the autonomous biblical portrait historié in secular spaces. Since the rise of the Modern Devotion, being portrayed in a religious scene was a way to testify in person of one’s search for forgiveness, mercy and rapprochement to God. The primacy of Scripture and the “Word-oriented” visual culture of the Reformation, in connection to the Dutch Israel imagery, attested to the popularity of the biblical portrait historié in civic context. Biblical portraiture could be theologically legitimised on the basis of guidelines in commentaries on catechisms, although this does not explain its practical purpose. It has been argued that secularized mentality penetrated devotional art and destroyed it from within. It remains unclear whether or not a family portrait with a biblical subject a for private home actually differs in use from an altarpiece or other devotional works of art containing portraits. To attend to this matter, general questions about functionality and devotional practice of portraits need to be studied first. The debates about the Andachtsbild and the differences between private and public art also complicate an overall interpretation of the portrait historié.
Before the Reformation, Dutch artists were already aware of the symbolic relationship between subject matter and form (or function) of religious paintings. In the autonomous biblical portrait historié – i.e. the secularised type – form, figuration and fashion were often linked to the discussion on the functionality of religious art. Often one finds critial references to pious practises: e.g. the pseudo-donor portrait in Delff’s Jacob and Esau: a criticism on intercession of saints; or the fact that Fabritius’s centurion before Peter does not kneel in veneration of the apostle. Catholic defenses against the reproach of idolatry and reactions from Protestants make clear how portraiture and remembrance were viewed from a religious perspective. According to the Reformed view, there is an essential distinction between paintings in the church and those at the home because of a difference in use. Portraits were allowed at home according to Ursinus’s guidelines, that fitted seamlessly with Calvin’s approval of representations of visible creatures. In the Reformed restrictions of art, one can find further explanation for the success of the biblical portrait historié. Not only does this type of portrait only have a civic use, but it also meets all the requirements that were set for art. For it serves as a remembrance, not only of the portrayed, in the Paulinic sense, but also of the biblical story, while the image as a rule also contains a moralistic message.
The reasons given for portrayal as a specific biblical figure or participant in a biblical scene, mainly explain the choice of subject rather than the motivations for that identification. Reformed critiques of the phenomenon portrait historié have not been handed down, and its assessment can only be interpreted indirectly. In some catechetical texts dramatically performed roles are discussed, which may offer some insight into how this kind of role play in religious art was judged – though views differ widely. Biblical parallels and comparison between persons were often justified in an euhemeric way, because of the conformity with God. Both the perfectionist pursuit of conformity with Christ and the imitation of exemplary figures in calvinist sanctification can be seen as adaptations of the medieval imitatio Christi to the Reformed theology of predestination. By following in the footsteps of Old Testament forerunners, and by being portrayed as patriarchs and the people elect, the Dutch placed themselves, as it were, in the succession from the Old to the New Covenant. In the biblical portrait historié, the Christian actually portrays himself as a Christian; in Old Testament scenes without risk of a personal glorification, so as to disprove allegations of vainglory and idolatry. The analogy in Old Testament portraits histories was seldom based on individual parallels. The choice of subject seems to have been as important as the identification with a biblical figure. The autonomous biblical portrait historié is a painterly representation of the personal empathy of the people portrayed with the Dutch Israel. Inherent to the doctrine of predestination is that biblical figures, as representatives of the contemporary persons, are not actually the acting figures of the story, but God, who works in the form of the Holy Spirit, who reveals himself in Grace who remains invisible to the believer and the spectator.
13. Religieuze portretkunst in context 579
13.1. Het bijbelse portrait historié als gedachtenis 579
13.2. Nog één maal de bijbelse rol 598
13.3. Euhemerisme en gelijkvormigheid aan Christus in de zeventiende eeuw 601
13.4. Nawoord 605
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 12. In most portraits historié the biblical story serves as an illustration of an exemplary... more Chap. 12. In most portraits historié the biblical story serves as an illustration of an exemplary line of conduct, and formulates a guideline with the aim of ensuring good behaviour. In fact, specific virtues are represented in a narrative manner by figures involved in a historical act. Hence a portrait historié is not a strict allegory, no personification in which an individual person is portrayed as an abstract concept (such as Caritas). The historical scene functions as a kind of parable, a story by which a religious or philosophical idea is illustrated. Often the painting contains a moralistic message, by which the portrayed tried to propagate a favourable opinion about themselves. Their devotional identification is symptomatic of their religious convinctions. The biblical self-image functions as a mimetic paradigm which is told in a diegetic way: in the form of a story. The narrative fiction of the portrait historié consists of several layers or intradiegetic “worlds”. The actual narrative (of the portrayed) is embedded in another narrative (bible), in (through) which the diegetic narrator tells his own story: this is called metadiegesis. In many mimetic and diegetic parts of Bible stories, one can distinguish two distinct layers of meaning: first, God teaches us that He miraculously realises His mysterious plan; secondly, destructive consequences of reckless actions are overcome by God. Many portraits historie’s portray dimensions of predestination and election, such as Delff’s Reconciliation of Jacob and Esau, or aspects of grace, such The gathering the manna by Metius.
It is striking that the cardinal virtues often seem to be the basis of portraits historiés. A portrait historié is, however, not always based on a personal analogy of virtue. Remarkably, in family portraits depicting The Continence of Scipio the main hero is usually not a portrait. Here the positive outcome as a result of human action (Scipio’s magnanimity) alludes to divine intervention. Subject and analogy, on the other hand, can only be explained by the generic identification of the Dutch with the Roman Republic. In Dutch 17th-century imagery one could easily switch from one national image to another: comparing the Dutch with the Roman, Batavian or Hebrew peoples. Because of his (presumed) historicity of descent, the concept of the Batavian Holland differs from the Dutch Israel, which was based on a spiritual comparability. A comparison between a biblical event and a private incident is more difficult to fathom than a national analogy, because it requires both knowledge of the biblical narrative and of a pétite histoire. Reportedly, the Dordrecht artist Jan Woutersz. van Cuyck painted a Judgment of Salomon in which he portrayed the pro-Spanish bailiff Johan van Drencwaert in the guise of Salomon. Reportedly, Van Cuyck, a Mennonite, was detained in jail on charges of heresy, when he made the paining. This partly explains the justiciary allusion, since the bailiff was also presided over court hearings. It remains the question whether this biblical analogy is a fabrication of later historians or based on the truth. In Van Braght’s martyrology of Van Cuyck a similar biblical imagery is used, when the latter is compared with Christ, for example when Van Braght wrote that the painter was sitting on the rack “like an Ecce Homo”. Van Cuyck himself also displayed an analogical way of thinking in his prison letters when he compared Dordrecht magistrates with Pilate and Caiaphas. Finally, it is significant that the theme of the Salomon’s judgment was also used as an indictment against the Inquisition in prints.
In the absence of evidence, an analogy of event seldomly seems the most obvious explanation for identification with biblical figures. The only paintings in which we may certainly assume a narrative parallel as motive for identification are wedding portraits, such The Wedding of Esther and Ahasveros by Jacob van Hasselt. Identifications that are testimony of a reciprocal experience are extremely rare: the equation of portrayed people with biblical figures rarely resides in a similar course of action in comparable situations. More often, a narrative analogy refers to a general circumstance or specific ritual or practice of a denomination than to a specific incident that an individual had actually experienced. The theme of the Preaching of John the Baptist in portraits also expresses a religious sense of community. The sermon in the open air reminded of the secret meetings held by Protestants outside the city when professing their religion was forbidden. In a general sense, one can explain why a personal analogies did not play a major role in the choice of subject. Peoply did not identify themselves in all respects with biblical figures, especially as their behaviour was not praiseworthy. Perhaps Dutch citizens found events from their own lives too commonplace to compare them with such illustrious stories from Scripture.
Several portraits historiés of Jan Govertsz. van der Aer are known, including a painting by Henrick Goltzius in which he appears in the guise of Vulcan, which probably had a counterpart portrait of his wife as Venus. The reason for the equation with the adulterers Vulcan and Venus is difficult to comprehend. Perhaps the woman was not Venus, but Charis, another woman of Vulcan and one of the Graces. In another painting by Goltzius, Van der Aer is shown as one of the lustful elders who watch the bathing Susanna. Because of the church with the courtyard in the background, the figure of Susanna has been interpreted as the persecuted church and the elders with the Jewish headgear and Turkish turban as her unchristian assailants. Similar actualisations of the Susanna theme as symbolic for the violation of the Christian congregation can be found in contemporary lampoons. Such interpretations, however, do not explain the remarkable portrait identification in malo. Goltzius might played a joke on his friend. The byword “Susanna scoundrel” (Susannaboef) was used for (lecherous) old men. The depiction of Van der Aer can only be a witty quip. Susanna was often the subject of (both pedestrian and edifying) songs that relate to debauchery. Humorous aspects of the biblical story are inherent to its representation, while its deeper meaning was often only a pretext for displaying female nudity. Contemporary beholders will have been aware of this double standard. Perhaps the inclusion of Van der Aer’s portrait in the biblical nude scene served as a countercultural argument against the accusation of hypocrisy.
The intercontextual transposition of meaning in the portrait historié is related to what the sociologist Erving Goffman called ‘keying’. The biblical portrait historié is as form of a role enactment, in which social structures, such as family ties and Christian communities are reproduced in a biblical context within the painting. Three kinds “fantastic socialisation” can be discerned in biblical portaiture. The third group of “secret identifications” includes works that express an intimate self-image that do not seem to comply with the rules of decorum (Lowyssen as lovemaking patriarch; Van der Aer as peeping Tom). Notions similar to the modern “social face” are expressed in Christian morality of the time through “mirror imagery” about the self-image and self-knowledge, often combined with painter’s jargon. This touches upon the ambiguous nature of biblical portraiture: it is a sign of inner faith, and at the same time an ornamental and vain “self-image”. So-called ‘role distance’ becomes evident from personal characteristics, contemporary attributes and iconographical deviation that ensure that the portrayed people break character, and are recognized as themselves.
12. Het portrait historié als narratieve betekenisdrager van moraliteit 527
12.1. Diëgesis en mimesis in het portrait historié 529
12.2. Verpersoonlijkte deugden in burgerlijke context 533
12.3. Verbeelde deugdzaamheid als gecomprimeerd verhaal 536
12.4. Gebeurtenisanalogie? – Johan van Drencwaert als koning Salomon door Wouter van Cuyck 540
12.5. Persoonsanalogie? – De portretten van Jan Govertsz. van der Aer 544
IDENTIFICATIO IN MALO? JAN GOVERTSZ. VAN DER AER ALS VULCANUS 545
SUSANNA EN DE OUDERLINGEN DOOR GOLTZIUS (1607): VAN DER AER ALS GLURENDE OUDERLING 548
12.6. De gebeurtenisanalogie ontleed 555
DE PREDIKING VAN JOHANNES ALS GEBEURTENISANALOGIE 559
WAAROM DE PERSOONLIJKE OF PRIVATE GEBEURTENISANALOGIE WEINIG GELIEFD WAS. 564
GEBEURTENISANALOGIEËN OP ALTAARSTUKKEN EN SACRALE SCHILDERIJEN 569
12.7. Het sociale gezicht: rol en socialisatie in het portrait historié 571
HET SOCIALE GEZICHT: UITERLIJK VERTOON EN ZELFVERSIERING 573
ROLDISTANTIE EN ROLACCEPTATIE DOOR OPHEFFING VAN ONVERGELIJKBAARHEID 575
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 11. As the seventeenth century progressed, the focus shifted from the representation of the... more Chap. 11. As the seventeenth century progressed, the focus shifted from the representation of the extended family to the family nucleus of father, mother and children, while also the number of secondary figures in portraits historiés descreased. The heyday of the biblical portrait historié in the period 1630-1660 coincides with the rise of the pastoral portrait genre. Paintings of families in a landscape form an extensive part of seventeenth-century portraiture. Most biblical portraits historiés are situated outside, often in a arcadic setting, and hence belong to this formal category. The individuals portrayed appear often in Hungarian or Polish dress or à l’antique with Oriental turbans, very similar in fashion to those worn in tronies, bucolic portraits or hunting scenes. A striking example of the problematic separation between different portrait types and genres is Ferdinand Bol’s Portrait a married couple in oriental costume in a landscape (c. 1648). The work has been linked to a painting described in the estate inventory of the late Anna van Erckel, as being the portrait of the deceased and her first husband, Erasmus Scharlaken, in the guise of Isaac and Rebecca. When a missing piece of this painting with a third figure of a shepherd surfaced, this identification seemed less likely, and it was assumed the painting depicted an unknown couple in Oriental dress. The original composition, however, does not rule out that the painting was the biblical scene mentioned in the inventory. The shepherd – who dressed more simply than figures in most pastoral scenes – could then be interpreted the young patriarch Jacob.
Shepherds were often presented in edifying pastoral literature as instructors of divine knowledge and a natural way of life. This bucolic notion was nourished by the Old Testament. Typical biblical arcadia are envisioned in family portraits in which the head of the household is shown as a biblical patriarch on his way to Canaan with his family and all his livestock. There are many biblical portraits historiés that portray individuals as additional figures that are irrelevant to the Bible story depicted. Pastoral family portraits without a definable narrative scene (as derived from a literary source) are very similar in figuration and composition to biblical family portraits in which an all-encompassing action from a Bible episode is missing. Particularly problematic are family portraits à l’antique in Arcadian landscapes with water wells, such as those by Gerbrand van den Eeckhout, which may be interpreted as depictions of Isaac and Rebecca or Jacob and Rachel. In many cases it remains uncertain whether such paintings should be seen as a depiction of a specific biblical story or as more general allusion to it. Many family portraits have an ambiguous iconography that could relate to both the biblical and the pastoral genre. Recurring elements are houlettes, floral motives and all sort of animals.
In the case of autonomous children’s portraits in fancy dress, the absence of a clear narrative context or attributes usually leads to even greater problems of interpretation. Painters used fixed formula for these portraits, regardless of the subject matter, meeting specific wishes of their clients, who could choose from a range of portrait types. Because of the generic repertoire, it often remains unclear whether or not boys in shepherd’s dress (of fur) are meant to represent St. John the Baptist, especially if the wicker cross with the “Ecce Agnus Dei” banderole is omitted. A similar interpretation problem is the case in the many half-length portraits of girls and young ladies with a lamb, often referred to as St. Agnes, who also may be non-descript shepherdesses. Only if a sword or a palm of victory is depicted, can the person portrayed with certainty be identified as St. Agnes. Portraying children and adolescents in the guise of the little Baptist or St. Agnes was possibly stimulated by the Regola del Cura Familiare (1403) of the blessed Dominican monk and cardinal Giovanni Dominici.
A problematic biblical portrait historié in a landscape setting is Jan Mijtens’ 1650 double portrait of couple, traditionally identified as the politician Jacob Cats and his housekeeper Cornelia Baers. The subject of the painting was recently identified as Manoah’s wife reporting the appearance of an angel. The tiny angel in the background would then be the man of God who told Manoah’s wife that she would conceive of a son: Simson. The heavenly messenger was formerly connected with Cats’s imminent death after his withdrawal from public life. It is highly unlikely that Cats wanted to prophesy his own death by means of a portrait. Nor does it seem probable that Cats had himself depicted with his housekeeper as a token of their identification with the life history of the biblical characters. This notion fo a supposed analogy of event also shed doubt on the portrait identification and was reason to suspect that a hitherto unknown couple was portrayed. However, the painting does not seem to allude to another couple’s desire to have children – they are quite elderly – but to the hoped-for arrival of a new Simson or redeemer. The choice of subject could be related to the then political situation and the failed coup d’état by Stadtholder Willem II. The annunciation of Samson’s birth, however, does not refer to the wish for a new stadholder, since Cats did not consider him an indispensable part of a government. Instead, it must be seen a symbol of the hoped-for restoration of the Republic through wise leadership. It is possible, however, that “father Cats” and his “life companion” identified themselves with Manoah and his wife, because they were often presented as examplary Christians.
11. Pastoraal en bijbels portrait historié 497
11.1. Portretwijze en figuurschikking 497
GEKOSTUMEERDE FAMILIEPORTRETTEN IN EEN LANDSCHAP 500
11.2. Pastorale en oudtestamentische familieportretten in landschap 502
FERDINAND BOLS PORTRET VAN EEN ECHTPAAR IN ORIËNTAALS KOSTUUM 502
BIJBELS PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ EN PASTORALE LITERATUUR 506
BIJBELSE BUCOLICA: OUDTESTAMENTISCHE SCÈNES OF PASTORAAL SAMENZIJN 507
11.3. Pastorale of bijbelse kinderportretten: Johannes de Doper en St. Agnes 517
11.4. Jacob Cats en Cornelia Baers als Manoach en zijn vrouw door Jan Mijtens (1650) 523
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 10. The biblical portrait historié has a complicated relation to Protestant spiritualism. I... more Chap. 10. The biblical portrait historié has a complicated relation to Protestant spiritualism. It has been argued that the individual portrayed in portraits historiés “enact a narrative” and “engage the viewer”. These processes have been related to well-known meditational practices in the religious sphere that were derived from other cultural phenomena aimed at creating interaction with the public, such as cathechisms. To have oneself portrayed in miraculous Bible stories was meant to stimulate the imagination and enhance spiritual empathy and to make the biblical matter more comprehensible and down to earth. The connection between typology and “example tradition” was not a specifically Calvinistic affair. For example, similar notions about exemplification and typologies are found in contemporary Mennonite writings, such as the Grooten Emblemata Sacra (1654) by J.P. Schabaelje. Interestingly, the kings of Judea, Assyria and Persia, Greek philosophers and biblical prophets are all portrayed by figures from recent history by the reuse existing portraits. For example, Prophet Habakkuk is represented in the person of Zwingli, and king David is Christian III of Denmark. This identity change was possible because according to Schabaelje’s spirtualistic notion only the quintessence of a figure was relevant. The Emblemata Sacra is also an important trait d’union between the contemporary spiritual reformation and the Protestant spiritualistic discourses in earlier times.
Children had to be instructed by their own parents in the articles of faith. Within sixteenth-century German Lutheranism, paintings were for the first time systematically used for teaching these principles of faith. Portraits historiés may also had paedagogic function in domestic education. The focus on the Christian household in biblical family portraits correlates with the seventeenth-century Pietistic movement of the Further Reformation, that has also been characterized as a ‘family-oriented reform movement’. In Pietistic literature, a godly upbringing was often conneced with the virtuous ars moriendi and guidelines how to deal with death, since large infant mortality caused many parents to be concerned about the salvation of their children. Lambert Doomers’ Samuel in the temple at Shiloh presented to Eli by Hannah (1668) also relates to this concern. The godliness of children also underlies portraits of young boys in the guise of Ganymede. Pietistic catechisation at home was also propagated by preachers as P. Wittewrongel who presented Old Testament figurs as role models for contemporary believers: they served as an example for the education of Reformed youth. Many paintings focus on a godly upbringing.
Barent Fabritius portrayed his kindred (“parental family”) – including siblings, in-laws and their offspring – as figures in Peter in the House of the Centurion Comelius. The Bible story tells how the godly Cornelius summoned the apostle Peter to his home after the visit of an angel. Depicted is the moment that Peter spoke, and the Holy Spirit (the gleaming light) fell on all of them who heard the Word (Acts 10:44). The namesake of father Peter acts here as a substitute for the housefather who had recently died. Next to Peter possibly stands Tobias Velthusius, brother-in-law of Carel, a minister in the Beemster, who translated English pietistic writings. A Pietist way of thinking about the centurion can be found both in Puritan and Catholic literature. Fabritius’ family portrait had an educational goal: to instill godliness into the children who occupy such a prominent place on the painting. Justification through faith and the efficacy of prayer and the Holy Spirit are the main themes. Calvin used the story of Cornelius to explain the maxim “outside the church no salvation”. On the basis of Peter’s words, Calvin dealt also with the outpouring of the Holy Ghost at Pentecoste, which is similary depicted in art. It is striking that Calvin connected the story with the Canaanite woman and Naaman the Syrian; two other exemplary gentiles who appeared in portraits historiés. Fabritius evidently wanted to avoid the appearance of a worship scene, by not drawing attention to the centurion who fell before Peter’s feet but by depicting him as a standing figure upon whom the Holy Spirit descended.
François Wynants and Alida Essings were depicted by Lambert Doomer in Elkana and Hanna present Samuel to Eli (1668), together with their sons François and Dirck, the latter in the guise of the young Samuel. Elkana and Hannah gave their only child to Eli in gratitude to God, because they had been blessed with a son after a long period of infertility; a motif that seems hardly relevant for François and Alida. It has been suggested that the work served as a memorial to their six deceased children, or that Dirck was destined to become a minister, a man of God, like Samuel. One should perhaps take the main motive less literally: as an expression of gratitude for keeping the youngest child alive, since Dirck is depicted as having survived the risky weaning period. Striking is the very faithful and accurate representation of the clothes of Eli. Doomer did not exclusively follow Flavius Josephus’s discription of the high priest, but chose to depict the turban according to Maimonides’s “folded swaddling-bands”, just as Willem Goeree prefered. Also Joachim Oudaen gave a detailed description of the priestly robes, breastplate and frontlet in his play The rejected house of Eli (1671). The drama has been interpreted as political allegory in which the judicial rejection of Eli’s tribe refers to the House of Orange. Doomer’s painting may have such a political dimension, but can perhaps best be explained by the exemplary role of the biblical couple. The episode could serve as a model for all who share in the heavenly calling. The minister Franciscus Burman also attributed an educational goal to the story as an example “how the children of God are received with gratitude and that they must be sanctified.”
The visualised identification with a biblical figure should not be seen as a symptom of a Protestant state of mind. One must also be conservative in the interpretation of the painting as a means of religious revelation or expression of innermost feelings. It has been proposed that sprititualistic practices, especially occasional meditations, are a suitable starting point for interpreting portraits historiés, since they may have instigated the allegorical presentation of everyday events as biblical histories. Josua Sanderus played an important role in the distribution of such ideas. He translated Hall’s Occasional Meditations as well as many other English books on godliness, and was involved in a new edition of Van Haemstede Martyrology of 1621 (1st ed. 1559), in which Old Testament heroes were presented as role models for contemporary administators. The biblical portraits historiés of Protestants are a proof of their attempt to demonstrate to the outside world that they adhered to the religious norms of their own denomination and continued to walk in covenant with God according to the doctrinal standards of sanctification by following pious examples.
10. Het portrait historié in het protestantse spiritualisme 461
10.1. Het portrait historié als catechismus en opvoedkundig middel 462
10.2. Piëtistische opvoeding en godzalige kinderen 466
ZUIGELINGENSTERFTE EN ZIELENHEIL: KINDERPORTRETTEN ALS GANYMEDES 468
PIËTISTISCHE HUISCATECHISATIE EN HET PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ 469
10.3. Petrus in het huis van Cornelius door Barent Fabritius (1653) 471
EEN CALVINISTISCH-PIËTISTISCHE DUIDING VAN DE CENTURION 473
10.4. Elkana en Hanna presenteren Samuel aan Eli door Lambert Doomer (1668) 477
HISTORISCH ACCURATE WEERGAVE VAN DE HOGEPRIESTER IN HET EIGENTIJDS VERTOOG 481
10.5. Het portrait historié in de protestantse devotionele praktijk 486
OCCASSIONAL MEDITATIONS, INVALLENDE GEDACHTEN EN BELEVINGSKUNST 487
PIËTISTISCHE GODZALIGHEID, GEREFORMEERDE HEILIGEN EN DE EXEMPELTRADITIE 491
VOORAFSCHADUWINGEN EN BIJBELSE UITBEELDINGEN: SCHABAELJES GROOTEN EMBLEMATA SACRA (1654) 493
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 9. Many preachers compared the Reformed Dutch with the biblical Jews and regarded the Repub... more Chap. 9. Many preachers compared the Reformed Dutch with the biblical Jews and regarded the Republic as the Second Israel. In pamphlets written at the time of the Revolt we find the first equations between the Reformed Church and Jerusalem. For rhetoricians the Dutch Israel also became a commonplace. In the Protestant Republic there was a certain reluctance to use biblical matter for the glorification of still living rulers. Only one proper biblical portrait historié of a stadholder is known: Frederik Hendrik als David by Jacob Gerritsz. Cuyp of 1630. The painting was painted to commemorate the conquest of Den Bosch. Frederik is shown with the head of the slain Goliath. Praise is sung by the personifications of the seven provinces, while the victor is crowned with a laurel wreath by a putto holding a banderole with the text “Gloria in excelsis” that refers to Psalm 98. In light of the third verse of Psalm 98 and John 4:22, Calvin argued that the glory of the Gentiles consists of the incorporation into the sacred lineage of Abraham. The united provinces symbolise the union of all peoples with Israel. By the victory of the “Davidic” Frederik Hendrik on the “Philistine” Spaniards the people of Den Bosch were brought to the true faith whereby they were absorbed in Israel.
The metaphor of the Second Israel served as a safe alternative to the complex concept of election, a cause of constant controversy, and it was also in line with Calvinist views on godliness and the so-called “example tradition” (religious exemplification). In the Republic, Calvin’s doctrine of the convenant was seen as an addition to his doctrine of election and considered essential for the notion of a protestant nation. But the alter-Israel rhetoric was also reversed and used against the authoritarian, theocratic tendencies of orthodox Reformed. The Reformed themselves were also wary that the Dutch people would push their identification with Israel to the edge. It was also not forgotten that Dutch anabaptists in 1534 had proclaimed the kingdom of Zion in Westphalian Münster. Calvin’s clearly draw a dividing line between the covenant and salvation: election in the context of the covenant does not necessarily mean election to salvation.
It has been claimed that the Schrijver family is portrayed in Rembrandt’s Jacob blesses the sons of Joseph (1656). Gary Schwartz assumed that Willem Schrijver was portrayed in the guise of Joseph, and his son Willem the Younger as Ephraim, while Wendela de Graeff was added as Joseph’s wife Asenath. He saw a parallel between the story of Jacob’s youngest grandson, who obtained the rightful inheritance – despite the legitimate claim of his older brother – and the circumstance that Schrijver had come into possession of a considerable capital after the death of his wife. In the Republic, the story of Ephraim and Manasseh often served as a motive for depicting a conflict between figures and nations. The suggestion that the theme in the painting applies to a family feud over the inheritance appears to be strengthened by similar imagery in writings, but more likely the subject matter relates to the national analogy of the Dutch Israel. Three years earlier, a political pamphlet Manasse teegen Ephraim was published which relates to the First Anglo-Dutch War. Apart from this, Dutch Calvinists did not understand the invocation of the patriarchs in Jacob’s prayer for Manasseh and Ephraim as heavenly intercession but as an indirect proof of their own incorporation into Israel. The exchange of birthright was understood as spiritual adoption by which Ephraim and Manasseh were equated with Jacob and both included in the covenant of grace. In the year that the work was painted, in 1656, Willem Schrijver gained an important position in the city council, after he renounced his membership of the Remonstrant Fraternity. If the identification of the portrayed is correct, the painting might serve as symbol of adherence to the reformed church and its doctrine of election. According to Calvin, Jesus, as the Christ, connects the church with Israel. One should not confuse the Calvinistic notions of the Second Israel with philosemitism, as has happened in many art-historical publications in recent years. Calvin writes that the Gentiles have taken the place of Israel. Most preachers understood Zion, God’s vineyard, only as the metaphysical Church of the chosen. This church was not visible to its members, and godliness could only be pursued by means of sanctification. Different motives of the second Israel can be distinguished in biblical portraiture. 1.) God saved the Dutch as well as the Israelites from slavery; 2.) God has chosen this land, as well as Canaan, as the place for his church; 3.) God has given rich blessings to the Dutch; 4.) God has often miraculously delivered the Dutch; 5.) God shows them His mercy for their sins.
9. Bijbelse beeldspraak: het Nederlands Israël en de Nadere Reformatie 439
9.1. Calvinistisch natiebesef: het Neêrlands Israël, een Geuzen-Israël 439
9.2. Verheerlijkte heerser of voorbeeldige vorst: stadhouders als bijbelfiguren 443
FREDERIK HENDRIK ALS DAVID VOOR DEN BOSCH DOOR JACOB GERRITSZ. CUYP (1630) 445
9.3. Het portrait historié als verbeelding van de verbondsgedachte 448
9.4. Rembrandts Jakob zegent Jozefs zonen (1656) 452
9.5. Het Neêrlands Israel als metafysische kerk, geestelijk Israël en wijngaard 456
MOTIVATIES VAN HET TWEEDE ISRAËL IN DE BIJBELSE PORTRETKUNST 458
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 8. By depicting their own family in a biblical scene, painters could make a collective test... more Chap. 8. By depicting their own family in a biblical scene, painters could make a collective testimony of faith on behalf of their relatives, as Jacob I Delff did. This is also the case in Claes Cornelisz. Moyaert’s family portrait God appears to Abraham in Shechem (1628). The choice of subject can not be explained by the protestant notion of the Republic as Promised Land, since the Moyaert family was Roman Catholic. However, the altar at Shechem, errected in Canaanitic hostile territory, can refer to the “private” Catholic altars that were clandistinely established in Calvinistic cities; also in houses of members of the Moyaert family. The significance of the holy place of Shechem is also important (outside the scope of the episode shown) for the interpretation of the painting. In a pamphlet of 1620, for instance, the partriarch Jacob’s stay at Shechem was allegorically compared to the situation at that time, as a living example of the troubles between the Catholics and Protestants. Allusions on the sacking of the city of Shechem as revenge were also often used in seventeent-century literature.
Aelbert Cuyp’s Meeting of David and Abigail (1635) with Lowys Molenschot and Janneken Rochus as the main protagonists is synthesis of a group portrait, a biblical history and a civic guard painting. Although this type of painting is unique in Cuyp’s oeuvre, the painter had experience with painting group portraits in landscape settings and tronie-like portraits with oriental elements. Lowys Molenschot is depicted as a captain of the militia, his son Rochus as an ensign and his son-in-law Abraham de Gelder as a corporal. The choice of subject can be simply explained by the wish of the client to be portrayed in that military rank. There is, however, another reason for visually merging a contemporary militia with David’s army. The minister Willem Teellinck formulated in his Davids vvapen-tuygh (1622) a biblical analogy, of what was expected of the Dutch citizens, namely to protect State and Church. He explicitly made a comparison with the times of king David and praised the Dutch civic guards, stating that it is allowed to use ordinary means to create a new Israel. In 1655, when the painting was made, the taking up of arms was an up-to-date topic in the context of the Dutch freedom struggle: the Second Northern War had just broken out. Apart from military allusions, the subject of Cuyps painting also reflected great honour on the female members of the family as the wise and virtuous Abigail and her handmaidens.
The only known “regents group portrait” with an Old Testament subject, Elisa refuses the presents of Naaman was painted by Pieter de Grebber of 1637 for the regents of the Haarlem hospital Leprozenhuis (Lepers Asylum). The ominous warning emanating from the biblical painting was meant to protect the regents from fraudulent behaviour and self-enrichment. Volker Manuth correctly identified these portraits as the four regents of the Leprosy House in 1637. Here, they are, for the first time, identified separately on the basis of other portraits. The subject choice may also be explained in the local popularity of the story of Naaman: the humanist Cornelius Schonaeus, rector of the Haarlem Latin School, wrote a biblical comedy titled Naaman (1572). Particularly because of the leprosy theme and the admonishing message, the subject appeared to be particularly suitable for the Leprozenhuis and its administration, but there was another reason. The careers of the portrayed and their families were influenced by the quarrel between Arminianists and Counter-Remonstrant Calvinists. The discussions, centered around the question of predestination, original sin and salvation, could be explained on the basis of the Naaman story. Leprosy was associated with hereditary sins and the pagan Naaman, with his rudimentary faith in the Messiah, was also used by Calvin as a virtuous example and argument for church membership as requirement for salvation.
In 1640 Marinus Lowyssen and his wife Eva Ment were portrayed “in assistance” in Christ and the Canaanite woman by Jacob Backer (1640). The fact that the woman, whose sick daughter is healed by Christ, is an alien woman, a foreigner from outside the Holy Land, makes it message clear: Christ is not only there for Jews, but also for all other nations. The woman asks, as it were, for the crumbs that fall from Israel’s table, so that she can partake in eternal salvation. The behaviour of the Canaanite woman is presented as a good example and counterpart of the haughty actions of the Jews who exluded their parents from the usufruct of goods by declaring them qorban (sacrificial offering), about which Christ reproached the Pharisees, just prior to the meeting with the Canaanite woman. Apart from being illustration of maternal care, it is this implied honouring of one’s parents, that makes the subject suitable for a family portrait. The main theme of the painting is, however, a miraculous cure that is symbolic for justification by faith alone. The breadcrumbs of which the woman speaks also relate to the bread as a symbol for Christ. A loaf is held the couple’s son, while their daughter draws attention to it. That Christ was not exclusively sent to the house of Israel, was also an important fact for the seventeenth-century Dutch who literally portrayed themselves as representatives of a New Israel and also did their own missionary work in the Far East. Interstingly, Eva Ment was entrusted by her first husband J.P. Coen with the godly upbringing of half-European girls in Batavia (Dutch East-Indies), while her later husband Lowyssen also took care of children of V.O.C. servants.
Lowyssen’s likeness was also recognised in Jacob Backer’s Isaac and Rebecca (1640) in the guise of the patriarch Isaac wooing his wife in Gerar. Rebecca, who turns her face away, must be Eva Ment. Absent is Abimelech, who caught the couple in the act and realised they were not siblings. It has been argued that the love scene was kept in a private room since this public display of intimacy would have been considered inappropriate. Marital love and procreation, however, was not seen as something perverse. A presumed moralistic message and postive image of Isaac of Rebecca does not explain why the couple chose biblical portraiture as a pretext for eroticism, or how their promiscuous pose can be reconciled with their Calvinistic background. In the notes of the Statenbijbel the amorous ‘sporting’ (jokken) is explained as ‘making some free but fair gestures’. Luther claimed that the homesick couple comforted each other. Reformed preachers also saw this as a mitigating circumstance. In the light of this, it is interesting that Lowyssen and Ment had met each other, far from home, abroad in India, where they witnessed the flogging of the 12-year-old Saartje Specx, who was punished for making love with the 16-year-old ensign Pieter Cortenhoeff, who was decapitated for this offence. The violent incident also preoccupied the people’s minds back in the Republic because the presumed pledge of marriage between the two had been an argument for acquitting them from prosecution. Possibly the couple Lowyssen-Ment sought connection with the pietistic ideas of the Further Reformation with pastors like Petrus Wittewrongel who argued that marital cohabitation consisted not only of sharing a house and a table, but in particular of the community of the bed.
8. Bijbelse familie- en groepsportretten uit de glorietijd van de Gouden Eeuw 375
8.1. God verschijnt aan Abraham te Sichem door Nicolaes Moyaert (1628) 375
8.2. De Ontmoeting van David en Abigaïl door Aelbert Cuyp (ca. 1655) 378
DE FAMILIE MOLENSCHOT 379
TUSSEN GENRES: AELBERT CUYP ALS PORTRET- EN HISTORIESCHILDER 382
MISE-EN-SCÈNE IN HISTORISCHE CONTEXT: TUSSEN SCHUTTERSSTUK EN FAMILIEPORTRET 385
POSTUUM EERBETOON: ABIGAÏL ALS EXEMPEL 387
8.3. Een regentenstuk: Elisa en Naäman door Pieter de Grebber (1637) 391
NAÄMAN IN DE BEELDTRADITIE 393
VERHALENDE REGENTENSTUKKEN VOOR LIEFDADIGE INSTELLINGEN 396
PIETER DEYMAN 398
JOHAN VAN CLARENBEECK 402
DIRCK SCHATTER 404
JOHAN VAN HOFLAND 408
CORNELIUS SCHONAEÜS, NAÄMAN EN DE ERFZONDE 411
8.4. Christus en de Kanaänitische vrouw door Jacob Backer (1640) 415
BROKJES GENADE: CHRISTUS’ GELIJKENIS ALS DEUGDZAAM EXEMPEL 420
DE PAULINISCHE BOODSCHAP VAN RECHTVAARDIGING DOOR HET GELOOF 425
8.5. Izaäk en Rebekka door Jacob Backer (1640): een huwelijks liefdesspel 428
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 7. In a secular and domestic environment, the most common theme used for portraits historié... more Chap. 7. In a secular and domestic environment, the most common theme used for portraits historiés was Christ suffering the children to come unto him. The oldest, known combination of a family portrait with this blessing scene is an epitaph from 1557 that Lucas II Cranach painted in memory of Dr. Caspar Cruciger. The earliest known portrait historié with this subject from the Netherlands was painted by Hieronymus Francken 1602 and probably depicts the De Witte family. Werner van de Valckert’s Christ blessing the children (1620) depicts Michiel Poppen, his wife and their children. Although the family Poppen descend from a Protestant lineage, there are indications that other relatives, who switched to the Catholic faith, were also intended to be depicted, such as Dirck Wuytiers, whose portrait apparently remained unfinished. The depiction of the first newly built Protestant church in Amsterdam, the Zuiderkerk, in the background, however, strongly points towards a Protestant interpretation, since it characterizes Amsterdam as a new Jerusalem.
Two depictions of Christ suffering the children to come unto him by Cornelis Cornelisz. van Haarlem show integrated portraits; one is dated 1633 and portrays the governors or regents of the Holy Ghost Infirmary, who are identified individually for the first time; the other of 1614 depicts a matron. In 1646, Cornelis Danckerts painted the children of the Bosch family from The Hague as being blessed by Christ. This painting makes clear that in Dutch art the focus has clearly shifted from the mothers around Christ to the family as a household. Despite the many figures, Danckert’s monumental painting has a striking intimacy. The religious content is well compatible with its figuration as a family portrait, reducing the distance between the lofty historia and the domestic pétite histoire. The catholic Braems family from Haarlem was also depicted in a monumental portrait historié of the same subject by Jan de Bray (1663). Four portraits of elderly men were added later: either ancestors of the Braems family or governors of the St. Jacobs Godhuis, where the work hung. The inscription on the frame “MEMORES ESTOTE PARENTUM VESTRORUM” (Honour the memory of your parents) could refer to the Vulgate text and/or Calvin’s commentary of Hebrews 13: 7-9 (“Remember your leaders”). It is possible that the Calvinist ‘supervisors’ of this former Catholic Godshuis have appropriated the theme of the family portrait and have used the inscription for their own message.
The frequent appearance of the theme since the 1540s has been associated with the theological dispute over infant baptism between Lutherans and Anabaptists. The dispute about the age of baptism had its repercussions on the representation of this subject (particularly the age of persons being blessed). The regenerative value of baptism was recognized by both Luther and Calvin. Paintings in which Protestant families portray their children under Christ’s blessing are to be understood as a visualisation of this symbolic renewal of baptism, in order to be resurrected in faith. Similarly, regeneration is the leitmotiv of a 1647 portrait of the family of Ole Worm, a Lutheran Dane of Dutch descent. In portraits of Catholic families, the motive of Christ laying on his hand on the children purposely evoke associations with the Catholic sacrament of the confirmation: which corresponds with the age of the children shown (7-12 years). The pathos generated by the theme of the Christ’s Blessing can also be associated with the theological concept of vivificatio. Spiritual renewal is also central to the Calvinist “theology of sanctification”, and as a form of reflection it could also serve as a substitute for doing “good works”. And by being blessed by Christ the portrayed people become participants of the community of Christ. The greater attention paid to the child in early modern times may also explain the increase of portraits with the subject in general and the popularity among different denominations.
7. Portraits historiés met de Kinderzegening 335
7.1. Laat de kindertjes tot mij komen met de familie Poppen door Werner van den Valckert (1620) 337
7.2. De Kinderzegeningen door Cornelis Cornelisz. van Haarlem (1614, 1633) 343
7.3. Laat de kindertjes tot mij komen met de familie Bosch van Johan Dankerts (1646) 345
7.4. Laat de kindertjes tot mij komen met de familie Braems van Jan de Bray (1663) 350
7.5. Themakeuze in theologisch verband met doop, opwekking en wedergeboorte 352
DE KINDERZEGENING MET DE FAMILIE WORM: NATUURLIJKE EN INTELLECTUELE REGENERATIE 356
7.6. Omarming, aanraking of handoplegging 358
7.7. Kindergeloof en de doop 363
7.8. Het portrait historié als vivificatio: heiligmaking door het geloof 365
7.9. De Kinderzegening: een oecumenisch thema? 369
EXCURS: EEN KINDERZEGENING MET DYNASTIEKE PRETENTIES 373
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 6. The dawn of the Golden Age of the autonomous portrait historié started in the last quart... more Chap. 6. The dawn of the Golden Age of the autonomous portrait historié started in the last quarter of the sixteenth century in Antwerp with the painting Moses and the Israelites of 1574 by Maerten de Vos, commissioned by Peeter Panhuys and Gillis Hooftman. The Panhuys panel serves as a case study for determining how the choice of a subject relates to the faith of the persons portrayed in a biblical portrait historié. Presented is a partly new identification of the sitters and a new assessment of their religious persuasions. Although the individuals portrayed have been connected to the ‘spiritualistic’ movement of the Family of Love in earlier studies, no attempt was made to interpret the painting in the light of this connection. The Family attracted both Protestants and Catholics. The iconography of this portrait historié, also points in the direction of Lutheran interpretation and seems to confirm the (otherwise established) Lutheran sympathies of Gillis Hooftman and Peeter Panhuys. Moreover, the specific formulation of the Ten Commandments indicates the consultation of a Lutheran Bible translation. This observation seems remarkable since the painting was considered distinctly Calvinist by others.
Biblical portraits historiés, such as the Panhuys panel, may be understood as visualisation of the communio sanctorum or saintly community. One could argue that portraits historiés, in which one projects oneself in the position of protagonists or acting characters of a biblical story, are meant to depict an act of godliness. In a biblical portrait historié the person portrayed is depicted as if he were experiencing an institutional moment of faith at first hand, which seems to be closely connected with the desire to be part of christian tradition. Unlike in the Catholic Church, in Calvinism religious tradition has less to do with the continuation of the ecclesiastical office than with the passing on of the divine gift and the internalised continuation of belief through the calling to the ministry, as inspired by the Holy Spirit. An example of this is Martin Faber’s Institution of the diaconate (1617) with calvinist reformers from Emden.
Jacob Willemsz. I Delff portrayed his family in The Reconciliation of Jacob and Esau (1584) with two of his sons as the main figures. The reason for the choice of subject should not be sought in a personal predilections or narrative analogy, such of the settlement of a family quarrel. The choice of subject finds its explanation in the ongoing theological debate about the doctrine of predestination in relation to original sin and election, for which the story served as an example. The Delft minister Arent Croese was closely involved in this debate, that was also often waged in public places, for example in a Delft inn. The fact that Jacob and Esau each went their own way was predetermined before their birth, which John Calvin, in his Institution of 1539, regarded as illustrative of the nullity of their merits in God’s eyes. The story tells not so much about how people should relate to each other but how to situate their own behaviour within a divine context. The Old Testament story of election (as well as its Pauline reading), seems to focus primarily on the individual in spite of its theological interconnection to the corrupt masses and types of people (chosen and rejected). The story can be seen as a legitimation to be represented as a rigtheous believer who does not believe in sanctification through good works but renders himself to God’s judgment.
Karel van Mander’s Crossing of the Jordan (1605) shows the portraits of Duyffgen Roch and Isaack van Gherwen among the Israëlites. Both were Remonstrants, but Van Gherwen was originally a Mennonite, just like the painter. Van Gherwen’s family left their birthplace Den Bosch for religious persecution, which could explain the subject: like the Israelites who had to leave Egypt, many refugees reached “their” Promised Land; the Republic. The painting dates two years after the third unsuccessful siege of ’s-Hertogenbosch and the draining of the river seems to anticipate a tactic that conquered the city in 1629. One should also not play down the role of the painter in the choice of subject of the painting that was probably meant as wedding gift. The crossing of the Jordan had a specific mennonite meaning, since it was traditionally seen as a foreshadowing of Christian baptism. Van Mander wrote a poem on the painting, originally inscribed on the frame, in which he compared the passage through the Jordan with the path of life: the way of all flesh, a common topos in Mennonite literature. Several lines of poetry from Van Mander’s Gulde Harpe (1605) seem to be especially tailored to the history piece. In it he alludes to the “Levitical priesthood”, a reference to a passage by Philips Schabaelje, which in its turn should be connected to Van Mander’s self-portrait as one of the Levites carrying the Ark across the river.
6. Bijbelse familieportretten uit de dageraad van de Gouden Eeuw 269
6.1. Mozes en de Israëlieten door Maerten de Vos (1574) 272
“REFORMATIONSBILD” 274
PANHUYS EN HOOFTMAN: CALVINISTISCHE SPIONNEN? 275
EEN ANALYSE VAN DE TAFELEN DER WET 278
DE OVERIGE GEPORTRETTEERDEN 280
PAULUS IN EFEZE 284
DE OPDRACHTGEVERS EN HET HUYS DER LIEFDE 287
6.2. Het bijbelse portrait historié als beeld van de communio sanctorum 289
6.3. Een Emdens voorbeeld: Martin Fabers Instelling van het diaconaat (1617) 294
6.4. De Verzoening van Jakob en Ezau door Jacob Willemsz. I Delff (1584) 299
IDENTIFICATIE VAN DE GEPORTRETTEERDEN 300
DUIDING VAN DE VERZOENING VAN JAKOB EN EZAU 305
GERECHTVAARDIGDEN EN GEHEILIGDEN: ARENT CROESE OVER JAKOB EN EZAU EN DE PREDESTINATIELEER 309
VERHEFFING VAN HET INDIVIDU OF EIGENGERECHTIGHEID? 313
6.5. De doortocht door de Jordaan van Karel van Mander (1605) 315
DE GEPORTRETTEERDEN: ISAACK VAN GHERWEN EN DUYFFGEN ROCH 316
DE FAMILIE VAN GHERWEN 320
HET SCHILDERIJENBEZIT VAN ISAACK VAN GHERWEN EN DUYFFGEN ROCH 323
DE DOORTOCHT ALS LEVENSWEG 326
DOOP, BESNIJDENIS EN HUWELIJK 330
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 5. In the Northern Netherlands, the biblical portrait historié for sacral and devotional pu... more Chap. 5. In the Northern Netherlands, the biblical portrait historié for sacral and devotional purposes was contextually separated from the secular variant for domestic use, notwithstanding its religious subject matter. However, also after the dissolution of the catholic institutions, one could still find portraits on altarpieces, such Petrus Purmerent’s portrait as apostle on Wouter Crabeth’s Assumption of Mary (1628) for a clandestine church in Gouda. Although Catholics in the Republic had preference for New Testament scenes and marian depictions, Old Testament subjects could also be used for private portraits (e.g. Moyaert’s portrait of his own family in Abraham in Shechem). More conservative Roman Catholics deliberately held on to specific art formats such as the triptych, even for their private depictions (e.g. Gerrit Pietersz.’s Adoration with shepherds with the Stuyver-Den Otter family). In the Spanish Netherlands, on the other hand, portraits historiés still appeared unabatedly in eclesiastical art, mostly on epitaphs and altarpieces, although there were attempts to curtail disguised portraits in sacral art. From the sixteenth century onwards, portraits in the guise of religious figures were increasingly held in abhorrence and condemned by theologians as Molanus, Borromeo, and Paleotti. Profanity in religious art was prohibited by the Council of Trent, and as a result restrictions on the appearance of portraits in religious art were imposed by local church authorities in the Southern Netherlands. A ban on portraits on middle panels of altarpieces was issued at the Provincial Council of Mechlin (1607) and subsequent synods and decrees tried to put an end to the illegal dipiction of private persons, especially of those who did not contribute to a painting as donors. However, these decrees were rarely followed and clandestine portraits still were being painted in the centre of altarpieces. An additional problem – also for decanal control – was that many portraits could not be recognized as such, since it was difficult to discern between realistic models (sometimes recognisable as family members of a painter, as is the case with the many religious figures by Rubens) and “actual” portraits.
5. Het sacrale portrait historié in de katholieke kerk in de zeventiende eeuw 219
5.1. Het katholiek portrait historié in de zeventiende-eeuwse Republiek 219
5.2. Portraits historiés voor schuilkerken en privékapellen in de Republiek 227
HET DRIELUIK VAN DE FAMILIE DEN OTTER-STUYVER DOOR GERRIT PIETERSZ. (1601) 227
DE TENHEMELOPNEMING VAN MARIA DOOR WOUTER CRABETH (1628) 230
BERNARDUS VAN CLAIRVAUX BEKEERT DE HERTOG VAN AQUITANIË (1641) 233
HET PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ IN GOUDA EN CRABETHS ICONOGRAFISCHE BRONNEN 237
5.3. De theologische veroordeling van het religieuze portrait historié 239
VROEGE KRITIEKEN, HET CONCILIE VAN TRENTE EN JOHANNES MOLANUS 239
CARLO BORROMEO, GABRIELE PALEOTTI EN FEDERICO BORROMEO EN HET MODELLENVRAAGSTUK 243
5.4. Portretverbod in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1607) 246
5.5. De naleving van het portretverbod en sacrale portretten na 1607 250
ANTWERPEN 252
RUBENS’ PORTRETTEN VAN ANTWERPENAREN OP ALTAARSTUKKEN 256
MECHELEN EN BRUSSEL 259
BRUGGE EN GENT 261
NABESCHOUWING 265
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 4. The biblical portrait historié turned out to be particularly useful for transferring rel... more Chap. 4. The biblical portrait historié turned out to be particularly useful for transferring religious propaganda because complex theological concepts could be visualised and made intelligible for the average beholder through well-known religious imagery. There are ample examples of political imagery, such as Lucas D’Heere’s Philip II in the guise of king Solomon with the Queen of Sheba bringing gifts as an image of complacency of the Netherlands. Counter-Reformation iconography is the basis of Pieter Pourbus’s triptych of Viglius ab Aytta. The donor himself, political figures and church reformers appear on the central panel amidst the hebrew scribes taking part in the discussion with the 12-year-old Christ in the Temple. The side panels of Viglius’ triptych show prototypes of Christian baptism: on the left the Circumcision of Christ and on the right the Baptism of Christ. The biblical debate depicted on the central panel is to be understood as an image of the ongoing theological dispute about the sacrament of baptism, in which the contemporary figures participated. The side panels are meant to visualise the catholic doctrine of distinction between child baptism and adult baptism of converts.
Paintings of the Last Supper proved particularly suitable for the insertment of portraits, of both isolated individuals and of whole groups. In early sixteenth-century Lutheran altarpieces, the Last Supper was used to represent church reformers and fellow believers as substitutes and successors of the apostles. Individuals portrayed could visually partake of the Supper of the Lord, as in the real life ritual, and make God’s grace outwardly observable to other believers. In the Catholic Church too, the distinction between the painted historical event and the living liturgical practice was cancelled, and the separation between the two acts blurred by being depicted as attending this pivotal moment. Furthermore, by representing a specific iconography of the Cena one could adhere to particular opinions on the Christian rite. In Gortzius Geldorp’s Last Supper (1576) with Louvain theologians as apostles, the inscription on the chalice refers to the theological dispute about John 6 and the Tridentine interpretation of the eucharist. Depictions of the Last Supper from the Northern Netherlands with portraits of contemporary artists, rhetoricians and prominent figures, such as Coornhert, also served as a means to propagate Protestant views on the Communion and reject the transubstantation or the actual presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper. In addition to portraits as apostles in Last Supper scenes, there is also a long tradition of (semi-autonomous) self-portraits in the guise John the Apostle and Luke the Evangelist. The latter custom probably started with Rogier van de Weyden’s self-portrait as the first Christian painter in Lukas painting the Madonna. The less obvious identification with John can be explained by the story of Lycomedes.
4. Het portrait historié als religieuze propaganda 145
4.1. Het Viglius-altaar door Frans Pourbus de Oudere te Gent (1571) 147
4.2. Het Laatste Avondmaal als theologische polemiek 164
LUTHERSE AVONDMAALSSCÈNES MET PORTRETTEN DOOR DE CRANACHS 165
4.3. Ontwikkeling van portraits historiés op Laatste Avondmalen 169
4.4. Het Laatste Avondmaal als uitbeelding van de eucharistie 176
DE AVONDMALEN VAN MECHTELT TOE BOECOP: LITURGISCHE VERSUS HISTORISCHE BETEKENIS 183
4.5. Gortzius Geldorps Laatste Avondmaal (1576): de eucharistie Tridentijns geduid 189
4.6. Kunstenaars en rederijkers als apostelen 200
CORNELIS KETELS APOSTELREEKS MET KUNSTLIEVENDEN & RUTGER JANSZ. ALS PAULUS 200
HET LAATSTE AVONDMAAL MET D.V. COORNHERT DOOR KAREL II VAN MANDER (1602) 204
EXCURS: REDERIJKERSNETWERK 211
4.7. Zelfportretten als Lukas en Johannes 214
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, 2018
Chap. 3. Because of the multitude of manifestations, it is difficult to reconstruct the coming in... more Chap. 3. Because of the multitude of manifestations, it is difficult to reconstruct the coming into being of the biblical portrait historié. Different lines of development can be followed within classical and christian art. This religious type of disguised portraiture can only be partly explained by ideas about incarnation, christomimetes, and euhemerism. The identification with a biblical figure can perhaps be best interpreted through typology and anagogè. In religious art, the portrait historié developed from the donor portrait into the “portrait in assistance”, in which the patrons increasingly find their way to the centre of the composition, passively taking part in the sacred history. In the course of time, these passive witnesses gain a more active rol. An important group of works are portraits of burghers in Passion scenes: a specific kind of religious identification that can be connected with the ideas of Modern Devotion. When in later time the religious reform movements gained foothold in the Netherlands – on both sides of the denominational spectrum – it was mainly the epitaph (memorietafel) from which the autonomous biblical portrait historié developed.
With the coming of the Reformation, the dichotomy between ecclesiastical art and (civic) private art further widened but also resulted in the increase of religious paintings in secular spaces. Nevertheless, autonomous (non-devotional) portraits historiés with Old Testament subjects were already being painted for private homes from the last quarter of the 15th century onwards (e.g. David and Abigail by Hugo van der Goes). Looking across the borders, in France and Germany, one also finds precursors of the autonomous biblical group portraits that first appeared in the southern Netherlands in the last quarter of the 16th century. The diffusion of Reformation ideas also contributed to the rise of the portrait type. In Reformation exegesis the method of humanist allegoresis of scripture was transformed and analogies between biblical and contemporary events and individuals could also be understood in a more literal sense. As before in the Modern Devotion, the anagogy may also have played an important role, since according to the anagogical argument the image, as a substitute for a textual source, could elevate the beholder’s mind to immaterial realities and even a partial or complete union with God. Calvin’s more down-to-earth approach of art and preference for historical representations with a didactic function may also have had an indirect influence on the preferences of citizens in the Dutch Republic. Although portraits were deemed admissible in his view, het was critical of images ‘without meaning’: as a consequence portraits historiés would meet the requirements of art he had envisioned.
3. De ontwikkeling van het portrait historié vanaf de oudheid tot de reformatie 91
3.1. Mythologische voorbeelden uit de oudheid 93
3.2. Vroegchristelijk euhemerisme en de profane typologie 95
3.3. Representatie in vroegchristelijke en middeleeuwse portraits historiés. 98
3.4. Vroege portraits historiés: keizer Sigismund en de Vlaamse connectie 101
3.5. Van gehistoriseerd stichtersportret naar autonoom portrait historié 105
3.6. Assistentieportretten en geïntegreerde portraits historiés van burgers 113
3.7. Opname en inleving: portretten in Passiescènes en de moderne devotie 117
3.8. De Heilige Maagschap als gehistorieerd familieportret 123
3.9. Vroege autonome portraits historiés met oudtestamentische onderwerpen 130
3.10. Van humanistische allegorese naar reformatorisch historiebegrip 134
3.11. Euhemerisme en anagogische betekenisoverdracht 141
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 2. A specific Dutch terminology for portraits historiés did not exist in the 16th and 17th ... more Chap. 2. A specific Dutch terminology for portraits historiés did not exist in the 16th and 17th centuries. In inventories of estates one finds descriptions of subjects of the paintings which mention the individuals who figure in them. The element of identification was often neglected and not elaborated further than in terms of ‘as’ or ‘in the guise of’. In contemporary art theory and other writings, the attention was usually drawn to the manner of apparel and other formal characteristics (portrait à l’antique). Partly due to the lack of terminological and artistic differentiation, biblical portraits historiés seem to approximate related image types such as pastoral portraiture, in which individuals are dressed up as shepherds in antique dress. In many cases one could speak of “genre transition”. It was not until the 18th century that the term portrait historié was introduced for allegorical and narrative portraits, in which the person portrayed could play a historical role. In addition, there are many “borderline cases” that partially meet the definition of the portrait type, such as oriental tronies and recognizable models that have been “portrayed” from/after life but are not intended as portraits.
2. De kenmerking van het portret in het portrait historié 43
2.1. Opdrachtsituatie en atelierpraktijk: poseren of model staan 43
2.2. Gezichten naar het leven: portretten, figuurstudies en tronies 46
2.3. Kenmerken van portret en gelijkenis in het portrait historié. 52
2.4. Op sijn antijcks: zeventiende-eeuwse omschrijvingen van portraits historiés 60
2.5. Portretten in ‘fantastick garbs’ door Nederlandse kunstenaars in Engeland 64
2.6. De portretwijze à l’antique en pastoraal portret 69
2.7. Portraits historiés vermeld in Karel van Manders Schilder-Boeck (1604) 75
2.8. De etymologie en betekenis van ‘historier’ en ‘portrait historié’ 79
2.9. Het portrait historié als historiestuk 85
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 1. The subject of this study is the biblical portrait historié, a portrait type in which a ... more Chap. 1. The subject of this study is the biblical portrait historié, a portrait type in which a person is depicted as a figure from the bible, as it flourished in the Netherlands of the 16th and 17th centuries. In art history, the term portrait historié is used for a subset of both history painting and portraiture in which an individual is portrayed in the guise of a historical, religious, mythological or legendary figure. The description “portrait in the guise of a biblical figure” can cover a wide variety of works of art. A person may be portrayed as protagonist of a biblical story (as David with the head of Goliath) or as biblical figure in a non-biblical narrative scene (as Luke the Evangelist painting the Virgin). The individual(s) depicted could have a main role, actively or passively engaging in the biblical act or hallowed proceding, or appear as an anonymous, secondary but relevant figure in the margins of a multifigured painting. The specific role of the sitter can be identified by analysing the iconography (the sitter’s attributes and/or the narrative context). The term portrait historié is an ambiguous one since it can be used both for a work of art itself, whether it be a proper history piece or an autonomous portrait, and for a portrait figure that is inserted in a narrative scene. The latter portraits are also known as cryptoportraits (i.e. hidden portraits), although these portraits are in no way intended to remain hidden. As an alternative, the description “integrated portraits historiés” is introduced here for those non-autonomous portraits.
1. Tussen portret en historiestuk 13
1.1. Inleiding: afbakening en methodologie van het onderzoek 13
1.2. Kunsthistorisch begrippenapparaat en stand van onderzoek 20
1.3. Werkdefinitie en terminologische afbakening 27
1.4. Formele onderverdeling van het autonome portrait historié 30
1.5. Geïntegreerd portrait historié en assistentieportret 34
1.6. Formele onderverdeling van het geïntegreerde portrait historié 37
1.7. Genrematige grensgevallen: De Verloren Zoon en eigentijdse Bathseba’s 40
Papers by Rudie van Leeuwen
Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2023
Legend has it that Rembrandt van Rijn gave some of his own pouches with paint to his friend Jan S... more Legend has it that Rembrandt van Rijn gave some of his own pouches with paint to his friend Jan Six I, and that this unique gift has remained in the family's possession eversince. Martine Gosselink, Robert van Langh and Stephanie Archangel research the little satchells of pig bladder with pigments from the Six Collection. Since only the background story is known, the focus is on material-technical research. To determine the vericity of the story once and for all, the pouches and pigments are examined in different ways: in the particle accelerator in Hamburg they are tested for certain substances, including the unique to Rembrandt plumbonacrite (a pigment that was used for lead white). Shown in this excerpt is how paleographer Rudie van Leeuwen analyzes the handwritten labels of the pouches. Is this really 17th century longhand and even an autograph inscription by Rembrandt? For the entire broadcast of SE1 EP2, which aired Feb 12, 2020 8:30 PM, visit: https://npostart.nl/AT_2127974
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17-12-2018, I defended my doctoral dissertation about portraits of rulers and burghers as biblica... more 17-12-2018, I defended my doctoral dissertation about portraits of rulers and burghers as biblical figures @ Radboud University Nijmegen (in Dutch): "Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de 16de en 17de eeuw". Since the Middle Ages rulers and burghers have been depicted in the guise of well-known biblical figures. In these “portraits historiés” individuals could, for example, be depicted as the Old Testament king David, or the shepherds adoring Christ. The Modern Devotion stimulated an intimate relationship with biblical figures, and portraits historiés in Passion scenes reflect such spiritual notions. Through biblical portraiture, believers could place themselves in the skin of heroes of faith, such as the Apostles at the Last Supper, and be part of the cloud of witnesses. In the Reformation era, the portrait historié proved a suitable means for propagating adherence to a denomination.
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Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, 2018
Inhoudsopgave VOORWOORD 5 LEGENDA | VERANTWOORDING VAN DE SPELLING VAN BIJBELSE NAMEN EN HOOFDL... more Inhoudsopgave
VOORWOORD 5
LEGENDA | VERANTWOORDING VAN DE SPELLING VAN BIJBELSE NAMEN EN HOOFDLETTERGEBRUIK 6
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
The catalogue of early modern Dutch and Flemish portraits in the guise of biblical figures is an ... more The catalogue of early modern Dutch and Flemish portraits in the guise of biblical figures is an inventory of core works from the period after 1550 to 1700. To keep the notes concise, recurring essential information of the works discussed in the main text has been transferred to here. The list does not offer a complete overview but a selection of representative works and is limited to autonomous portrait pieces. It includes paintings with biblical subjects, mainly group and family portraits as well as portraits that consist of a single figure. In all recorded works, the individuals who are portrayed as Biblical figures appear either in the guise of the main protagonists of a Biblical story (who are known by name), or as anonymous characters involved in the main narrative (who are not individually specifiable, for instance the Israelites or the Shepherds adoring the Christ Infant). The main selection principle for this list was ascertaining "portrait properties," either on the basis of the characterisation of the work or by the number of individuals portrayed (→ Chapter 1). Multi-figured Biblical scenes in which only a few portraits appear (in assistance and / or self-portraits) have been left out (unless part of a series with proper portraits historiés). Altarpieces, epitaphs and painted memoria with isolated/separated (donor) portraits and so-called integrated portraits historiés are also not included. Only a few non-secular paintings containing multiple portraits (from churches e.g.) that are discussed in detail in the main text have been recorded in this catalogue for practical reasons. Narrative scenes with a Biblical source that do not represent actual 'historical' events, such as the Works of Mercy, are beyond the scope of this list; as well as (timeless) parables that are not depicted as a historical scene. This catalogue could not have been made without the help of fellow students from the project group on the portrait historié led by Prof. Dr. Volker Manuth, who laid the foundation for a database I and Charlotte Huiskens worked on from 2004 to 2005 , and which afterwards was expanded with great accuracy and care by Susanne Hilckmann from the Centre for Art History Documentation Nijmegen (CKD). The final database, Porthis, co-developed by Willy Piron, is accessible via the CKD site and contains portraits historiés with all sorts of subjects from all over Europe. https://www.ru.nl/ckd/databases/porthis/porthis/
Due to copyright rules and limited uploadability in academia.edu, the images have been removed from this overview. The images can be consulted through PortHis or by downloading the complete file of my PhD thesis at Radboud Repository (see link below). The images in the latter resource are in black and white and reduced in size to prevent infringement of the image rights, that have been granted only for a non-commercial purposes. When making use of Radboud Repository, Dutch law, general copyrights and restrictive user guidelines apply with regard to distribution and reproduction of the documents that can be downloaded freely for personal use.
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Today, art historians use the designation 'portrait historié' for portraits in the guise of histo... more Today, art historians use the designation 'portrait historié' for portraits in the guise of historical (mythological, biblical, legendary) figures. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the concept was not used for a definite subset of portrait or history painting. Nonetheless, it is possible to analyse the meaning of the linguistic construct 'portrait historie' in individual cases and to capture its precise use at certain points in time. In this semasiological overview the different types of portraits that were identified with this container concept are discussed. In addition, on the basis of current (and more or less synonymous) terminology, related portrait types are discussed, including allegorical portraits, conversation pieces, portraits in action, turqueries, fancy portraits and theater portraits. Typical examples of this are reviewed in chronological order of creation, with particular attention paid to aspects of ornamentation, allegorisation, narrativity, attitude, fantasy, resemblance, role play and theater costumes. The introduction of ever-new variants of portrait historié (as well as the embedding of related art-theoretical concepts in an aesthetic context) appears to be influenced by the change in the judgment of taste, the shift of socio-political circumstances and growing historical awareness. In the Age of Enlightenment, the portrait historié was subject of ridicule and developed from an allegorical image of the incarnation of power into a frivolous and imaginative representation, only to be rehabilitated in the nineteenth century as a historicising manner of portraiture.
Appendix: Semasiologie van het portrait historié na 1700 621
CONVERSATIESTUKKEN: PORTRAITS EN ACTION 621
ENKELVOUDIG PORTRET: SUJETS DE LA FABLE & DE CAPRICE 623
VAN ALLEGORISCHE TRAVESTIE NAAR WAARACHTIGE HISTORIE 625
HISTORISCHEN PORTRAITE & SULZERS SEELENMAHLEREI 628
PORTRAITS IN THE GRAND MANNER & COMPOSITE PORTRAIT 629
PORTRAIT DE FANTAISIE & VRAISEMBLANCE 630
FANCY PORTRAITS & THE PICTURESQUE STYLE 632
RELIGIEUZE FANCY PORTRAITS: RELIGIOUS FANCIES 633
TURQUERIE: PORTRAIT EN SULTANE 636
THEATRALE PORTRETTEN EN DRAMATISCHE ATTIDUDES 637
WITTICISM, FANCY & BORROWING: MOCK HEROIC 639
STRIKING AN ATTITUDE: GOLDSMITH EN HET PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ 641
MIXT & FALSE WIT: THEATRICAL PORTRAITS, EPIGRAMMATICALLY DELINEATED 642
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
The biblical “portrait historié” in the Netherlands of the 16th and 17th centuries.
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 13. The end of the donor portrait in the Dutch Republic left a gap in the artistic repertoi... more Chap. 13. The end of the donor portrait in the Dutch Republic left a gap in the artistic repertoire of spiritual self-imagination. The absence of portraits in ecclesiastical environments, as part of a commemorative cult, has stimulated the rise of the autonomous biblical portrait historié in secular spaces. Since the rise of the Modern Devotion, being portrayed in a religious scene was a way to testify in person of one’s search for forgiveness, mercy and rapprochement to God. The primacy of Scripture and the “Word-oriented” visual culture of the Reformation, in connection to the Dutch Israel imagery, attested to the popularity of the biblical portrait historié in civic context. Biblical portraiture could be theologically legitimised on the basis of guidelines in commentaries on catechisms, although this does not explain its practical purpose. It has been argued that secularized mentality penetrated devotional art and destroyed it from within. It remains unclear whether or not a family portrait with a biblical subject a for private home actually differs in use from an altarpiece or other devotional works of art containing portraits. To attend to this matter, general questions about functionality and devotional practice of portraits need to be studied first. The debates about the Andachtsbild and the differences between private and public art also complicate an overall interpretation of the portrait historié.
Before the Reformation, Dutch artists were already aware of the symbolic relationship between subject matter and form (or function) of religious paintings. In the autonomous biblical portrait historié – i.e. the secularised type – form, figuration and fashion were often linked to the discussion on the functionality of religious art. Often one finds critial references to pious practises: e.g. the pseudo-donor portrait in Delff’s Jacob and Esau: a criticism on intercession of saints; or the fact that Fabritius’s centurion before Peter does not kneel in veneration of the apostle. Catholic defenses against the reproach of idolatry and reactions from Protestants make clear how portraiture and remembrance were viewed from a religious perspective. According to the Reformed view, there is an essential distinction between paintings in the church and those at the home because of a difference in use. Portraits were allowed at home according to Ursinus’s guidelines, that fitted seamlessly with Calvin’s approval of representations of visible creatures. In the Reformed restrictions of art, one can find further explanation for the success of the biblical portrait historié. Not only does this type of portrait only have a civic use, but it also meets all the requirements that were set for art. For it serves as a remembrance, not only of the portrayed, in the Paulinic sense, but also of the biblical story, while the image as a rule also contains a moralistic message.
The reasons given for portrayal as a specific biblical figure or participant in a biblical scene, mainly explain the choice of subject rather than the motivations for that identification. Reformed critiques of the phenomenon portrait historié have not been handed down, and its assessment can only be interpreted indirectly. In some catechetical texts dramatically performed roles are discussed, which may offer some insight into how this kind of role play in religious art was judged – though views differ widely. Biblical parallels and comparison between persons were often justified in an euhemeric way, because of the conformity with God. Both the perfectionist pursuit of conformity with Christ and the imitation of exemplary figures in calvinist sanctification can be seen as adaptations of the medieval imitatio Christi to the Reformed theology of predestination. By following in the footsteps of Old Testament forerunners, and by being portrayed as patriarchs and the people elect, the Dutch placed themselves, as it were, in the succession from the Old to the New Covenant. In the biblical portrait historié, the Christian actually portrays himself as a Christian; in Old Testament scenes without risk of a personal glorification, so as to disprove allegations of vainglory and idolatry. The analogy in Old Testament portraits histories was seldom based on individual parallels. The choice of subject seems to have been as important as the identification with a biblical figure. The autonomous biblical portrait historié is a painterly representation of the personal empathy of the people portrayed with the Dutch Israel. Inherent to the doctrine of predestination is that biblical figures, as representatives of the contemporary persons, are not actually the acting figures of the story, but God, who works in the form of the Holy Spirit, who reveals himself in Grace who remains invisible to the believer and the spectator.
13. Religieuze portretkunst in context 579
13.1. Het bijbelse portrait historié als gedachtenis 579
13.2. Nog één maal de bijbelse rol 598
13.3. Euhemerisme en gelijkvormigheid aan Christus in de zeventiende eeuw 601
13.4. Nawoord 605
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 12. In most portraits historié the biblical story serves as an illustration of an exemplary... more Chap. 12. In most portraits historié the biblical story serves as an illustration of an exemplary line of conduct, and formulates a guideline with the aim of ensuring good behaviour. In fact, specific virtues are represented in a narrative manner by figures involved in a historical act. Hence a portrait historié is not a strict allegory, no personification in which an individual person is portrayed as an abstract concept (such as Caritas). The historical scene functions as a kind of parable, a story by which a religious or philosophical idea is illustrated. Often the painting contains a moralistic message, by which the portrayed tried to propagate a favourable opinion about themselves. Their devotional identification is symptomatic of their religious convinctions. The biblical self-image functions as a mimetic paradigm which is told in a diegetic way: in the form of a story. The narrative fiction of the portrait historié consists of several layers or intradiegetic “worlds”. The actual narrative (of the portrayed) is embedded in another narrative (bible), in (through) which the diegetic narrator tells his own story: this is called metadiegesis. In many mimetic and diegetic parts of Bible stories, one can distinguish two distinct layers of meaning: first, God teaches us that He miraculously realises His mysterious plan; secondly, destructive consequences of reckless actions are overcome by God. Many portraits historie’s portray dimensions of predestination and election, such as Delff’s Reconciliation of Jacob and Esau, or aspects of grace, such The gathering the manna by Metius.
It is striking that the cardinal virtues often seem to be the basis of portraits historiés. A portrait historié is, however, not always based on a personal analogy of virtue. Remarkably, in family portraits depicting The Continence of Scipio the main hero is usually not a portrait. Here the positive outcome as a result of human action (Scipio’s magnanimity) alludes to divine intervention. Subject and analogy, on the other hand, can only be explained by the generic identification of the Dutch with the Roman Republic. In Dutch 17th-century imagery one could easily switch from one national image to another: comparing the Dutch with the Roman, Batavian or Hebrew peoples. Because of his (presumed) historicity of descent, the concept of the Batavian Holland differs from the Dutch Israel, which was based on a spiritual comparability. A comparison between a biblical event and a private incident is more difficult to fathom than a national analogy, because it requires both knowledge of the biblical narrative and of a pétite histoire. Reportedly, the Dordrecht artist Jan Woutersz. van Cuyck painted a Judgment of Salomon in which he portrayed the pro-Spanish bailiff Johan van Drencwaert in the guise of Salomon. Reportedly, Van Cuyck, a Mennonite, was detained in jail on charges of heresy, when he made the paining. This partly explains the justiciary allusion, since the bailiff was also presided over court hearings. It remains the question whether this biblical analogy is a fabrication of later historians or based on the truth. In Van Braght’s martyrology of Van Cuyck a similar biblical imagery is used, when the latter is compared with Christ, for example when Van Braght wrote that the painter was sitting on the rack “like an Ecce Homo”. Van Cuyck himself also displayed an analogical way of thinking in his prison letters when he compared Dordrecht magistrates with Pilate and Caiaphas. Finally, it is significant that the theme of the Salomon’s judgment was also used as an indictment against the Inquisition in prints.
In the absence of evidence, an analogy of event seldomly seems the most obvious explanation for identification with biblical figures. The only paintings in which we may certainly assume a narrative parallel as motive for identification are wedding portraits, such The Wedding of Esther and Ahasveros by Jacob van Hasselt. Identifications that are testimony of a reciprocal experience are extremely rare: the equation of portrayed people with biblical figures rarely resides in a similar course of action in comparable situations. More often, a narrative analogy refers to a general circumstance or specific ritual or practice of a denomination than to a specific incident that an individual had actually experienced. The theme of the Preaching of John the Baptist in portraits also expresses a religious sense of community. The sermon in the open air reminded of the secret meetings held by Protestants outside the city when professing their religion was forbidden. In a general sense, one can explain why a personal analogies did not play a major role in the choice of subject. Peoply did not identify themselves in all respects with biblical figures, especially as their behaviour was not praiseworthy. Perhaps Dutch citizens found events from their own lives too commonplace to compare them with such illustrious stories from Scripture.
Several portraits historiés of Jan Govertsz. van der Aer are known, including a painting by Henrick Goltzius in which he appears in the guise of Vulcan, which probably had a counterpart portrait of his wife as Venus. The reason for the equation with the adulterers Vulcan and Venus is difficult to comprehend. Perhaps the woman was not Venus, but Charis, another woman of Vulcan and one of the Graces. In another painting by Goltzius, Van der Aer is shown as one of the lustful elders who watch the bathing Susanna. Because of the church with the courtyard in the background, the figure of Susanna has been interpreted as the persecuted church and the elders with the Jewish headgear and Turkish turban as her unchristian assailants. Similar actualisations of the Susanna theme as symbolic for the violation of the Christian congregation can be found in contemporary lampoons. Such interpretations, however, do not explain the remarkable portrait identification in malo. Goltzius might played a joke on his friend. The byword “Susanna scoundrel” (Susannaboef) was used for (lecherous) old men. The depiction of Van der Aer can only be a witty quip. Susanna was often the subject of (both pedestrian and edifying) songs that relate to debauchery. Humorous aspects of the biblical story are inherent to its representation, while its deeper meaning was often only a pretext for displaying female nudity. Contemporary beholders will have been aware of this double standard. Perhaps the inclusion of Van der Aer’s portrait in the biblical nude scene served as a countercultural argument against the accusation of hypocrisy.
The intercontextual transposition of meaning in the portrait historié is related to what the sociologist Erving Goffman called ‘keying’. The biblical portrait historié is as form of a role enactment, in which social structures, such as family ties and Christian communities are reproduced in a biblical context within the painting. Three kinds “fantastic socialisation” can be discerned in biblical portaiture. The third group of “secret identifications” includes works that express an intimate self-image that do not seem to comply with the rules of decorum (Lowyssen as lovemaking patriarch; Van der Aer as peeping Tom). Notions similar to the modern “social face” are expressed in Christian morality of the time through “mirror imagery” about the self-image and self-knowledge, often combined with painter’s jargon. This touches upon the ambiguous nature of biblical portraiture: it is a sign of inner faith, and at the same time an ornamental and vain “self-image”. So-called ‘role distance’ becomes evident from personal characteristics, contemporary attributes and iconographical deviation that ensure that the portrayed people break character, and are recognized as themselves.
12. Het portrait historié als narratieve betekenisdrager van moraliteit 527
12.1. Diëgesis en mimesis in het portrait historié 529
12.2. Verpersoonlijkte deugden in burgerlijke context 533
12.3. Verbeelde deugdzaamheid als gecomprimeerd verhaal 536
12.4. Gebeurtenisanalogie? – Johan van Drencwaert als koning Salomon door Wouter van Cuyck 540
12.5. Persoonsanalogie? – De portretten van Jan Govertsz. van der Aer 544
IDENTIFICATIO IN MALO? JAN GOVERTSZ. VAN DER AER ALS VULCANUS 545
SUSANNA EN DE OUDERLINGEN DOOR GOLTZIUS (1607): VAN DER AER ALS GLURENDE OUDERLING 548
12.6. De gebeurtenisanalogie ontleed 555
DE PREDIKING VAN JOHANNES ALS GEBEURTENISANALOGIE 559
WAAROM DE PERSOONLIJKE OF PRIVATE GEBEURTENISANALOGIE WEINIG GELIEFD WAS. 564
GEBEURTENISANALOGIEËN OP ALTAARSTUKKEN EN SACRALE SCHILDERIJEN 569
12.7. Het sociale gezicht: rol en socialisatie in het portrait historié 571
HET SOCIALE GEZICHT: UITERLIJK VERTOON EN ZELFVERSIERING 573
ROLDISTANTIE EN ROLACCEPTATIE DOOR OPHEFFING VAN ONVERGELIJKBAARHEID 575
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 11. As the seventeenth century progressed, the focus shifted from the representation of the... more Chap. 11. As the seventeenth century progressed, the focus shifted from the representation of the extended family to the family nucleus of father, mother and children, while also the number of secondary figures in portraits historiés descreased. The heyday of the biblical portrait historié in the period 1630-1660 coincides with the rise of the pastoral portrait genre. Paintings of families in a landscape form an extensive part of seventeenth-century portraiture. Most biblical portraits historiés are situated outside, often in a arcadic setting, and hence belong to this formal category. The individuals portrayed appear often in Hungarian or Polish dress or à l’antique with Oriental turbans, very similar in fashion to those worn in tronies, bucolic portraits or hunting scenes. A striking example of the problematic separation between different portrait types and genres is Ferdinand Bol’s Portrait a married couple in oriental costume in a landscape (c. 1648). The work has been linked to a painting described in the estate inventory of the late Anna van Erckel, as being the portrait of the deceased and her first husband, Erasmus Scharlaken, in the guise of Isaac and Rebecca. When a missing piece of this painting with a third figure of a shepherd surfaced, this identification seemed less likely, and it was assumed the painting depicted an unknown couple in Oriental dress. The original composition, however, does not rule out that the painting was the biblical scene mentioned in the inventory. The shepherd – who dressed more simply than figures in most pastoral scenes – could then be interpreted the young patriarch Jacob.
Shepherds were often presented in edifying pastoral literature as instructors of divine knowledge and a natural way of life. This bucolic notion was nourished by the Old Testament. Typical biblical arcadia are envisioned in family portraits in which the head of the household is shown as a biblical patriarch on his way to Canaan with his family and all his livestock. There are many biblical portraits historiés that portray individuals as additional figures that are irrelevant to the Bible story depicted. Pastoral family portraits without a definable narrative scene (as derived from a literary source) are very similar in figuration and composition to biblical family portraits in which an all-encompassing action from a Bible episode is missing. Particularly problematic are family portraits à l’antique in Arcadian landscapes with water wells, such as those by Gerbrand van den Eeckhout, which may be interpreted as depictions of Isaac and Rebecca or Jacob and Rachel. In many cases it remains uncertain whether such paintings should be seen as a depiction of a specific biblical story or as more general allusion to it. Many family portraits have an ambiguous iconography that could relate to both the biblical and the pastoral genre. Recurring elements are houlettes, floral motives and all sort of animals.
In the case of autonomous children’s portraits in fancy dress, the absence of a clear narrative context or attributes usually leads to even greater problems of interpretation. Painters used fixed formula for these portraits, regardless of the subject matter, meeting specific wishes of their clients, who could choose from a range of portrait types. Because of the generic repertoire, it often remains unclear whether or not boys in shepherd’s dress (of fur) are meant to represent St. John the Baptist, especially if the wicker cross with the “Ecce Agnus Dei” banderole is omitted. A similar interpretation problem is the case in the many half-length portraits of girls and young ladies with a lamb, often referred to as St. Agnes, who also may be non-descript shepherdesses. Only if a sword or a palm of victory is depicted, can the person portrayed with certainty be identified as St. Agnes. Portraying children and adolescents in the guise of the little Baptist or St. Agnes was possibly stimulated by the Regola del Cura Familiare (1403) of the blessed Dominican monk and cardinal Giovanni Dominici.
A problematic biblical portrait historié in a landscape setting is Jan Mijtens’ 1650 double portrait of couple, traditionally identified as the politician Jacob Cats and his housekeeper Cornelia Baers. The subject of the painting was recently identified as Manoah’s wife reporting the appearance of an angel. The tiny angel in the background would then be the man of God who told Manoah’s wife that she would conceive of a son: Simson. The heavenly messenger was formerly connected with Cats’s imminent death after his withdrawal from public life. It is highly unlikely that Cats wanted to prophesy his own death by means of a portrait. Nor does it seem probable that Cats had himself depicted with his housekeeper as a token of their identification with the life history of the biblical characters. This notion fo a supposed analogy of event also shed doubt on the portrait identification and was reason to suspect that a hitherto unknown couple was portrayed. However, the painting does not seem to allude to another couple’s desire to have children – they are quite elderly – but to the hoped-for arrival of a new Simson or redeemer. The choice of subject could be related to the then political situation and the failed coup d’état by Stadtholder Willem II. The annunciation of Samson’s birth, however, does not refer to the wish for a new stadholder, since Cats did not consider him an indispensable part of a government. Instead, it must be seen a symbol of the hoped-for restoration of the Republic through wise leadership. It is possible, however, that “father Cats” and his “life companion” identified themselves with Manoah and his wife, because they were often presented as examplary Christians.
11. Pastoraal en bijbels portrait historié 497
11.1. Portretwijze en figuurschikking 497
GEKOSTUMEERDE FAMILIEPORTRETTEN IN EEN LANDSCHAP 500
11.2. Pastorale en oudtestamentische familieportretten in landschap 502
FERDINAND BOLS PORTRET VAN EEN ECHTPAAR IN ORIËNTAALS KOSTUUM 502
BIJBELS PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ EN PASTORALE LITERATUUR 506
BIJBELSE BUCOLICA: OUDTESTAMENTISCHE SCÈNES OF PASTORAAL SAMENZIJN 507
11.3. Pastorale of bijbelse kinderportretten: Johannes de Doper en St. Agnes 517
11.4. Jacob Cats en Cornelia Baers als Manoach en zijn vrouw door Jan Mijtens (1650) 523
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 10. The biblical portrait historié has a complicated relation to Protestant spiritualism. I... more Chap. 10. The biblical portrait historié has a complicated relation to Protestant spiritualism. It has been argued that the individual portrayed in portraits historiés “enact a narrative” and “engage the viewer”. These processes have been related to well-known meditational practices in the religious sphere that were derived from other cultural phenomena aimed at creating interaction with the public, such as cathechisms. To have oneself portrayed in miraculous Bible stories was meant to stimulate the imagination and enhance spiritual empathy and to make the biblical matter more comprehensible and down to earth. The connection between typology and “example tradition” was not a specifically Calvinistic affair. For example, similar notions about exemplification and typologies are found in contemporary Mennonite writings, such as the Grooten Emblemata Sacra (1654) by J.P. Schabaelje. Interestingly, the kings of Judea, Assyria and Persia, Greek philosophers and biblical prophets are all portrayed by figures from recent history by the reuse existing portraits. For example, Prophet Habakkuk is represented in the person of Zwingli, and king David is Christian III of Denmark. This identity change was possible because according to Schabaelje’s spirtualistic notion only the quintessence of a figure was relevant. The Emblemata Sacra is also an important trait d’union between the contemporary spiritual reformation and the Protestant spiritualistic discourses in earlier times.
Children had to be instructed by their own parents in the articles of faith. Within sixteenth-century German Lutheranism, paintings were for the first time systematically used for teaching these principles of faith. Portraits historiés may also had paedagogic function in domestic education. The focus on the Christian household in biblical family portraits correlates with the seventeenth-century Pietistic movement of the Further Reformation, that has also been characterized as a ‘family-oriented reform movement’. In Pietistic literature, a godly upbringing was often conneced with the virtuous ars moriendi and guidelines how to deal with death, since large infant mortality caused many parents to be concerned about the salvation of their children. Lambert Doomers’ Samuel in the temple at Shiloh presented to Eli by Hannah (1668) also relates to this concern. The godliness of children also underlies portraits of young boys in the guise of Ganymede. Pietistic catechisation at home was also propagated by preachers as P. Wittewrongel who presented Old Testament figurs as role models for contemporary believers: they served as an example for the education of Reformed youth. Many paintings focus on a godly upbringing.
Barent Fabritius portrayed his kindred (“parental family”) – including siblings, in-laws and their offspring – as figures in Peter in the House of the Centurion Comelius. The Bible story tells how the godly Cornelius summoned the apostle Peter to his home after the visit of an angel. Depicted is the moment that Peter spoke, and the Holy Spirit (the gleaming light) fell on all of them who heard the Word (Acts 10:44). The namesake of father Peter acts here as a substitute for the housefather who had recently died. Next to Peter possibly stands Tobias Velthusius, brother-in-law of Carel, a minister in the Beemster, who translated English pietistic writings. A Pietist way of thinking about the centurion can be found both in Puritan and Catholic literature. Fabritius’ family portrait had an educational goal: to instill godliness into the children who occupy such a prominent place on the painting. Justification through faith and the efficacy of prayer and the Holy Spirit are the main themes. Calvin used the story of Cornelius to explain the maxim “outside the church no salvation”. On the basis of Peter’s words, Calvin dealt also with the outpouring of the Holy Ghost at Pentecoste, which is similary depicted in art. It is striking that Calvin connected the story with the Canaanite woman and Naaman the Syrian; two other exemplary gentiles who appeared in portraits historiés. Fabritius evidently wanted to avoid the appearance of a worship scene, by not drawing attention to the centurion who fell before Peter’s feet but by depicting him as a standing figure upon whom the Holy Spirit descended.
François Wynants and Alida Essings were depicted by Lambert Doomer in Elkana and Hanna present Samuel to Eli (1668), together with their sons François and Dirck, the latter in the guise of the young Samuel. Elkana and Hannah gave their only child to Eli in gratitude to God, because they had been blessed with a son after a long period of infertility; a motif that seems hardly relevant for François and Alida. It has been suggested that the work served as a memorial to their six deceased children, or that Dirck was destined to become a minister, a man of God, like Samuel. One should perhaps take the main motive less literally: as an expression of gratitude for keeping the youngest child alive, since Dirck is depicted as having survived the risky weaning period. Striking is the very faithful and accurate representation of the clothes of Eli. Doomer did not exclusively follow Flavius Josephus’s discription of the high priest, but chose to depict the turban according to Maimonides’s “folded swaddling-bands”, just as Willem Goeree prefered. Also Joachim Oudaen gave a detailed description of the priestly robes, breastplate and frontlet in his play The rejected house of Eli (1671). The drama has been interpreted as political allegory in which the judicial rejection of Eli’s tribe refers to the House of Orange. Doomer’s painting may have such a political dimension, but can perhaps best be explained by the exemplary role of the biblical couple. The episode could serve as a model for all who share in the heavenly calling. The minister Franciscus Burman also attributed an educational goal to the story as an example “how the children of God are received with gratitude and that they must be sanctified.”
The visualised identification with a biblical figure should not be seen as a symptom of a Protestant state of mind. One must also be conservative in the interpretation of the painting as a means of religious revelation or expression of innermost feelings. It has been proposed that sprititualistic practices, especially occasional meditations, are a suitable starting point for interpreting portraits historiés, since they may have instigated the allegorical presentation of everyday events as biblical histories. Josua Sanderus played an important role in the distribution of such ideas. He translated Hall’s Occasional Meditations as well as many other English books on godliness, and was involved in a new edition of Van Haemstede Martyrology of 1621 (1st ed. 1559), in which Old Testament heroes were presented as role models for contemporary administators. The biblical portraits historiés of Protestants are a proof of their attempt to demonstrate to the outside world that they adhered to the religious norms of their own denomination and continued to walk in covenant with God according to the doctrinal standards of sanctification by following pious examples.
10. Het portrait historié in het protestantse spiritualisme 461
10.1. Het portrait historié als catechismus en opvoedkundig middel 462
10.2. Piëtistische opvoeding en godzalige kinderen 466
ZUIGELINGENSTERFTE EN ZIELENHEIL: KINDERPORTRETTEN ALS GANYMEDES 468
PIËTISTISCHE HUISCATECHISATIE EN HET PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ 469
10.3. Petrus in het huis van Cornelius door Barent Fabritius (1653) 471
EEN CALVINISTISCH-PIËTISTISCHE DUIDING VAN DE CENTURION 473
10.4. Elkana en Hanna presenteren Samuel aan Eli door Lambert Doomer (1668) 477
HISTORISCH ACCURATE WEERGAVE VAN DE HOGEPRIESTER IN HET EIGENTIJDS VERTOOG 481
10.5. Het portrait historié in de protestantse devotionele praktijk 486
OCCASSIONAL MEDITATIONS, INVALLENDE GEDACHTEN EN BELEVINGSKUNST 487
PIËTISTISCHE GODZALIGHEID, GEREFORMEERDE HEILIGEN EN DE EXEMPELTRADITIE 491
VOORAFSCHADUWINGEN EN BIJBELSE UITBEELDINGEN: SCHABAELJES GROOTEN EMBLEMATA SACRA (1654) 493
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 9. Many preachers compared the Reformed Dutch with the biblical Jews and regarded the Repub... more Chap. 9. Many preachers compared the Reformed Dutch with the biblical Jews and regarded the Republic as the Second Israel. In pamphlets written at the time of the Revolt we find the first equations between the Reformed Church and Jerusalem. For rhetoricians the Dutch Israel also became a commonplace. In the Protestant Republic there was a certain reluctance to use biblical matter for the glorification of still living rulers. Only one proper biblical portrait historié of a stadholder is known: Frederik Hendrik als David by Jacob Gerritsz. Cuyp of 1630. The painting was painted to commemorate the conquest of Den Bosch. Frederik is shown with the head of the slain Goliath. Praise is sung by the personifications of the seven provinces, while the victor is crowned with a laurel wreath by a putto holding a banderole with the text “Gloria in excelsis” that refers to Psalm 98. In light of the third verse of Psalm 98 and John 4:22, Calvin argued that the glory of the Gentiles consists of the incorporation into the sacred lineage of Abraham. The united provinces symbolise the union of all peoples with Israel. By the victory of the “Davidic” Frederik Hendrik on the “Philistine” Spaniards the people of Den Bosch were brought to the true faith whereby they were absorbed in Israel.
The metaphor of the Second Israel served as a safe alternative to the complex concept of election, a cause of constant controversy, and it was also in line with Calvinist views on godliness and the so-called “example tradition” (religious exemplification). In the Republic, Calvin’s doctrine of the convenant was seen as an addition to his doctrine of election and considered essential for the notion of a protestant nation. But the alter-Israel rhetoric was also reversed and used against the authoritarian, theocratic tendencies of orthodox Reformed. The Reformed themselves were also wary that the Dutch people would push their identification with Israel to the edge. It was also not forgotten that Dutch anabaptists in 1534 had proclaimed the kingdom of Zion in Westphalian Münster. Calvin’s clearly draw a dividing line between the covenant and salvation: election in the context of the covenant does not necessarily mean election to salvation.
It has been claimed that the Schrijver family is portrayed in Rembrandt’s Jacob blesses the sons of Joseph (1656). Gary Schwartz assumed that Willem Schrijver was portrayed in the guise of Joseph, and his son Willem the Younger as Ephraim, while Wendela de Graeff was added as Joseph’s wife Asenath. He saw a parallel between the story of Jacob’s youngest grandson, who obtained the rightful inheritance – despite the legitimate claim of his older brother – and the circumstance that Schrijver had come into possession of a considerable capital after the death of his wife. In the Republic, the story of Ephraim and Manasseh often served as a motive for depicting a conflict between figures and nations. The suggestion that the theme in the painting applies to a family feud over the inheritance appears to be strengthened by similar imagery in writings, but more likely the subject matter relates to the national analogy of the Dutch Israel. Three years earlier, a political pamphlet Manasse teegen Ephraim was published which relates to the First Anglo-Dutch War. Apart from this, Dutch Calvinists did not understand the invocation of the patriarchs in Jacob’s prayer for Manasseh and Ephraim as heavenly intercession but as an indirect proof of their own incorporation into Israel. The exchange of birthright was understood as spiritual adoption by which Ephraim and Manasseh were equated with Jacob and both included in the covenant of grace. In the year that the work was painted, in 1656, Willem Schrijver gained an important position in the city council, after he renounced his membership of the Remonstrant Fraternity. If the identification of the portrayed is correct, the painting might serve as symbol of adherence to the reformed church and its doctrine of election. According to Calvin, Jesus, as the Christ, connects the church with Israel. One should not confuse the Calvinistic notions of the Second Israel with philosemitism, as has happened in many art-historical publications in recent years. Calvin writes that the Gentiles have taken the place of Israel. Most preachers understood Zion, God’s vineyard, only as the metaphysical Church of the chosen. This church was not visible to its members, and godliness could only be pursued by means of sanctification. Different motives of the second Israel can be distinguished in biblical portraiture. 1.) God saved the Dutch as well as the Israelites from slavery; 2.) God has chosen this land, as well as Canaan, as the place for his church; 3.) God has given rich blessings to the Dutch; 4.) God has often miraculously delivered the Dutch; 5.) God shows them His mercy for their sins.
9. Bijbelse beeldspraak: het Nederlands Israël en de Nadere Reformatie 439
9.1. Calvinistisch natiebesef: het Neêrlands Israël, een Geuzen-Israël 439
9.2. Verheerlijkte heerser of voorbeeldige vorst: stadhouders als bijbelfiguren 443
FREDERIK HENDRIK ALS DAVID VOOR DEN BOSCH DOOR JACOB GERRITSZ. CUYP (1630) 445
9.3. Het portrait historié als verbeelding van de verbondsgedachte 448
9.4. Rembrandts Jakob zegent Jozefs zonen (1656) 452
9.5. Het Neêrlands Israel als metafysische kerk, geestelijk Israël en wijngaard 456
MOTIVATIES VAN HET TWEEDE ISRAËL IN DE BIJBELSE PORTRETKUNST 458
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 8. By depicting their own family in a biblical scene, painters could make a collective test... more Chap. 8. By depicting their own family in a biblical scene, painters could make a collective testimony of faith on behalf of their relatives, as Jacob I Delff did. This is also the case in Claes Cornelisz. Moyaert’s family portrait God appears to Abraham in Shechem (1628). The choice of subject can not be explained by the protestant notion of the Republic as Promised Land, since the Moyaert family was Roman Catholic. However, the altar at Shechem, errected in Canaanitic hostile territory, can refer to the “private” Catholic altars that were clandistinely established in Calvinistic cities; also in houses of members of the Moyaert family. The significance of the holy place of Shechem is also important (outside the scope of the episode shown) for the interpretation of the painting. In a pamphlet of 1620, for instance, the partriarch Jacob’s stay at Shechem was allegorically compared to the situation at that time, as a living example of the troubles between the Catholics and Protestants. Allusions on the sacking of the city of Shechem as revenge were also often used in seventeent-century literature.
Aelbert Cuyp’s Meeting of David and Abigail (1635) with Lowys Molenschot and Janneken Rochus as the main protagonists is synthesis of a group portrait, a biblical history and a civic guard painting. Although this type of painting is unique in Cuyp’s oeuvre, the painter had experience with painting group portraits in landscape settings and tronie-like portraits with oriental elements. Lowys Molenschot is depicted as a captain of the militia, his son Rochus as an ensign and his son-in-law Abraham de Gelder as a corporal. The choice of subject can be simply explained by the wish of the client to be portrayed in that military rank. There is, however, another reason for visually merging a contemporary militia with David’s army. The minister Willem Teellinck formulated in his Davids vvapen-tuygh (1622) a biblical analogy, of what was expected of the Dutch citizens, namely to protect State and Church. He explicitly made a comparison with the times of king David and praised the Dutch civic guards, stating that it is allowed to use ordinary means to create a new Israel. In 1655, when the painting was made, the taking up of arms was an up-to-date topic in the context of the Dutch freedom struggle: the Second Northern War had just broken out. Apart from military allusions, the subject of Cuyps painting also reflected great honour on the female members of the family as the wise and virtuous Abigail and her handmaidens.
The only known “regents group portrait” with an Old Testament subject, Elisa refuses the presents of Naaman was painted by Pieter de Grebber of 1637 for the regents of the Haarlem hospital Leprozenhuis (Lepers Asylum). The ominous warning emanating from the biblical painting was meant to protect the regents from fraudulent behaviour and self-enrichment. Volker Manuth correctly identified these portraits as the four regents of the Leprosy House in 1637. Here, they are, for the first time, identified separately on the basis of other portraits. The subject choice may also be explained in the local popularity of the story of Naaman: the humanist Cornelius Schonaeus, rector of the Haarlem Latin School, wrote a biblical comedy titled Naaman (1572). Particularly because of the leprosy theme and the admonishing message, the subject appeared to be particularly suitable for the Leprozenhuis and its administration, but there was another reason. The careers of the portrayed and their families were influenced by the quarrel between Arminianists and Counter-Remonstrant Calvinists. The discussions, centered around the question of predestination, original sin and salvation, could be explained on the basis of the Naaman story. Leprosy was associated with hereditary sins and the pagan Naaman, with his rudimentary faith in the Messiah, was also used by Calvin as a virtuous example and argument for church membership as requirement for salvation.
In 1640 Marinus Lowyssen and his wife Eva Ment were portrayed “in assistance” in Christ and the Canaanite woman by Jacob Backer (1640). The fact that the woman, whose sick daughter is healed by Christ, is an alien woman, a foreigner from outside the Holy Land, makes it message clear: Christ is not only there for Jews, but also for all other nations. The woman asks, as it were, for the crumbs that fall from Israel’s table, so that she can partake in eternal salvation. The behaviour of the Canaanite woman is presented as a good example and counterpart of the haughty actions of the Jews who exluded their parents from the usufruct of goods by declaring them qorban (sacrificial offering), about which Christ reproached the Pharisees, just prior to the meeting with the Canaanite woman. Apart from being illustration of maternal care, it is this implied honouring of one’s parents, that makes the subject suitable for a family portrait. The main theme of the painting is, however, a miraculous cure that is symbolic for justification by faith alone. The breadcrumbs of which the woman speaks also relate to the bread as a symbol for Christ. A loaf is held the couple’s son, while their daughter draws attention to it. That Christ was not exclusively sent to the house of Israel, was also an important fact for the seventeenth-century Dutch who literally portrayed themselves as representatives of a New Israel and also did their own missionary work in the Far East. Interstingly, Eva Ment was entrusted by her first husband J.P. Coen with the godly upbringing of half-European girls in Batavia (Dutch East-Indies), while her later husband Lowyssen also took care of children of V.O.C. servants.
Lowyssen’s likeness was also recognised in Jacob Backer’s Isaac and Rebecca (1640) in the guise of the patriarch Isaac wooing his wife in Gerar. Rebecca, who turns her face away, must be Eva Ment. Absent is Abimelech, who caught the couple in the act and realised they were not siblings. It has been argued that the love scene was kept in a private room since this public display of intimacy would have been considered inappropriate. Marital love and procreation, however, was not seen as something perverse. A presumed moralistic message and postive image of Isaac of Rebecca does not explain why the couple chose biblical portraiture as a pretext for eroticism, or how their promiscuous pose can be reconciled with their Calvinistic background. In the notes of the Statenbijbel the amorous ‘sporting’ (jokken) is explained as ‘making some free but fair gestures’. Luther claimed that the homesick couple comforted each other. Reformed preachers also saw this as a mitigating circumstance. In the light of this, it is interesting that Lowyssen and Ment had met each other, far from home, abroad in India, where they witnessed the flogging of the 12-year-old Saartje Specx, who was punished for making love with the 16-year-old ensign Pieter Cortenhoeff, who was decapitated for this offence. The violent incident also preoccupied the people’s minds back in the Republic because the presumed pledge of marriage between the two had been an argument for acquitting them from prosecution. Possibly the couple Lowyssen-Ment sought connection with the pietistic ideas of the Further Reformation with pastors like Petrus Wittewrongel who argued that marital cohabitation consisted not only of sharing a house and a table, but in particular of the community of the bed.
8. Bijbelse familie- en groepsportretten uit de glorietijd van de Gouden Eeuw 375
8.1. God verschijnt aan Abraham te Sichem door Nicolaes Moyaert (1628) 375
8.2. De Ontmoeting van David en Abigaïl door Aelbert Cuyp (ca. 1655) 378
DE FAMILIE MOLENSCHOT 379
TUSSEN GENRES: AELBERT CUYP ALS PORTRET- EN HISTORIESCHILDER 382
MISE-EN-SCÈNE IN HISTORISCHE CONTEXT: TUSSEN SCHUTTERSSTUK EN FAMILIEPORTRET 385
POSTUUM EERBETOON: ABIGAÏL ALS EXEMPEL 387
8.3. Een regentenstuk: Elisa en Naäman door Pieter de Grebber (1637) 391
NAÄMAN IN DE BEELDTRADITIE 393
VERHALENDE REGENTENSTUKKEN VOOR LIEFDADIGE INSTELLINGEN 396
PIETER DEYMAN 398
JOHAN VAN CLARENBEECK 402
DIRCK SCHATTER 404
JOHAN VAN HOFLAND 408
CORNELIUS SCHONAEÜS, NAÄMAN EN DE ERFZONDE 411
8.4. Christus en de Kanaänitische vrouw door Jacob Backer (1640) 415
BROKJES GENADE: CHRISTUS’ GELIJKENIS ALS DEUGDZAAM EXEMPEL 420
DE PAULINISCHE BOODSCHAP VAN RECHTVAARDIGING DOOR HET GELOOF 425
8.5. Izaäk en Rebekka door Jacob Backer (1640): een huwelijks liefdesspel 428
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 7. In a secular and domestic environment, the most common theme used for portraits historié... more Chap. 7. In a secular and domestic environment, the most common theme used for portraits historiés was Christ suffering the children to come unto him. The oldest, known combination of a family portrait with this blessing scene is an epitaph from 1557 that Lucas II Cranach painted in memory of Dr. Caspar Cruciger. The earliest known portrait historié with this subject from the Netherlands was painted by Hieronymus Francken 1602 and probably depicts the De Witte family. Werner van de Valckert’s Christ blessing the children (1620) depicts Michiel Poppen, his wife and their children. Although the family Poppen descend from a Protestant lineage, there are indications that other relatives, who switched to the Catholic faith, were also intended to be depicted, such as Dirck Wuytiers, whose portrait apparently remained unfinished. The depiction of the first newly built Protestant church in Amsterdam, the Zuiderkerk, in the background, however, strongly points towards a Protestant interpretation, since it characterizes Amsterdam as a new Jerusalem.
Two depictions of Christ suffering the children to come unto him by Cornelis Cornelisz. van Haarlem show integrated portraits; one is dated 1633 and portrays the governors or regents of the Holy Ghost Infirmary, who are identified individually for the first time; the other of 1614 depicts a matron. In 1646, Cornelis Danckerts painted the children of the Bosch family from The Hague as being blessed by Christ. This painting makes clear that in Dutch art the focus has clearly shifted from the mothers around Christ to the family as a household. Despite the many figures, Danckert’s monumental painting has a striking intimacy. The religious content is well compatible with its figuration as a family portrait, reducing the distance between the lofty historia and the domestic pétite histoire. The catholic Braems family from Haarlem was also depicted in a monumental portrait historié of the same subject by Jan de Bray (1663). Four portraits of elderly men were added later: either ancestors of the Braems family or governors of the St. Jacobs Godhuis, where the work hung. The inscription on the frame “MEMORES ESTOTE PARENTUM VESTRORUM” (Honour the memory of your parents) could refer to the Vulgate text and/or Calvin’s commentary of Hebrews 13: 7-9 (“Remember your leaders”). It is possible that the Calvinist ‘supervisors’ of this former Catholic Godshuis have appropriated the theme of the family portrait and have used the inscription for their own message.
The frequent appearance of the theme since the 1540s has been associated with the theological dispute over infant baptism between Lutherans and Anabaptists. The dispute about the age of baptism had its repercussions on the representation of this subject (particularly the age of persons being blessed). The regenerative value of baptism was recognized by both Luther and Calvin. Paintings in which Protestant families portray their children under Christ’s blessing are to be understood as a visualisation of this symbolic renewal of baptism, in order to be resurrected in faith. Similarly, regeneration is the leitmotiv of a 1647 portrait of the family of Ole Worm, a Lutheran Dane of Dutch descent. In portraits of Catholic families, the motive of Christ laying on his hand on the children purposely evoke associations with the Catholic sacrament of the confirmation: which corresponds with the age of the children shown (7-12 years). The pathos generated by the theme of the Christ’s Blessing can also be associated with the theological concept of vivificatio. Spiritual renewal is also central to the Calvinist “theology of sanctification”, and as a form of reflection it could also serve as a substitute for doing “good works”. And by being blessed by Christ the portrayed people become participants of the community of Christ. The greater attention paid to the child in early modern times may also explain the increase of portraits with the subject in general and the popularity among different denominations.
7. Portraits historiés met de Kinderzegening 335
7.1. Laat de kindertjes tot mij komen met de familie Poppen door Werner van den Valckert (1620) 337
7.2. De Kinderzegeningen door Cornelis Cornelisz. van Haarlem (1614, 1633) 343
7.3. Laat de kindertjes tot mij komen met de familie Bosch van Johan Dankerts (1646) 345
7.4. Laat de kindertjes tot mij komen met de familie Braems van Jan de Bray (1663) 350
7.5. Themakeuze in theologisch verband met doop, opwekking en wedergeboorte 352
DE KINDERZEGENING MET DE FAMILIE WORM: NATUURLIJKE EN INTELLECTUELE REGENERATIE 356
7.6. Omarming, aanraking of handoplegging 358
7.7. Kindergeloof en de doop 363
7.8. Het portrait historié als vivificatio: heiligmaking door het geloof 365
7.9. De Kinderzegening: een oecumenisch thema? 369
EXCURS: EEN KINDERZEGENING MET DYNASTIEKE PRETENTIES 373
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 6. The dawn of the Golden Age of the autonomous portrait historié started in the last quart... more Chap. 6. The dawn of the Golden Age of the autonomous portrait historié started in the last quarter of the sixteenth century in Antwerp with the painting Moses and the Israelites of 1574 by Maerten de Vos, commissioned by Peeter Panhuys and Gillis Hooftman. The Panhuys panel serves as a case study for determining how the choice of a subject relates to the faith of the persons portrayed in a biblical portrait historié. Presented is a partly new identification of the sitters and a new assessment of their religious persuasions. Although the individuals portrayed have been connected to the ‘spiritualistic’ movement of the Family of Love in earlier studies, no attempt was made to interpret the painting in the light of this connection. The Family attracted both Protestants and Catholics. The iconography of this portrait historié, also points in the direction of Lutheran interpretation and seems to confirm the (otherwise established) Lutheran sympathies of Gillis Hooftman and Peeter Panhuys. Moreover, the specific formulation of the Ten Commandments indicates the consultation of a Lutheran Bible translation. This observation seems remarkable since the painting was considered distinctly Calvinist by others.
Biblical portraits historiés, such as the Panhuys panel, may be understood as visualisation of the communio sanctorum or saintly community. One could argue that portraits historiés, in which one projects oneself in the position of protagonists or acting characters of a biblical story, are meant to depict an act of godliness. In a biblical portrait historié the person portrayed is depicted as if he were experiencing an institutional moment of faith at first hand, which seems to be closely connected with the desire to be part of christian tradition. Unlike in the Catholic Church, in Calvinism religious tradition has less to do with the continuation of the ecclesiastical office than with the passing on of the divine gift and the internalised continuation of belief through the calling to the ministry, as inspired by the Holy Spirit. An example of this is Martin Faber’s Institution of the diaconate (1617) with calvinist reformers from Emden.
Jacob Willemsz. I Delff portrayed his family in The Reconciliation of Jacob and Esau (1584) with two of his sons as the main figures. The reason for the choice of subject should not be sought in a personal predilections or narrative analogy, such of the settlement of a family quarrel. The choice of subject finds its explanation in the ongoing theological debate about the doctrine of predestination in relation to original sin and election, for which the story served as an example. The Delft minister Arent Croese was closely involved in this debate, that was also often waged in public places, for example in a Delft inn. The fact that Jacob and Esau each went their own way was predetermined before their birth, which John Calvin, in his Institution of 1539, regarded as illustrative of the nullity of their merits in God’s eyes. The story tells not so much about how people should relate to each other but how to situate their own behaviour within a divine context. The Old Testament story of election (as well as its Pauline reading), seems to focus primarily on the individual in spite of its theological interconnection to the corrupt masses and types of people (chosen and rejected). The story can be seen as a legitimation to be represented as a rigtheous believer who does not believe in sanctification through good works but renders himself to God’s judgment.
Karel van Mander’s Crossing of the Jordan (1605) shows the portraits of Duyffgen Roch and Isaack van Gherwen among the Israëlites. Both were Remonstrants, but Van Gherwen was originally a Mennonite, just like the painter. Van Gherwen’s family left their birthplace Den Bosch for religious persecution, which could explain the subject: like the Israelites who had to leave Egypt, many refugees reached “their” Promised Land; the Republic. The painting dates two years after the third unsuccessful siege of ’s-Hertogenbosch and the draining of the river seems to anticipate a tactic that conquered the city in 1629. One should also not play down the role of the painter in the choice of subject of the painting that was probably meant as wedding gift. The crossing of the Jordan had a specific mennonite meaning, since it was traditionally seen as a foreshadowing of Christian baptism. Van Mander wrote a poem on the painting, originally inscribed on the frame, in which he compared the passage through the Jordan with the path of life: the way of all flesh, a common topos in Mennonite literature. Several lines of poetry from Van Mander’s Gulde Harpe (1605) seem to be especially tailored to the history piece. In it he alludes to the “Levitical priesthood”, a reference to a passage by Philips Schabaelje, which in its turn should be connected to Van Mander’s self-portrait as one of the Levites carrying the Ark across the river.
6. Bijbelse familieportretten uit de dageraad van de Gouden Eeuw 269
6.1. Mozes en de Israëlieten door Maerten de Vos (1574) 272
“REFORMATIONSBILD” 274
PANHUYS EN HOOFTMAN: CALVINISTISCHE SPIONNEN? 275
EEN ANALYSE VAN DE TAFELEN DER WET 278
DE OVERIGE GEPORTRETTEERDEN 280
PAULUS IN EFEZE 284
DE OPDRACHTGEVERS EN HET HUYS DER LIEFDE 287
6.2. Het bijbelse portrait historié als beeld van de communio sanctorum 289
6.3. Een Emdens voorbeeld: Martin Fabers Instelling van het diaconaat (1617) 294
6.4. De Verzoening van Jakob en Ezau door Jacob Willemsz. I Delff (1584) 299
IDENTIFICATIE VAN DE GEPORTRETTEERDEN 300
DUIDING VAN DE VERZOENING VAN JAKOB EN EZAU 305
GERECHTVAARDIGDEN EN GEHEILIGDEN: ARENT CROESE OVER JAKOB EN EZAU EN DE PREDESTINATIELEER 309
VERHEFFING VAN HET INDIVIDU OF EIGENGERECHTIGHEID? 313
6.5. De doortocht door de Jordaan van Karel van Mander (1605) 315
DE GEPORTRETTEERDEN: ISAACK VAN GHERWEN EN DUYFFGEN ROCH 316
DE FAMILIE VAN GHERWEN 320
HET SCHILDERIJENBEZIT VAN ISAACK VAN GHERWEN EN DUYFFGEN ROCH 323
DE DOORTOCHT ALS LEVENSWEG 326
DOOP, BESNIJDENIS EN HUWELIJK 330
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 5. In the Northern Netherlands, the biblical portrait historié for sacral and devotional pu... more Chap. 5. In the Northern Netherlands, the biblical portrait historié for sacral and devotional purposes was contextually separated from the secular variant for domestic use, notwithstanding its religious subject matter. However, also after the dissolution of the catholic institutions, one could still find portraits on altarpieces, such Petrus Purmerent’s portrait as apostle on Wouter Crabeth’s Assumption of Mary (1628) for a clandestine church in Gouda. Although Catholics in the Republic had preference for New Testament scenes and marian depictions, Old Testament subjects could also be used for private portraits (e.g. Moyaert’s portrait of his own family in Abraham in Shechem). More conservative Roman Catholics deliberately held on to specific art formats such as the triptych, even for their private depictions (e.g. Gerrit Pietersz.’s Adoration with shepherds with the Stuyver-Den Otter family). In the Spanish Netherlands, on the other hand, portraits historiés still appeared unabatedly in eclesiastical art, mostly on epitaphs and altarpieces, although there were attempts to curtail disguised portraits in sacral art. From the sixteenth century onwards, portraits in the guise of religious figures were increasingly held in abhorrence and condemned by theologians as Molanus, Borromeo, and Paleotti. Profanity in religious art was prohibited by the Council of Trent, and as a result restrictions on the appearance of portraits in religious art were imposed by local church authorities in the Southern Netherlands. A ban on portraits on middle panels of altarpieces was issued at the Provincial Council of Mechlin (1607) and subsequent synods and decrees tried to put an end to the illegal dipiction of private persons, especially of those who did not contribute to a painting as donors. However, these decrees were rarely followed and clandestine portraits still were being painted in the centre of altarpieces. An additional problem – also for decanal control – was that many portraits could not be recognized as such, since it was difficult to discern between realistic models (sometimes recognisable as family members of a painter, as is the case with the many religious figures by Rubens) and “actual” portraits.
5. Het sacrale portrait historié in de katholieke kerk in de zeventiende eeuw 219
5.1. Het katholiek portrait historié in de zeventiende-eeuwse Republiek 219
5.2. Portraits historiés voor schuilkerken en privékapellen in de Republiek 227
HET DRIELUIK VAN DE FAMILIE DEN OTTER-STUYVER DOOR GERRIT PIETERSZ. (1601) 227
DE TENHEMELOPNEMING VAN MARIA DOOR WOUTER CRABETH (1628) 230
BERNARDUS VAN CLAIRVAUX BEKEERT DE HERTOG VAN AQUITANIË (1641) 233
HET PORTRAIT HISTORIÉ IN GOUDA EN CRABETHS ICONOGRAFISCHE BRONNEN 237
5.3. De theologische veroordeling van het religieuze portrait historié 239
VROEGE KRITIEKEN, HET CONCILIE VAN TRENTE EN JOHANNES MOLANUS 239
CARLO BORROMEO, GABRIELE PALEOTTI EN FEDERICO BORROMEO EN HET MODELLENVRAAGSTUK 243
5.4. Portretverbod in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1607) 246
5.5. De naleving van het portretverbod en sacrale portretten na 1607 250
ANTWERPEN 252
RUBENS’ PORTRETTEN VAN ANTWERPENAREN OP ALTAARSTUKKEN 256
MECHELEN EN BRUSSEL 259
BRUGGE EN GENT 261
NABESCHOUWING 265
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 4. The biblical portrait historié turned out to be particularly useful for transferring rel... more Chap. 4. The biblical portrait historié turned out to be particularly useful for transferring religious propaganda because complex theological concepts could be visualised and made intelligible for the average beholder through well-known religious imagery. There are ample examples of political imagery, such as Lucas D’Heere’s Philip II in the guise of king Solomon with the Queen of Sheba bringing gifts as an image of complacency of the Netherlands. Counter-Reformation iconography is the basis of Pieter Pourbus’s triptych of Viglius ab Aytta. The donor himself, political figures and church reformers appear on the central panel amidst the hebrew scribes taking part in the discussion with the 12-year-old Christ in the Temple. The side panels of Viglius’ triptych show prototypes of Christian baptism: on the left the Circumcision of Christ and on the right the Baptism of Christ. The biblical debate depicted on the central panel is to be understood as an image of the ongoing theological dispute about the sacrament of baptism, in which the contemporary figures participated. The side panels are meant to visualise the catholic doctrine of distinction between child baptism and adult baptism of converts.
Paintings of the Last Supper proved particularly suitable for the insertment of portraits, of both isolated individuals and of whole groups. In early sixteenth-century Lutheran altarpieces, the Last Supper was used to represent church reformers and fellow believers as substitutes and successors of the apostles. Individuals portrayed could visually partake of the Supper of the Lord, as in the real life ritual, and make God’s grace outwardly observable to other believers. In the Catholic Church too, the distinction between the painted historical event and the living liturgical practice was cancelled, and the separation between the two acts blurred by being depicted as attending this pivotal moment. Furthermore, by representing a specific iconography of the Cena one could adhere to particular opinions on the Christian rite. In Gortzius Geldorp’s Last Supper (1576) with Louvain theologians as apostles, the inscription on the chalice refers to the theological dispute about John 6 and the Tridentine interpretation of the eucharist. Depictions of the Last Supper from the Northern Netherlands with portraits of contemporary artists, rhetoricians and prominent figures, such as Coornhert, also served as a means to propagate Protestant views on the Communion and reject the transubstantation or the actual presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper. In addition to portraits as apostles in Last Supper scenes, there is also a long tradition of (semi-autonomous) self-portraits in the guise John the Apostle and Luke the Evangelist. The latter custom probably started with Rogier van de Weyden’s self-portrait as the first Christian painter in Lukas painting the Madonna. The less obvious identification with John can be explained by the story of Lycomedes.
4. Het portrait historié als religieuze propaganda 145
4.1. Het Viglius-altaar door Frans Pourbus de Oudere te Gent (1571) 147
4.2. Het Laatste Avondmaal als theologische polemiek 164
LUTHERSE AVONDMAALSSCÈNES MET PORTRETTEN DOOR DE CRANACHS 165
4.3. Ontwikkeling van portraits historiés op Laatste Avondmalen 169
4.4. Het Laatste Avondmaal als uitbeelding van de eucharistie 176
DE AVONDMALEN VAN MECHTELT TOE BOECOP: LITURGISCHE VERSUS HISTORISCHE BETEKENIS 183
4.5. Gortzius Geldorps Laatste Avondmaal (1576): de eucharistie Tridentijns geduid 189
4.6. Kunstenaars en rederijkers als apostelen 200
CORNELIS KETELS APOSTELREEKS MET KUNSTLIEVENDEN & RUTGER JANSZ. ALS PAULUS 200
HET LAATSTE AVONDMAAL MET D.V. COORNHERT DOOR KAREL II VAN MANDER (1602) 204
EXCURS: REDERIJKERSNETWERK 211
4.7. Zelfportretten als Lukas en Johannes 214
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, 2018
Chap. 3. Because of the multitude of manifestations, it is difficult to reconstruct the coming in... more Chap. 3. Because of the multitude of manifestations, it is difficult to reconstruct the coming into being of the biblical portrait historié. Different lines of development can be followed within classical and christian art. This religious type of disguised portraiture can only be partly explained by ideas about incarnation, christomimetes, and euhemerism. The identification with a biblical figure can perhaps be best interpreted through typology and anagogè. In religious art, the portrait historié developed from the donor portrait into the “portrait in assistance”, in which the patrons increasingly find their way to the centre of the composition, passively taking part in the sacred history. In the course of time, these passive witnesses gain a more active rol. An important group of works are portraits of burghers in Passion scenes: a specific kind of religious identification that can be connected with the ideas of Modern Devotion. When in later time the religious reform movements gained foothold in the Netherlands – on both sides of the denominational spectrum – it was mainly the epitaph (memorietafel) from which the autonomous biblical portrait historié developed.
With the coming of the Reformation, the dichotomy between ecclesiastical art and (civic) private art further widened but also resulted in the increase of religious paintings in secular spaces. Nevertheless, autonomous (non-devotional) portraits historiés with Old Testament subjects were already being painted for private homes from the last quarter of the 15th century onwards (e.g. David and Abigail by Hugo van der Goes). Looking across the borders, in France and Germany, one also finds precursors of the autonomous biblical group portraits that first appeared in the southern Netherlands in the last quarter of the 16th century. The diffusion of Reformation ideas also contributed to the rise of the portrait type. In Reformation exegesis the method of humanist allegoresis of scripture was transformed and analogies between biblical and contemporary events and individuals could also be understood in a more literal sense. As before in the Modern Devotion, the anagogy may also have played an important role, since according to the anagogical argument the image, as a substitute for a textual source, could elevate the beholder’s mind to immaterial realities and even a partial or complete union with God. Calvin’s more down-to-earth approach of art and preference for historical representations with a didactic function may also have had an indirect influence on the preferences of citizens in the Dutch Republic. Although portraits were deemed admissible in his view, het was critical of images ‘without meaning’: as a consequence portraits historiés would meet the requirements of art he had envisioned.
3. De ontwikkeling van het portrait historié vanaf de oudheid tot de reformatie 91
3.1. Mythologische voorbeelden uit de oudheid 93
3.2. Vroegchristelijk euhemerisme en de profane typologie 95
3.3. Representatie in vroegchristelijke en middeleeuwse portraits historiés. 98
3.4. Vroege portraits historiés: keizer Sigismund en de Vlaamse connectie 101
3.5. Van gehistoriseerd stichtersportret naar autonoom portrait historié 105
3.6. Assistentieportretten en geïntegreerde portraits historiés van burgers 113
3.7. Opname en inleving: portretten in Passiescènes en de moderne devotie 117
3.8. De Heilige Maagschap als gehistorieerd familieportret 123
3.9. Vroege autonome portraits historiés met oudtestamentische onderwerpen 130
3.10. Van humanistische allegorese naar reformatorisch historiebegrip 134
3.11. Euhemerisme en anagogische betekenisoverdracht 141
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 2. A specific Dutch terminology for portraits historiés did not exist in the 16th and 17th ... more Chap. 2. A specific Dutch terminology for portraits historiés did not exist in the 16th and 17th centuries. In inventories of estates one finds descriptions of subjects of the paintings which mention the individuals who figure in them. The element of identification was often neglected and not elaborated further than in terms of ‘as’ or ‘in the guise of’. In contemporary art theory and other writings, the attention was usually drawn to the manner of apparel and other formal characteristics (portrait à l’antique). Partly due to the lack of terminological and artistic differentiation, biblical portraits historiés seem to approximate related image types such as pastoral portraiture, in which individuals are dressed up as shepherds in antique dress. In many cases one could speak of “genre transition”. It was not until the 18th century that the term portrait historié was introduced for allegorical and narrative portraits, in which the person portrayed could play a historical role. In addition, there are many “borderline cases” that partially meet the definition of the portrait type, such as oriental tronies and recognizable models that have been “portrayed” from/after life but are not intended as portraits.
2. De kenmerking van het portret in het portrait historié 43
2.1. Opdrachtsituatie en atelierpraktijk: poseren of model staan 43
2.2. Gezichten naar het leven: portretten, figuurstudies en tronies 46
2.3. Kenmerken van portret en gelijkenis in het portrait historié. 52
2.4. Op sijn antijcks: zeventiende-eeuwse omschrijvingen van portraits historiés 60
2.5. Portretten in ‘fantastick garbs’ door Nederlandse kunstenaars in Engeland 64
2.6. De portretwijze à l’antique en pastoraal portret 69
2.7. Portraits historiés vermeld in Karel van Manders Schilder-Boeck (1604) 75
2.8. De etymologie en betekenis van ‘historier’ en ‘portrait historié’ 79
2.9. Het portrait historié als historiestuk 85
Beeltenissen van bestuurders en burgers als bijbelfiguren: Het bijbelse portrait historié in de Noordelijke en Zuidelijke Nederlanden van de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Dec 17, 2018
Chap. 1. The subject of this study is the biblical portrait historié, a portrait type in which a ... more Chap. 1. The subject of this study is the biblical portrait historié, a portrait type in which a person is depicted as a figure from the bible, as it flourished in the Netherlands of the 16th and 17th centuries. In art history, the term portrait historié is used for a subset of both history painting and portraiture in which an individual is portrayed in the guise of a historical, religious, mythological or legendary figure. The description “portrait in the guise of a biblical figure” can cover a wide variety of works of art. A person may be portrayed as protagonist of a biblical story (as David with the head of Goliath) or as biblical figure in a non-biblical narrative scene (as Luke the Evangelist painting the Virgin). The individual(s) depicted could have a main role, actively or passively engaging in the biblical act or hallowed proceding, or appear as an anonymous, secondary but relevant figure in the margins of a multifigured painting. The specific role of the sitter can be identified by analysing the iconography (the sitter’s attributes and/or the narrative context). The term portrait historié is an ambiguous one since it can be used both for a work of art itself, whether it be a proper history piece or an autonomous portrait, and for a portrait figure that is inserted in a narrative scene. The latter portraits are also known as cryptoportraits (i.e. hidden portraits), although these portraits are in no way intended to remain hidden. As an alternative, the description “integrated portraits historiés” is introduced here for those non-autonomous portraits.
1. Tussen portret en historiestuk 13
1.1. Inleiding: afbakening en methodologie van het onderzoek 13
1.2. Kunsthistorisch begrippenapparaat en stand van onderzoek 20
1.3. Werkdefinitie en terminologische afbakening 27
1.4. Formele onderverdeling van het autonome portrait historié 30
1.5. Geïntegreerd portrait historié en assistentieportret 34
1.6. Formele onderverdeling van het geïntegreerde portrait historié 37
1.7. Genrematige grensgevallen: De Verloren Zoon en eigentijdse Bathseba’s 40
Springer eBooks, Dec 31, 2023
Example or Alter Ego? Aspects of the Portrait Historié in Western Art from Antiquity to the Present, 2016
Desipientia 25.1: 25 Jaar Waanzin!, 2018
MRS BENTINCK OR INCOMPATIBILITY OF IDENTITY: THE PORTRAITS OF CHARLOTTE SOPHIE BENTINCK, NÉE ALDE... more MRS BENTINCK OR INCOMPATIBILITY OF IDENTITY: THE PORTRAITS OF CHARLOTTE SOPHIE BENTINCK, NÉE ALDENBURG
Very small is the number of verified portraits of Charlotte Sophie Bentinck (1715-1800). A children’s portrait at Middachten Castle, a mezzotint after Philip van Dijk, and Van Dijk’s portrait painting of her at Schloss Varel are known. The inventories of Schloss Varel, compiled by Charlotte’s mother, mention from 1743 onwards three portraits of Charlotte. Other portraits published as depicting Charlotte represent other individuals. One alleged portrait of Charlotte at Middachten turns out to be that of Francisca Sibylla of Baden-Baden (1675-1733) and another one represents Charlotte’s grandmother Charlotte Amélie de la Trémoïlle (1652-1732). The latter lady has also been recognised, together with Anton I of Aldenburg (1633-1680), in Woman holding a man’s portrait (Varel, Heimatmuseum). The depicted are, however, Louise Elisabeth of Courland (1646-1690) and Frederick II, Landgrave of Hesse-Homburg (1633-1708), Charlotte's grandparents on her mother’s side. Three other portraits in Varel were also recognised as Charlotte. The first appears to be that of the beauté Nell Gwyn (1650-1687) by Peter Lely (workshop). A second portrait by Michael Dahl represents Charlotte’s mother-in-law Jane Martha Temple (1672-1751). A third portrait depicts the future Empress Amalie Wilhelmine (1673-1742), which was probably added to an existing series of portraits of the imperial family in later times.
Retrospection and Revision in Modern and Contemporary Art, Literature and Music, 2024
This contribution describes the unusual phenomenon of artist-mediums who claim to paint under the... more This contribution describes the unusual phenomenon of artist-mediums who claim to paint under the influence of the spirit of deceased artists. It discusses a wide range of so-called spirit or mediumistic art from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries, including psychic automatism and precipitated art, attributed to “revenant artists” posthumously revisiting their art and artistic “haunts.” Although hoaxes, hallucinations, mental disorders, and pseudo-perception pass in review, the aim of this contribution is not to assess whether the phenomenon of spirit art is real or pretend, but to identify its origins, different forms and cultural contexts. It establishes that spirit art often follows a pattern of obsessive behavior among unsung, wronged, and failed (self-taught) artists who turn to spirit art in desperation and find their lives overtaken by a supernatural force. Since the revenant artist seems to revive (and revise) himself by draining the life energy of the artist-medium, it is reminiscent of the phenomenon of “aesthetic vampirism,” according to which art is understood as ironically parasitic on life/nature.
CLARIN in the Low Countries, Dec 28, 2017
The first part of this article examines different types of portraits in the guise of religious fi... more The first part of this article examines different types of portraits in the guise of religious figures that came into existence, and sets forth the reasons why the appearance of these disguised portraits in a sacred context was held in abhorrence in early modern times. Various comments on this phenomenon by the most prominent theologians and polemecists of the sixteenth
Portraits on a counter-reformation altarpiece: Wouter Pietersz. Crabeth’s Assumption of 1628 This... more Portraits on a counter-reformation altarpiece: Wouter Pietersz. Crabeth’s Assumption of 1628 This article identifies two disguised portraits in Wouter Pietersz. Crabeth’s Assumption (1628), which is kept in ‘Het Catharinagasthuis’ (The Gouda Municipal Museum). Two of the apostles show the features of respectively father Petrus Purmerent of the Gouda church of Saint John the Baptist and probably apostolic vicar Philippus Rovenius.
“The thread of life being cut”: an anthology of curious deaths of 17th-century artists This artic... more “The thread of life being cut”: an anthology of curious deaths of 17th-century artists This article gathers the anecdotical deaths of several 17th-century artists, like those described in De Groote Schouburgh (1718-1721) by Arnold Houbraken.
Lustre in the dark: The perception of Early Netherlandish painting in renaissance Italy Variation... more Lustre in the dark: The perception of Early Netherlandish painting in renaissance Italy Variations in the effects of light are the reason why Northern and Italian art of the fifteenth century mimics reality in different ways. Italian artists attempted to define our concept of three-dimensionality by means of geometrical perspective and lume (= spatial lighting). Northern artists especially used lustro (= lighting, lustre). Glossy objects in the foregrounds of Flemish paintings helped to draw the scene closer to the beholder. Lustro was therefore even used in open-air daylight scenes. In Leonardo’s mind the glossy effect of the related Italian concept of splendore in the dark bestowed the scene with a certain gracefulness (grazia). This is what must have attracted 15th-century Italian art lovers to Northern art. Splendore was achieved by tonal transitions in layers of oil paint. Lustro, however, did not allow for any natural depth of field (focus). As a consequence Flemish masterpiec...
Dit artikel richt zich op een hoofdmotief van de melancholieverbeelding in de Nederlandse kunst: ... more Dit artikel richt zich op een hoofdmotief van de melancholieverbeelding in de Nederlandse kunst: de lichaamshouding waarbij het hoofd door een arm wordt ondersteund. Deze typische houding (penseroso-pose) werd sinds de publicatie van Dürers prent Melencolia I. (1514) expliciet met melancholie in verband gebracht. Aan voorstellingen met geleerden en studenten in deze houding kunnen religieuze betekenissen worden verbonden, omdat de pose als zodanig teruggaat op religieuze voorbeelden, zoals Christus als Man van Smarten, heremieten-heiligen en Job op de mestvaalt. Religieuze connotaties blijken ook uit de bijschriften en de symboliek van schilderijen van melancholische studenten door o.a. De Heem, “Codde” en Sweerts. Hierbij wordt vooral gezinspeeld op het al dan niet geven van rekenschap.
Let the Children come unto Me: French monarchs portrayed on an unknown miniature This article ide... more Let the Children come unto Me: French monarchs portrayed on an unknown miniature This article identifies eleven portraits of the French kings and queens from the reigns of Henry II to Henry IV in a miniature depicting Christ Suffering the Little Children To Come unto Him. It was painted by an unknown French artist in the first decade of the 17th century. Remarkable is the exotic garb of the mothers, which is identified as the typical dress worn by gypsies and was thought at the time to be of Egyptian origin. As a consequence these clothes seemed appropriate for biblical scenes. Depicted as witnesses to the biblical event are Michel de l’Hospital, Gaspard de Coligny and Louis I Condé, who played an important role in the French Wars of Religion. The story of Christ blessing the little children, recounted in the three synoptic Gospels (Mt 19; Mk 10; Lk 18), has often been connected with the theological debate about infant baptism. Nevertheless, the subject is not only depicted by Prote...
The Imagined and Real Jerusalem in Art and Architecture, 2014
Matthijs Ilsink, Bram de Klerck & Annemarieke Willemsen (eds.), Het einde van de middeleeuwen: Vijftig kunstwerken uit de tijd van Bosch en Erasmus, Nijmegen, Vantilt/NKS, 2019 (Nijmeegse Kunsthistorische Studies, XXV), ISBN 978-94-6004-473-1, pp. 159-163., 2019
Een is Nodig - Losse bijdragen van de Karel van Mander Academy / Single Contributions of the Karel van Mander Academy, 2019
Painted around 1628, possibly earlier, Rembrandt’s painting of Suffer little children to come unt... more Painted around 1628, possibly earlier, Rembrandt’s painting of Suffer little children to come unto me is currently in a conditional twilight zone, since it is halfway through a restoration, in which later overpaintings are to be completely removed. Although the present owners want to bring the painting back to its original state, it is highly questionable what will emerge under the paint layers: a complete painting or a non finito painting riddled with holes like an Emmental cheese. The striking attention given to the figure of St Paul, in the centre of the repainted composition could point to a work that was iconographically attuned to the preferences of Protestant buyers. The popularity of the subject in art proves that teaching the principles of faith to children as early as possible was considered extremely important, but also expresses fear that the smallest children would be excluded from salvation on the basis of the sola fide principle (faith as a condition for justification and sanctification) because they would not yet fully comprehend the rudiments of the Christian belief.
[Accepted Author Manuscript] ‘The portrait historié in religious context and its condemnation’, in: Katlijne Van der Stighelen, Hannelore Magnus, Bert Watteeuw (eds.), Pokerfaced: Flemish and Dutch Baroque Faces Unveiled, Turnhout 2011 (Museum at the Crossroads, 19), pp. 109-124, 2019
The first part of this article examines different types of portraits in the guise of religious fi... more The first part of this article examines different types of portraits in the guise of religious figures that came into existence, and sets forth the reasons why the appearance of these disguised portraits in a sacred context was held in abhorrence in early modern times. Various comments on this phenomenon by the most prominent theologians and polemecists of the sixteenth and seventeenth century (Murner, Savonarola, Erasmus, Molanus, Borromeo, Paleotti, among others) are drawn together in order to analyse the overall nature of the condemnation of portraits in the guise of holy figures. The scope of this paper is confined to the judgement of these particular portraits by ecclesiastic writers in Europe between 1500-1650, and more distinctively, to the restrictions imposed on portraits by local church authorities in the Southern Netherlands. In the second part these regulations will be connected to actual portrait conventions in Antwerp, Ghent and Bruges. Special attention is paid to the the Provincial Council of Mechlin of 1607 and subsequent synods and decrees that tried to put an end to the dipiction of private persons as part of a religious painting that served as an altarpiece.
Een is Nodig - Losse bijdragen van de Karel van Mander Academy, Mar 30, 2019
To be portrayed in biblical, mythological or legendary roles was particularly popular in the Dutc... more To be portrayed in biblical, mythological or legendary roles was particularly popular in the Dutch Republic of the seventeenth century. Such portrait paintings are known as portraits historiés. In the Amsterdam City Archives there is a notarial deed of 15 October 1668 concerning a commission for such a portrait. More precisely, it describes a double portrait in which Gregorius van Kermt and his wife wished to be immortalized as the classic figures Scipio (Africanus) and Pallas (Athena; Minerva). The document gives a brief description of the requirements and thus information about how the painting should be made. This is an exceptional agreement between the painter Jan Andrea Lievens (1644-1680) - son and student of the famous Jan Lievens (1607-1674) - and his client "Sr. Gregorius van Kermt, living on 't Rockin', who was also his creditor. Although the portrait piece has not surfaced so far and there are no further indications that it was ever finished, it is nevertheless worthwhile to elaborate on this curious portrait commission. After all, this is the only assignment known to us of a seventeenth-century portrait historié that was recorded and fortunately preserved. The type of subject, exceptional in its kind, is indicative of the taste of the portrayed clients, who must be situated in the intellectual circle of Amsterdam book printers and publishers.
Desipientia: Zin & Waan, May 2010
“The thread of life being cut”: an anthology of curious deaths of 17th-century artists This artic... more “The thread of life being cut”: an anthology of curious deaths of 17th-century artists This article gathers the anecdotical deaths of several 17th-century artists, like those described in De Groote Schouburgh (1718-1721) by Arnold Houbraken.
Desipientia: Zin & Waan, Nov 2007
Portraits on a counter-reformation altarpiece: Wouter Pietersz. Crabeth’s Assumption of 1628 Thi... more Portraits on a counter-reformation altarpiece: Wouter Pietersz. Crabeth’s Assumption of 1628
This article identifies two disguised portraits in Wouter Pietersz. Crabeth’s Assumption (1628), which is kept in ‘Het Catharinagasthuis’ (The Gouda Municipal Museum). Two of the apostles show the features of respectively father Petrus Purmerent of the Gouda church of Saint John the Baptist and probably apostolic vicar Philip Rovenius. Special attention will furthermore be paid to the figure of Saint Paul – from a counter-reformation perspective.
Desipientia, Nov 2007
Lustre in the dark: The perception of Early Netherlandish painting in renaissance Italy Variatio... more Lustre in the dark: The perception of Early Netherlandish painting in renaissance Italy
Variations in the effects of light are the reason why Northern and Italian art of the fifteenth century mimics reality in different ways. Italian artists attempted to define our concept of three-dimensionality by means of geometrical perspective and lume (= spatial lighting). Northern artists especially used lustro (= lighting, lustre). Glossy objects in the foregrounds of Flemish paintings helped to draw the scene closer to the beholder. Lustro was therefore even used in open-air daylight scenes. In Leonardo’s mind the glossy effect of the related Italian concept of splendore in the dark bestowed the scene with a certain gracefulness (grazia). This is what must have attracted 15th-century Italian art lovers to Northern art. Splendore was achieved by tonal transitions in layers of oil paint. Lustro, however, did not allow for any natural depth of field (focus). As a consequence Flemish masterpieces were negatively judged in 16th-century Florentine art theory. The Florentines experienced the meticulous rendering of details as disturbing.
Historians of Netherlandish Art: Newsletter and Review of Books (HNA Newsletter), Apr 2011
Book review of: ‘Ann Jensen Adams, Public Faces and Private Identities in Seventeenth-Century Hol... more Book review of: ‘Ann Jensen Adams, Public Faces and Private Identities in Seventeenth-Century Holland: Portraiture and the Production of Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 398 pp, 73 b&w illus. ISBN 978-0-521-44455-2.’, in: Historians of Netherlandish Art: Newsletter and Review of Books (HNA Newsletter) 28, nr. 1 (apr. 2011), ISSN 1067-4284, pp. 32-33.
RemBench, 2014
RemBench enables one to search and browse for works of art, artists, primary sources and library ... more RemBench enables one to search and browse for works of art, artists, primary sources and library sources related to Rembrandt, using faceted search by location, author/artist name, author/artist type, and date range, and/or by both exact and fuzzy keyword search. It offers both a web application and a RESTful web service.
RemBench combines the content of four different databases behind one search interface:
RKDartists and RKDimages, two databases maintained by the Netherlands Institute for Art History (RKD)
RemDoc, a collection of original documents related to Rembrandt van Rijn from the period between 1475 to circa 1750
RUQuest, a library system that provides access to full text articles, as well as the complete collection of (e-)books and journals from the Radboud University Library Catalogue
RemDoc: Rembrandt Documents Project, 2012
The Rembrandt Document Project (RemDoc) is a joint initiative of the Radboud University Nijmegen,... more The Rembrandt Document Project (RemDoc) is a joint initiative of the Radboud University Nijmegen, Museum The Rembrandt House (Het Rembrandthuis) in Amsterdam, and the Huygens Institute for the History of the Netherlands. Its goal is to create a new digital infrastructure for accessing, analysing, and interpreting original written and printed documents related to the life and art of the world-renowned Dutch painter Rembrandt van Rijn (1606-1669).
Radboud University Nijmegen launched the Rembrandt Documents Project (RemDoc) to provide a much-needed infrastructure through which all documents that are relevant for the study of Rembrandt will be accessible in a way that is suitable for modern art history. The heart of the RemDoc infrastructure is made up of original documents from the period between 1475 to circa 1750. RemDoc does not feature later original Rembrandt documents because, following 1750, their nature changes significantly. Texts become increasingly interpretative rather than factual, and attributions of paintings in auction catalogues rapidly become less reliable.
RemDoc aims to collect and make available all known documents that relate to Rembrandt, as a person and as an artist, as well as to his ancestors and relatives. The project subscribes to a modern and inclusive definition of the term 'document'. RemDoc includes, for example, extracts from baptism, marriage, and burial records; the small number of Rembrandt’s own letters; notarial deeds such as contracts, probate inventories, debt and credit records; as well as inscriptions on drawings and etchings by Rembrandt, his patrons, and collectors. RemDoc also contains advertisements of auctions in newspapers and references to Rembrandt in contemporary poetry.
Thus far, the number of original documents identified for the RemDoc initiative includes circa 1500 items and new releases are expected. The RemDoc infrastructure has dynamic content so that newly discovered documents and new annotations can be easily added. Also, the interface is user-friendly, with many opportunities for researchers to make use of image links and database information. RemDoc is primarily intended as an infrastructure for researchers in academia and museums, yet the project's results will also be of interest to the general public
An extension of a research project by the Department of Art History of the historicised portrait ... more An extension of a research project by the Department of Art History of the historicised portrait in western art is the construction of the Portrait Historié database. The database originally contained works of art created in the Netherlands' Golden Century. The database was transferred to the CKD and is supplemented with Portraits Historiés from the whole of western art history
Een is Nodig Losse bijdragen van de Karel van Mander Academy - Loose Contributions of the Karel van Mander Academy V (2020), 2003
Maniërisme en naturalisme in de Veneto Bachelorscriptie, Radboud Universiteit, 2003 Onder begel... more Maniërisme en naturalisme in de Veneto
Bachelorscriptie, Radboud Universiteit, 2003
Onder begeleiding van Prof. dr. Bernard Aikema
INHOUDSOPGAVE
Inleiding — 5
I HET THEORETISCHE KADER VAN DE MANIERA
Maniërisme en bella maniera — 10
Vakroutine – maniera als cattiva practica — 11
Maniera als maniëristisch Kunstwollen — 13
Historische herijking van de maniera — 15
Maniera bij Vasari – Zeuxis’ praxis — 17
Reconstructie van de klassieke canon — 19
Paragone – beeldhouw- versus schilderkunst — 21
Disegno als pratica – idea en giudizio — 23
Di fantasia – maniera als werken uit het hoofd — 26
Maniera als uso of werkwijze — 29
Maniera als ondefinieerbare sensibiliteit — 32
II DE MANIERA IN VENETIË
Criteria van een maniëristische crisis — 35
Lotto en het protomanierisme in Venetië — 38
Anti-aristoteliaanse esthetica — 39
Pordenone en Emiliaanse impulsen — 40
Artistieke relaties tussen Venetië en Midden-Italië — 46
Artistieke uitwisseling, puntsgewijs — 49
Andrea Schiavone alias Meldolla — 51
De receptie van Schiavones stijl — 52
Vasari over Schiavone en la macchia — 56
Boschini’s Carta del navegar pitoresco — 58
Boschini’s ombuiging – naturalisme als maniërisme — 60
Penseelvoering als maniera — 62
Schilderachtigheid als maniera — 64
Dolce over disegno en colorito bij Michelangelo en Titiaan — 68
Pordenone als Titiaans grootste concurrent — 73
Natuurnabootsing tussen disegno en colorito — 76
Disegno bij Titiaan en Pordenone — 81
Natura bij Titiaan en Pordenone —85
Vrije penseelvoering en optische correctie — 88
Titiaans stijlverandering – finesse en expressie — 91
III VORMEN VAN DE MANIERA IN DE VENETIAANSE KUNST
Protomaniërisme in Titiaans Assunta en Averoldi-altaarstuk — 95
Toscanocentrisme in Titiaans Camerino-schilderijen — 98
Titiaan, Del Piombo en Pordenone — 102
Formele maniërismen in Titiaans Pesaro Madonna — 104
Maniëristische wedijver om Petrus de Martelaar — 107
Titiaans grootste rivaal: Pordenone — 110
De maniera all’antica bij Titiaan — 113
Maniëristische kenmerken van figuurschikking — 114
Maniëristische kenmerken van ruimte en volume — 116
Maniëristische kenmerken van modellering — 118
Kaïn in het verkort – scorti terribili di figure — 120
Pordenones fresco’s voor Santo Stefano — 124
Paardengetrappel bij de Bekering van Paulus — 130
Protoypen voor Pordenones paarden — 137
Bonifazio Veronese als voorloper — 144
Portaal in maniëristisch perspectief — 147
IV SLUITSTUK
Gekunstelde disegno en natuurlijke colorito — 153
De stijlcrisis overwonnen – macchia versus maniera — 155
BIBLIOGRAFIE — 160
Nijmegen Art Historical Studies XXII, 2016
- Introduction (Jos Koldeweij, Rudie van Leeuwen, Volker Manuth) I. Assimilation and deification... more - Introduction (Jos Koldeweij, Rudie van Leeuwen, Volker Manuth)
I. Assimilation and deification in the classical portrait historié
- From Phidias to Constantine: The Portrait Historié in Classical Antiquity (Stephan T.A.M. Mols, Eric M. Moormann, Olivier Hekster)
II. Representation and presence in the medieval portrait historié
- In the Guise of a Christian: the Early Medieval Preliminary Stage of the Portrait Historié (Kees Veelenturf)
- Likeness and Presence in the Age before the Portrait Historié (Kees van der Ploeg)
- In the Mirror of Christian Antiquity: Early Papal Identification Portraits in Santa Maria Maggiore (Sible de Blaauw)
- Hippolyte de Berthoz by Dirk Bouts and Hugo van der Goes: A Patron as Martyr (Jos Koldeweij)
III. Identification and translocation in the early modern portrait historié
- Mary of Burgundy or Margaret of Austria: A search for the true identity of the Mary Magdalene from Chantilly (Weineke Weusten)
- The portrait historié in Passion scenes in Renaissance Italy (Bram de Klerck)
- Moses and the Israelites by Maerten de Vos: the portrait historié of the Panhuys family from 1574 (Rudie van Leeuwen)
- Dutch Artists as Saints. Aspects of the Self-portrait historié (Volker Manuth)
- Harnessed Heroes: Mars, the Title-page, and the Dutch Stadtholders (Jeroen Goudeau)
IV. Guises and social masks in the modern portrait historié
- A homemade tribute: Pierre Cuypers (1827-1921) on the throne of Rembrandt van Rijn (Jean-Pierre van Rijen)
- ‘Everything is in one’s own self…’1 On the ‘Mask Portraits’ of Bauhaus Artist Gertrud Arndt (Dörte Nicolaisen)
- Portrait historié or pure painting? Kasimir Malevich’s Self-portrait with Black Square (1933) (Lieske Tibbe)
- King, Saint, Revolutionary: Joseph Beuys’ Palazzo Regale as Portrait Historié (Wouter Weijers)
- I is an other: Philip Guston’s imagined incarnations of God and Klansmen (Mette Gieskes)
The present collection of essays on the subject of the portrait historié treats examples of this subgenre of portraiture stemming from Classical Antiquity, medieval times, the Renaissance and Baroque period, but also from Romantic era and the modern movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A portrait historié can be described as an artistic rendering of an individual in the guise of a historical figure. In a broader and more modern sense it can be understood as a representation or figuration of the self which appropriates and incorporates visual metaphors by means of allegorisation and identification. This book is the result of a research project of the Art History Department in collaboration with the Archaeology Department of the Faculty of Arts of the Radboud University Nijmegen.
Portraits of rulers and burghers as biblical figures: The biblical portrait historié in the Nethe... more Portraits of rulers and burghers as biblical figures: The biblical portrait historié in the Netherlands of the 16th and 17th centuries Since the Middle Ages rulers and burghers have been depicted in the guise of well-known biblical figures. In these portraits historiés individuals could, for example, be depicted as the Old Testament king David, or the shepherds adoring Christ. The Modern Devotion stimulated an intimate relationship with biblical figures, and portraits historiés in Passion scenes reflect such spiritual notions. Through biblical portraiture, believers could place themselves in the skin of heroes of faith, such as the Apostles at the Last Supper, and be part of the cloud of witnesses. In the Reformation era, the portrait historié proved a suitable means for propagating adherence to a certain denomination. The individuals portrayed used the well-known visual language of the bible to take a stance in theological debates and to make this complex matter intelligible.
Een is Nodig - Single Contributions of the Karel van Mander Academy, IX, 2024
DISCLAIMER: Literary forgery (AKA literary mystification, literary fraud or literary hoax). This ... more DISCLAIMER: Literary forgery (AKA literary mystification, literary fraud or literary hoax). This manuscript is the transcript of a literary work deliberately misattributed to a Henry Nicholis and purports to be a memoir-cum-manifesto but, in fact, presents imaginary information and untrue content.
TRUE DESCRIPTION OF THE JOURNEY COMPLETED BY THE HOLY FAMILY (WAERHAFTIGE BESCHRYVING DER REISE ... VOLBRACHT DORCH IDT HILLIGE HŮSGESIN)
* Vorrede - Uppdracht - Den anderen Vorrede
THE MEANS OF MANUFACTURING (DE VÖRFERDICHINGMIDDELEN)
* Van der unbefredichder Mennichte unde dem criticken Criterio
* De Werlt als Ůhrwerck edder van den Buwstenen edder Delen der Natuere
* De Lucht als Höft-Werck der Natuer unde van den Salf-Ölien unde Sůrstoffen
* Beschryvinge der Wapen-Salve unde vanden barlicken Nonsens der Sympathia Sanguinis, wat dat oick mach wesen
* Dat Wunder-Remedium dat heeth Kuwschock edder Cayenisch Hartz
THE TAUREDININIAN PROMISES (DE TAUREDENYNSCHE BELOFFTEN)
* De Beropinge des Heeren Hacklůth unde van den vorlorenen Gelöves-Breven
* Van den Mönnicken tho Lippischem Schumborch unde Vaders Barchings Godes-Breve
* De van Godt gesondene Kranckhedes in den Nedder-Důdeschen Landen unde van Handemans sunderlicke Tusschenkůmpste
* Wedder up den Sandt-Wege. Van der Brandtstichting der Molen tho Pochenhagen unde Haldemans Missehandeling
* Friesche Thosamenspanningen edder Missedadichedes eft van der ungelůckichen Wapeldöpinge unses Hůsgesinnes
* De Vorodeninge des Försten edder dat Mandatum des Heren H.N.
* Van dem Gompertzen Breve
* Van Rådermakers Dronckenschop unde Hufnågels Schůlp-Padde
* De Lettre toe de Englische Kvveen, und wat H.N. prechede in Westmoereland und Camberlandt
* Wydinge desses Boeckes
TEACHINGS (UNDERWIZINGEN)
* Underwizingen uth dem Monde des berůwichen Sůnders H.N. naer syner Dodt upgeteickent
* Underwisingen, Ordeningen, Öveningen unde Vormaningen des Hůs-Gesinnes der Liefften
CHURCH ORDER (KERCKE-ORDENINGE)
* An den leser
* Updath de Thohope-Kůmpst unde Beradeslaginge des Stadt-Rades, nicht thom ungů nsten unser Broderen unde Sůsteren gescheet
* Van der Gemeinschop unde erer Bedůdingen
* De Nominering, Uthweling edder Vörkizing des Bedeners des Wordes edder Predicker
* Idt Predickampt der Priesterschop
* Synodus edder Vörgaderinge
* De Oldesten, Oldermannen edder Olderfrouwen
* Erweling der Kercke-Deneren tom platten Lande
* De hillige Communio, Sacrament des Altaers, des Heren Aventmael edder Nachtemael
* Van Byechte effte Vorhöringe der Communicanten
* Van den Döpe, edder den Cermonie des Döpsels
* Van der Missen Ceremonien
* De Predicking des Evangelii
* De Kercken-Rade
SONGS (LEDEREN)
I. Idt ersten Led: Mönster
II. Idt tweden Led: Idt is Arcadye
III. Idt drůdden Led
IV. Idt vierden Led
V. Råthenischen
VI. Idt Wunder-Werck Godes tom Meckelborchschen Lande
Not Always Rembrandt: 37 Studies in Baroque Art, 2023
A liber amicorum presented to Volker Manuth, retiring Professor of early modern art history at Ra... more A liber amicorum presented to Volker Manuth, retiring Professor of early modern art history at Radboud University Nijmegen, on the occasion of his farewell lecture on November 30th 2023. Not Always Rembrandt is volume XXXII in the Nijmegen Art Historical Studies (NKS). It features 37 essays on painting and drawing from the 17th and 18th centuries, contributed by specialists in the field. It is a tribute to Volker Manuth's career spanning 35 years of research, teaching and supervision at, respectively, the Freie Universität Berlin, Queen's University Kingston and Radboud University. Five sections cover a wide range of topics resonating with Manuth's areas of interest. The first part focuses on several of Rembrandt's pupils; the second is devoted to visual analysis and portrait identification. Part three deals with works on paper and copyright issues in the graphic arts. Religious paintings from the Southern Netherlands and Italy are discussed in part four. After effects and key moments of Rembrandt's art and those of his followers are treated in the fifth part. The sixth part discusses provenances of Dutch art and artistic connections throughout Germany. The book is now available, for a limited time only at a special retail price of €75 → €69 (incl. VAT) with free shipping. This discount offer will be valid until 28 December 2023. After that it will available for €82. To qualify for discount and free shipment, quote 'PR_NAR_281223' in the subject field when ordering by mail. Please order through info@brepols.net; an invoice outlining different payment options will be sent to you. Edited by Rudie van Leeuwen, Lilian Ruhe and David de Witt 384 pp. with 20 b/w, 215 col. ills, 5 tables b/w, 7 maps b/w, 216 x 280 mm, hardcover, sewn Brepols Publishers, ISBN 978-2-503-60802-0 €82.00 (€75.00 until 28/12/2023)
“DE DRIE GEKROONDE HAMERS” Geschiedenis van een Zaanse smederij 1676-2022 (“THE THREE CROWNED HAM... more “DE DRIE GEKROONDE HAMERS” Geschiedenis van een Zaanse smederij 1676-2022 (“THE THREE CROWNED HAMMERS” History of a Zaandam forge 1676-2022)
New book (in Dutch) by Margreet van der Hut, published by Publishing House Uitgeverij Casae, Zaandijk
ISBN 978-90-831031-4-3 (hardcover) | 120 pages
Price: EUR 29.95
In 2022, the “Drie Gekroonde Hamers” smithy will leave the Hogendijk street in Zaandam for a new location. This metalworking company is the last of the countless ship forges that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had sprung up along the Zaan, where once dozens of shipyards were located.
The building’s orginal transom or “deurkalf” in the alley next to the blacksmith's workshop attests to the fact that the building was built here in 1676. This book contains the answer to the question who the owners of this forge were from 1676 onward and offers an impression of the nineteenth-century Hogendijk as a tourist attraction, boosted by the Czar Peter House (“Czaar Peterhuisje”) on the path ’t Krimp behind it.
The history of Zaandam and the surrounding Zaan River region (Zaanstreek) is intimately tied to industry. In the Dutch Golden Age, Zaandam served as a large milling and shipbuilding centre, and it was also historically linked with the whaling industry.
Zaandam became a leading city during the first Industrial Revolution but then a steady decline began. Changing circumstances forced many artisans to earn their living in other ways, and a tourism industry began to flourish. Against this background, a chronicle of the life and work of four generations of the Kaaijk blacksmith family in the period 1890-2018 is presented and a historical overview of the blacksmithing and forging work of the past 345 years is presented.
Karel van Mander Academy – KVMA Series for Visual Heritage in the Netherlands, 6
Order a copy through: uitgeverijCASAE@gmail.com (mentioning “DE DRIE GEKROONDE HAMERS”) / tinyurl.com/TTT1676 / tinyurl.com/Hogendijk
In 2022 verlaat smederij de “Drie Gekroonde Hamers” de Hogendijk in Zaandam, als laatste van de talloze scheepssmederijen die in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw waren gevestigd langs de Zaan waar tientallen scheepswerven lagen. Het deurkalf boven de steeg naar de smederij getuigt ervan dat het pand hier in 1676 werd gebouwd. Dit boek bevat het antwoord op de vraag wie vanaf 1676 de eigenaren van deze smederij waren en biedt een impressie van de negentiendeeeuwse Hogendijk als toeristische trekpleister, aangejaagd door het “Czaar Peterhuisje” op het erachter gelegen pad ’t Krimp. Tegen deze achtergrond wordt een kroniek gepresenteerd van het leven en werken van vier generaties van de smedenfamilie Kaaijk in de periode 1890-2018 en een historisch overzicht geboden van het smids- en smeedwerk van de afgelopen 345 jaar.
Author: Margreet van der Hut
“De Drie Gekroonde Hamers”
Geschiedenis van een Zaanse smederij 1676-2022
Uitgeverij CASAE
Karel van Mander Academy – KVMA Reeks voor Visueel Erfgoed in Nederland, 6
Deze publicatie is mede mogelijk gemaakt door financiële steun van het Reint Laan Fonds.
120 pagina’s ISBN 978-90-831031-4-3 (hardcover) EUR 29,95
Verzendkosten (NL): EUR 4,10
TE BESTELLEN VIA: uitgeverijCASAE@gmail.com / tinyurl.com/TTT1676 / tinyurl.com/Hogendijk
Het kunstkabinet van Petronella de la Court: de verzamelingen van een zeventiende-eeuwse mecenas (Karel van Mander Academy – KVMA Reeks voor Visueel Erfgoed in Nederland, 5), 2021
Petronella de la Court (Leiden, 1624 - Amsterdam, 1707) lived from 1657 in the De Swaen brewery i... more Petronella de la Court (Leiden, 1624 - Amsterdam, 1707) lived from 1657 in the De Swaen brewery in Amsterdam. She furnished her house lavishly with works of art and exotic objects from nature. With her true-to-life dollhouse and collections she attracted visitors from far and wide. In addition to paintings, drawings and prints, cabinet sculptures, porcelain and curiosities, she also owned atlases and books on geography which she used to trace the provenance of the artifacts she collected. This book contains a reconstruction of her painting collection, sculpture cabinet and shell collection and an inventory of her porcelain collection. These collections show a complex coherence that proves that Petronella was a true collector who could compete with other well-known collectors of her time.
Petronella de la Court (Leiden, 1624-Amsterdam, 1707) woonde vanaf 1657 in brouwerij de Swaen in Amsterdam waar ze het woonhuis inrichtte en met haar poppenhuis en verzamelingen een geïnteresseerd publiek trok. Behalve schilderijen, tekeningen en prenten, kabinetsculptuur, porselein en rariteiten bezat ze ook atlassen en stedenboeken aan de hand waarvan ze de herkomst van de door haar verzamelde artefacten kon herleiden. Dit boek bevat een reconstructie van haar schilderijencollectie, sculptuurkabinet en schelpenverzameling en een inventarisatie van haar porseleincollectie. Deze verzamelingen vertonen een complexe samenhang die bewijst dat Petronella een ware collectionneusse was, die zich kon meten met andere bekende verzamelaars van haar tijd.
ISBN 978-90-831031-3-6 (Hardcover, Dutch)
Order through: uitgeverijCASAE@gmail.com
CASAE Publishers: https://tinyurl.com/kunstkabinet
Karel van Mander Academy: https://tinyurl.com/petronella-de-la-court
Rembrandt. The Complete Paintings , 2019
Rembrandt. The Complete Paintings Hardcover with fold-outs, 29 x 39.5 cm, 8.07 kg, 744 pages. The... more Rembrandt. The Complete Paintings Hardcover with fold-outs, 29 x 39.5 cm, 8.07 kg, 744 pages.
The Dutch Golden Age spawned some of history’s greatest artists and artisans, but few can boast the genius of Rembrandt. Commemorating 350 years of unparalleled legacy, this XXL-sized monograph gathers the artist’s 330 paintings in exquisite reproductions and details that reveal how, in all their forms, Rembrandt’s painted works are built of intricacies—the totality of each subtle wrinkle, gaze, or figure.
Karel van Mander Academy – KVMA Reeks voor Visueel Erfgoed in Nederland, 3, 2020
Het poppenhuis dat Petronella de la Court (1624-1707) samenstelde in de jaren zeventig van de zev... more Het poppenhuis dat Petronella de la Court (1624-1707) samenstelde in de jaren zeventig van de zeventiende eeuw prijkt al bijna 100 jaar in het Centraal Museum Utrecht. Dankzij dit rijk geïllustreerde boek kunnen we terugreizen in de tijd en een bezoek brengen aan de elf kamers van het pronkpoppenhuis. In het boek wordt het pronkpoppenhuis geplaatst binnen de samenhang van Petronella's diverse kunstverzamelingen en haar leven als bewoonster en eigenares van brouwerij De Swaen aan het Singel in Amsterdam. Daar stond het poppenhuis in de grote voorkamer van het woonhuis; een kunstkamer met kabinetten vol porselein, rariteiten en verzamelingen. De kunstkamer in het poppenhuis is hiervan een afspiegeling in miniatuur. Er zijn elf kamers, waaronder een salon, een comptoir (kantoor), een kraamkamer en een tuin waarin bewoners, gasten en personeel verpozen. Zo ontmoeten we in het voorhuis een dienstmeisje, gekleed in Waterlands kostuum, dat een meisje leert lopen. In het comptoir doet de brouwer zijn administratie, terwijl poppen zich vermaken met muziekinstrumenten of met een kaartspelletje in de saletkamer (ontvangstkamer). Van de zestien schilderijen in het poppenhuis hangen er negen in de kunstkamer. De vrouw des huizes maakt haar toilet in de slaapkamer. In de kraamkamer vinden we behalve de kraamvrouw ook de min met de baby, een vroedvrouw en kraamvisite. De kleding van deze poppen is van groot belang voor de kostuumhistorie. De poppenhuis-houding geeft een beeld van hoe een rijke familie destijds leefde. Het boekje bevat prachtige overzichtsfoto's van alle kamers en detailfoto's van de historische kleding van de bewoners en hun personeel. Bestel dit boek en betreed Petronella's pronkpoppenhuis, een tijdcapsule van de zeventiende eeuw.
Karel van Mander Academy – KVMA Series for Visual Heritage in the Netherlands (KVMA Reeks voor Visueel Erfgoed), 4, 2021
JAN VAN MIERIS was the eldest son and pupil of the renowned Dutch fijnschilder Frans van Mieris I... more JAN VAN MIERIS was the eldest son and pupil of the renowned Dutch fijnschilder Frans van Mieris I (1635-1681), who in turn had studied under Gerard Dou (1613-1675) and Abraham van den Tempel (1622-1672). Jan and his younger brother Willem (1662-1747) followed in their father’s footsteps by continuing the Leiden fijnschilder tradition. As a consequence distinguishing between their work – and that of other illustrious relatives – can be a challenge. Virtually every painting in the catalog was once attributed to Frans I, or Willem, or even to Willem’s son Frans II (1689-1763). Jan van Mieris, who was also a gifted poet, not only wrote a small oeuvre of poems but also several partially rhymed versions of the pastoral play Aminta by Torquato Tasso (1544-1595) in Dutch. They are preserved in a manuscript in Leiden University Library. In this book Jan van Mieris’ oeuvre finally receives the attention it deserves. The catalogue raisonné contains 41 paintings. portraits, genre pieces and history paintings, seven drawings and three mezzotints after his paintings. This study is helpful in understanding the double talent of the young painter who made Horatius’ device ‘Ut Pictura Poesis’ (as is painting so is poetry) his own.
[Accepted Author Manuscript] Example or Alter Ego? Aspects of the Portrait Historié in Western Art from Antiquity to the Present, 2016
Rudie van Leeuwen The painting Moses and the Israelites from 1574, which was commissioned by Peet... more Rudie van Leeuwen The painting Moses and the Israelites from 1574, which was commissioned by Peeter Panhuys (1529-85) from the Antwerp painter Maerten de Vos (1532-1603), serves as a case study for answering the question how the choice of a subject relates to the faith of the persons portrayed in a biblical portrait historié. Hence the starting point for this contribution is a partly new identification of the sitters and a new assessment of their religious persuasions. Although the persons portrayed have been connected to the 'spiritualistic' movement of the Family of Love in earlier studies, no attempt was made to interpret the painting in the light of this connection. The Family attracted both Protestants and Catholics. The iconography of this portrait historié however, points in the direction of Lutheran interpretation and seems to confirm the (otherwise established) Lutheran sympathies of Peeter Panhuys. Moreover, the specific formulation of the Ten Commandments indicates the consultation of a Lutheran (Bible) translation. This observation seems remarkable since the painting was considered distinctly Calvinist by others. Both passages from Luther's works and the Chronicles of the Family of Love explain the choice of subject of the panel. Notwithstanding evidence for a Familist interpretation, it has become clear that Hooftman and Panhuys were not fanatical Calvinists but rather moderate Lutherans.
Linkedin, 2024
This painting, to be auctioned on Feb. 24 by La Suite Subastas, depicts St. Philip Neri (1515-159... more This painting, to be auctioned on Feb. 24 by La Suite Subastas, depicts St. Philip Neri (1515-1595), AKA the “Second Apostle of Rome”, founder of the Congregation of the Oratory. The painter may have known the saint’s likeness through numerous prints and painted copies after the portrait Federico Zuccari painted of Neri during his lifetime in 1593 (Bologna, S. Maria di Galliera), that also served as a model for the posthumous portrait by Carlo Dolci from 1645/46 (New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art).
The Holy Spirit in the guise of the Dove above the cartouche over his head refers to Neri’s profound mystical experience, which he had on the vigil of Pentecost in 1544. While praying fervently, Philip was overcome by the Holy Spirit, and he saw a ball of fire enter his mouth that set his heart ablaze causing him to cry out in agony, “Enough, Lord, enough! I cannot take any more.” After this rapture, he noticed an elevation of his chest and for the rest of his life his heartbeat had an abnormal strength. The warmth radiating from Philip’s breast was so strong that that he went out in the midst of winter with his cassock unbuttoned. His friend St. Ignatius of Loyola testified that he always saw a fiery globe above St. Philip’s head whenever they met. At his autopsy, it was confirmed that St. Philip Neri’s heart was physically enlarged, which was taken as proof hat he had received this fire of holiness.
The Madonna at the top refers to Neri’s Marian devotion, which is illustrated by another epiphany the saint experienced in the year before his death, when he was suffering from tertian fever. His pulse having almost gone, his followers thought he had died, when suddenly the saint began to shout, “Whoever wants anything other than God is completely deceiving himself; Anyone who loves anything other than God falls to shame. Oh, my most holy Madonna, my beautiful Madonna, my blessed Madonna!” When his doctors asked what was the matter, he answered, “Did you not see the Blessed Virgin who came to free me from my pain?”
The coat of arms in the bottom cartouche bears three scallop shells, the emblem St. James, one of Neri’s patron saints, on whose feast he would gave “his children some particular recreation.” The three stars below these scallops represent the virtues of Faith, Hope, & Charity and appear on Neri’s family crest and in the congregation’s emblem. The (palm) branch crossed with the lance may refer to the old Coat of Arms of Chile in use between 1813-1814 during the Patria Vieja. As the Madonna at the top seems to be a typical Holy Virgin of Loreto the painting might be related to a Loreto Chapel, perhaps the Capilla Casa de Loreto in the Templo del Oratorio de San Felipe Neri in the Mexican city of San Miguel de Allende (Guanajuato), since the portal of this chapel is also flanked by double twisted columns.
Linkedin, 2021
Two intarsia paintings will soon be auctioned at the Twents Veilinghuis. One (lot 1013) shows, in... more Two intarsia paintings will soon be auctioned at the Twents Veilinghuis. One (lot 1013) shows, in my opinion, Cardinal Federico Borromeo (1564–1631) in the guise of Saint Jerome, who has a vision of the Vera Icon. Borromeo appears here as the church father who is often portrayed in cardinal dress, working on the Vulgate in a study with a skull. Unlike St Jerome who had a vision of the Last Judgment (represented by an angel with a trumpet), he experiences a vision of angels showing the true face of Christ. As an art critic, Borromeo was interested in works of art that were not made by human hands, so-called archeiropoieta (De Pictura Sacra II, 2; Rothwell 2010, p. 71). The most famous example of this is the vera icon, the sweat cloth (sudarium) of Veronica or Mandylion from Edessa. Borromeo had copies made of this face, although his uncle, St. Charles Borromeo (1538-1584), had the apocryphal St. Veronica removed from the liturgical calendar of saints. Federico owned a copy of the mandylion which he revered as evidence of Christ's incarnation. The pendant (lot 1014) with the Supper at Emmaus (Luke 24:13-35) probably serves as a symbolic counterpart because Christ's disciples did not recognize the face of their master.
Linkedin, 2021
‘If I had thee in Lipsbury pinfold’ in Shakespeare’s King Lear (II ii 8) sounds proverbial. Altho... more ‘If I had thee in Lipsbury pinfold’ in Shakespeare’s King Lear (II ii 8) sounds proverbial. Although pinfold means pound (enclosure for stray cattle), the Lipsbury allusion has never been satisfactorily explained. Since no such place ever existed, it was considered a coined name or a cant phrase like ‘Lob’s pound’ (Massinger Duke of Milan iii 2). Hulme (1962, 61) suggests a double quibble of lip ‘to kiss’/‘to shear a sheep’. Some say it simply means “between my teeth”, others that it may be connected with boxing, with Knapsbery, a thieves’ rendezvous (Musgrove 1981), or “Lypken”, cant for ‘a house to lye in’ (Salmon 1987, 251).
I believe pinfold refers to purgatory as in Butler’s Hudibras (ii 2): ‘But to confine the bad and sinful, Like mortal cattle in a pinfold’ or in Foxe’s Martyrs: ‘Then he [More] maketh the dead men’s soules by a rhetorical prosopopæa, to speake out purgatory pinfolde.’ Foxe also mentions that Maundrel called purgatory “the pope’s pinfold”. While “poukes pondfold” in Piers Ploughman (XVI, 264) denotes ‘the devil’s custody’, Lob’s Pound means hell, Lob being Milton’s “Lubber Fiend” or “Lub Lie-by-the-fire”. Shakespeare “paid lip service” both to the expression “the pinfold of his mouth” and to the common depiction of purgatory as the devil’s mouth.
Linkedin, 2021
Why wear witches wear pointy hats? Because Puritans wore them in Salem? Hats were already part of... more Why wear witches wear pointy hats? Because Puritans wore them in Salem? Hats were already part of "old hag" iconography (Mother Shipton). They were also a seen as a feature of oldfashioned dissenter's dress. In 1823, Richard Gaywood portrayed the "prophetess" Anna Trapnell, who was active 1650s, in the company of the devil. It is not a realistic portrait; her appearance is taken from Egbert van Heemskerck's depiction of a Quaker Meeting. (Quakers refused to take off their hats.) Trapnell was devout from early on: "When a child, the Lord awed my spirit ... my heart was smitten." Her first vision occurred after her mother's death in 1647. In January 1654, she fell into a 12 day trance, during which she sang, prayed and prophesied before large crowds. Her fame spread all over England. She openly criticized Cromwell's Protectorate and preached equality of the sexes. Hence she was considered mad. Charged of disturbing the peace, she was brought before the JPs: alleged reports of her questioning echo Jesus' trial before the Crucifixion. Anna had joined the Puritan Fifth Monarchists in 1652. The 2nd Coming they awaited did not happen. Yet followers of Rev. John Mason, whose burial was today 327 years ago, refused to believe that he had not risen after 3 days.
Linkedin, 2022
Remember the post-pandemic protests, which ended way back in 1381, on 12 June, when Blackheath sa... more Remember the post-pandemic protests, which ended way back in 1381, on 12 June, when Blackheath saw the defeat of the Wat Tyler’s Peasants’ Revolt. Remember Buperdullion? Well, political agitator ‘Freeborn’ John Lilburne (1614–1657) professedly did just that when he stood trial for high treason in 1649.
He mentioned the enigmatic Buperdullion in the same breath as Wat Tyler and his fellow combatant Jack Straw. It seems that Lilburne thought Buperdullion was one of leaders of the Münster Rebellion of 1534-35 — but was he? According to the court clerk, Lilburne argued that a ‘new and just [Rump] Parliament was more dreadful to them than the Day of Judgment; and that neither Korah, Dathan and Abiram of old, nor the Anabaptists, with John of Leyden, and Buperdullion at Munster, nor Jack Straw or Wat Tyler were comparable to the General and his Council for Rebellions and Treasons against all kinds of Magistracy.’
So who’s who? Dathan and his brother Abiram were Biblical conspirators who led a rebellion against Moses under the influence of Korah the Levite. John of Leiden was spiritual leader of the Anabaptist Revolt who turned Münster into a millenarian theocracy. But who was this Buperdullion, whose name sounds a bit tatterdemalion, halfway between superhero and archvillain?
Most likely he is one and the same as Berndt Knipperdollinck, whose name was in that case garbled by either Lilburne or the scribe. Knipperdollinck was the worldly leader of the Münster Anabaptists and their chief executive; the so-called “Steigbügelhalter” (stirrup-holder). Heinrich Aldegrever made a drawing of Jan van Leyden and his Council, with Berndt in the nude holding the imperial sword (Rijksmuseum RP-T-1961-20).
Linkedin, 2023
This strange Madonna with “defects and losses” will be auctioned by Finarte Auctions & through Au... more This strange Madonna with “defects and losses” will be auctioned by Finarte Auctions & through Auction Services by DROUOT.com on Tuesday 30 May 2023 at 11am in Rome. It is actually a copy of a well-known painting kept in the Redemptorist Monastery of Sant’Agata dei Goti in Campania, 35 km northeast of Naples. https://lnkd.in/e5HjzbN9
The Virgin Mary in this composition is known as ‘Maria Sempre Nimica del Peccato’ or ‘Our Lady, Always the Enemy of Sin’. It depicts the Christ Child piercing a serpent’s head with a javelin-annex-cross. The specific iconographic identity of this Madonna has been overlooked by the auctioneers, perhaps due to the damage to the painted surface, as it shows the Virgin without her attribute, the lightning bolt. Curiously, not only the thunderbolt but also parts of her invocation, “MARIA” and the first three letters of ‘SEMpre’, have been abraded.
This iconography is a variant of the ‘Madonna del Fulmine’, which shows Our Lady of (Succour against) Lightning among lightning bolts. Especially venerated in Sardinia as the ‘Birgini de su raju’, she is invoked to “Free this whole country from the scourge of the storms of lightning of the earthquake and from every evil.” The Madonna of Sant’Agata, however, holds a single flame in her hand, and is called upon to protect small children from the onslaughts of the evil one, which is also congruent with the serpent slayer motif.* Here, the Madonna does not as much serve as a protective ‘lightning rod’ but rather as a wielder of thunderbolts, similar to the Greek God Zeus, as the prototype proves. Another almost identical version of the Madonna del Fulmine of the Campanian type ― although without the invocative inscription ― can be found at the southernmost tip of the Italian mainland in Santa Maria di Leuca, Puglia: https://lnkd.in/eDdPtU5d. Even the shape of her attribute resembles Jupiter’s bundle of flames with ↯-shaped bolts ejecting from both ends. (Incidentally, that other Virgin, the goddess Athena, was born from the head of her father Zeus.) Although the lightning bolt had an evil-repelling (apotropaic) function and also refers to the Second Coming of Jesus (Mt. 24:27, Lk. 17:24), someone apparently took offence at this pagan attribute and removed it.
*) Christ piercing the serpent refers to Isaiah 27:1: “a strong sword shall punish leviathan the piercing serpent” According to John Chrysotom, the cross is “a weapon of victory” (Ps.[109] PG 55.274) “in Christ’s hand to fight against the devil” (Hom.13.1; Phil. PG 62.277); either “to cut off the dragon’s head” (Mt. PG 58.537) or to “pierce” it (De coem. et cruc. 2, PG 49.396). Already in Early Christianity, the cross lance was used as an image of the power of the Cross, as is the case with the labarum, the military standard with the Chi-Rho (☧) symbol on top, shown in depictions of the emperor Constantine piercing the dragon (Euseb. V Const. 3.3.1).