Frank Rusciano | Rider University (original) (raw)
Papers by Frank Rusciano
Rusciano draws upon Benedict Anderson’s notion of the “imagined community” that defines a nation ... more Rusciano draws upon Benedict Anderson’s notion of the “imagined community” that defines a nation to examine whether such a unified community can emerge in Northern Ireland. He argues that this transition is most probable among younger cohorts who are less likely to declare a religious affiliation, more likely to declare an identity as Northern Irish, and more likely to have no link to an existing political party when compared with older cohorts. Rusciano compares the barriers to community with those of Germany after World War II and after reunification. In both cases, Germany struggled to find a “masterable past” to help define a common identity and transform their architectural designs to fit this new identity. Rusciano argues that Northern Ireland has similar problems. The six counties also need to define a “masterable past” that absorbs the Troubles and its aftermath to define a new identity. They also need to transform the architectural design of the “peace lines” to fit this new identity. One path might be to declare themselves citizens of a Northern Irish “imagined community”—a community that is British and Irish, yet neither alone, in history nor tradition. The special experience of the Troubles and the peace agreement could form the basis for this new identity, which world opinion has already ratified in its vision of Fremdbild for Northern Ireland. The next step would be to construct the Selbstbild that makes the negotiation of identity complete.
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Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
What perceived grievance could motivate individuals on the other side of the world to plot and ca... more What perceived grievance could motivate individuals on the other side of the world to plot and carry out suicide attacks within the United States? The common response points to American policy in the Middle East, particularly toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Other explanations reference the ongoing decline of Muslim countries, rifts between secular governments supported by the West, and fundamentalist forces in the Middle East. All of these explanations have credence, and provide pieces of the puzzle. But analysts have neglected the relationships among the events of September 11 and other forms of religious and ethnic violence since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Understanding the roots of global rage in the post-Cold War era requires a global perspective that elaborates, without necessarily negating, the other explanations.
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Public Opinion Quarterly, Jun 5, 2007
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Atlantic Journal of Communication, Sep 1, 2013
The fundamental shift caused by the manner in which we store and retrieve information on the web ... more The fundamental shift caused by the manner in which we store and retrieve information on the web has caused a corresponding shift in our manner of thinking. The unintended consequences of relying upon web tools may have transformed our abilities to think in a traditional manner. This article argues that the structure of knowledge on the web affects individuals' abilities to communicate and discuss what they have learned. What follows proceeds in four steps. The first describes the knowledge structure of the web. The second describes the characteristics of “print-based” (or text) versus “web-based” (or hypertext) organization. The third describes how communication media affects thought. The fourth argues that web-based thinking is less coherent, less contextual, and more difficult to communicate according to a common lexicon with other citizens. We conclude by reexamining the potential paradoxes generated by the web structure and describe two scenarios for future effects on political participation.
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Identity defined a primary source of division in Northern Ireland during the Troubles: British or... more Identity defined a primary source of division in Northern Ireland during the Troubles: British or Irish, Protestant, or Catholic? In the past, identity was viewed primarily as an internal characteristic, chosen by a society’s individuals or groups with little outside intervention. Rusciano argues that a newly emergent world opinion changes this process. In the present global environment, national or regional identity grows out of a negotiation between an area’s group consciousness (Selbstbild) and its reputation in world opinion (Fremdbild). Other writers note that as a consequence of the Cold War’s end, the identification of Unionists with the Western powers and Republicans with national liberation movements became irrelevant. However, identity in Northern Ireland was now affected by their global reputation as the scene of continuous violent conflict. This reputation affected the images both sides constructed for themselves, making the negotiation of identity more difficult, and suitable for change.
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Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
In the fall of 2003, I corresponded with a colleague in the United Kingdom about how the war with... more In the fall of 2003, I corresponded with a colleague in the United Kingdom about how the war with Iraq had hurt the United States’ image throughout the world. We discussed the dangers of isolating a superpower, and I paraphrased Bernard Lewis, saying that the world could ill afford an “American rage” brought about by threats to its citizens’ safety and identity. My friend’s response chilled me: “Aren’t we seeing that right now?” he asked.
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Populism and the Corruption of Pluralist Governance Structures
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Why did the end of the Cold War provide the conditions for world opinion to be a force in world a... more Why did the end of the Cold War provide the conditions for world opinion to be a force in world affairs, particularly in Northern Ireland? What international relations theories can help explain this change? Rusciano answers these questions by linking two schools of thought: the English School of international relations and global opinion theory. Both theories deal with the influence of “international society” on global relations; the latter is used to provide specific details of how world opinion came to be a force defining the society’s boundaries. After the Cold War, world opinion ceases to be a mere East/West propaganda tool and becomes a moral and pragmatic force backed up by its ability to isolate nations and individuals from an international community. In an increasingly globalized world system, isolation can have dramatic economic and political effects. These effects helped alter the opportunities for peace in Northern Ireland.
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Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, 2021
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In order for world opinion to have significant effects upon the Northern Ireland peace process, i... more In order for world opinion to have significant effects upon the Northern Ireland peace process, it had to influence the actions of leaders involved in negotiating the agreement. Rusciano uses Gormley-Heenan’s notion of “chameleonic leadership,” or leadership that changes depending upon its environment, to map this influence. Rusciano shows how when leaders move between local, regional, and international leadership groups, their chameleonic abilities must come into play. They must adjust to fit in with the group they are addressing, while trying to negotiate and balance the constituencies they represent. He describes a model where leaders had leeway from their constituents within certain boundaries to negotiate; however, leaders had to be careful not to overstep those boundaries and lose support. This balance is complicated by negotiators’ contact with other global leaders, who represented a world opinion dictating that such boundaries had to be expanded to allow for a peace agreement. The influences of leaders, such as Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, and Nelson Mandela, among others, are studied to show how this delicate balance was maintained. Rusciano compares the Northern Ireland process to the successful transition out of conflict in South Africa and the unsuccessful transition in Israel/Palestine. In all cases, he shows how the state of world opinion affected the success or failure of these efforts.
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Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2016
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World opinion deals primarily with the global transmission of values. Why, then, did the US black... more World opinion deals primarily with the global transmission of values. Why, then, did the US black civil rights movement end in legislation which altered social and political relations, while the Northern Irish Catholic civil rights movement ended in 30 years of the Troubles? Rusciano argues that a common basis for community existed in the USA, based upon Judeo-Christian values and traditional principles from the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. By contrast, religion was a primary basis of political division in Northern Ireland, and there were scant political traditions to form a basis for community to heal the divisions. In addition, world opinion had not undergone the fundamental transition needed to make it a force in this conflict.
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A palpable silence exists in Northern Ireland regarding the Troubles and whether they may return.... more A palpable silence exists in Northern Ireland regarding the Troubles and whether they may return. Rusciano describes five reasons related to world opinion why this silencing occurs. First, international opinion demands that the society examine the abuses of the past; but residents fear that an examination will disrupt the peace and their reputation as a model for the world. A second related problem is that delving into the past, no matter how important for their Fremdbild, could prompt a resumption of violence. Third, despite its global reputation as a peaceful community, Northern Ireland remains a region divided into communities where individuals speak with their own about the past, and silence statements to the general public. Fourth, the consociational government that grew out of the peace agreement often silences citizen demands that do not fit into the Unionist/Republican narrative due to the guaranteed representation each group receives. Finally, because of the divisions still in the society, victims are often silenced because they cannot tell their stories until they have a sympathetic audience on both sides, but they likely cannot find a sympathetic audience on both sides until they speak. Rusciano examines patterns of silencing before and after the peace agreement, and finds that those in favor of the peace tended to fall silent before the referendum on the agreement. He also finds that afterwards those who supported the agreement were less likely to fear silencing than those who did not, but they were still often reluctant to speak out. He does find that those who identify as Northern Irish and who supported the agreement are more likely to state their affiliation in a foreign country, thereby suggesting a Selbstbild in line with their international reputation as a model for the world.
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Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
Introduction: World Opinion on September 11: If the World Doesn't Hate Us, Why Would Someone ... more Introduction: World Opinion on September 11: If the World Doesn't Hate Us, Why Would Someone Do This? The Cold War World Turned Upside Down How We Come to be Who We Are: Constructing Identity Around the World Fences Make Good Neighbors: Who is 'German' Without the Wall? China's Two Faces: The Contradiction of Chinese 'Uniqueness' The Indian/Pakistani Nuclear Tests: Brinksmanship Without a Cause The War at Home: Identity Versus Values Conclusions: Addressing the Real Problem, 'Draining the Swamp of Despair'
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Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
The pandemic of global rage has its roots in the manner in which we construct identity. Although ... more The pandemic of global rage has its roots in the manner in which we construct identity. Although this book concentrates primarily upon national identity, the processes remain more or less the same for all levels of identification. Individual identity is constructed with an eye to the relevant reference groups in a person’s life: “Identity is a phenomenon that emerges from a dialectic between the individual and society.”1 Reference groups change depending upon the relevant contexts in which one participates at any given time. Individuals may be in contact with several reference groups, each providing separate messages about their identities. Thus, “people have levels of identity” so that a resident of Rome is at once “a Roman, an Italian, a Catholic, a European, a Westerner.”2
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International Journal for Quality in Health Care, Mar 1, 2001
... Certainly, the Hindustan Times attempted such a strategy, calling upon Chinese, Arab, and eve... more ... Certainly, the Hindustan Times attempted such a strategy, calling upon Chinese, Arab, and even Pakistani ... these imagined communities will first be drawn; knowledge of this discourse guides the actions ... To the extent that the clash of civilizations theory is used as a defense ...
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Comparative politics, Apr 1, 1992
Increased political awareness amongst previously quiescent groups in the population is a common e... more Increased political awareness amongst previously quiescent groups in the population is a common explanation for electoral change. A recent American example concerns the appearance of a "gender gap" in voting in the 1980s, when men and women displayed consistently different partisan choices for the first time. Carroll surveys several election studies to derive four theoretical explanations for the gender gap.1 The vulnerability theory states that economic threats affected women disproportionately due to their disadvantaged position in society; this vulnerability led women to lean towards candidates who advocate social programs to protect women and children.2 Farah and Klein extend this argument to include issues of personal vulnerability in their analysis of the crime issue in the 1988 presidential election.3 The mobilization theory states that the women's movement focused attention on the candidates' different stances on issues of concern to females; women were therefore more likely to select candidates who supported the Equal Rights Amendment, freedom of choice on abortion, and other rights for women.4 The nurturance theory states that women's roles as mothers made them more sensitive to cuts in social programs and more fearful of the threat of war; women would support candidates whom they felt were likely to protect social welfare and avoid armed conflicts.5 Finally, the autonomy theory states that the gender gap represents a rejection of traditional relationships which had previously associated women's interests with the maintenance of a male-dominated power structure.6
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The Western political quarterly, Sep 1, 1990
... Let us combine this framework with Olson's description of a "latent group." Ac... more ... Let us combine this framework with Olson's description of a "latent group." According to Olson, the net advantage (Ai) which a person receives from collective action equals his share of the benefit (Vi) minus the cost of the collective good (C). Hence, Ai = Vi - C. As Olson points ...
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Rusciano draws upon Benedict Anderson’s notion of the “imagined community” that defines a nation ... more Rusciano draws upon Benedict Anderson’s notion of the “imagined community” that defines a nation to examine whether such a unified community can emerge in Northern Ireland. He argues that this transition is most probable among younger cohorts who are less likely to declare a religious affiliation, more likely to declare an identity as Northern Irish, and more likely to have no link to an existing political party when compared with older cohorts. Rusciano compares the barriers to community with those of Germany after World War II and after reunification. In both cases, Germany struggled to find a “masterable past” to help define a common identity and transform their architectural designs to fit this new identity. Rusciano argues that Northern Ireland has similar problems. The six counties also need to define a “masterable past” that absorbs the Troubles and its aftermath to define a new identity. They also need to transform the architectural design of the “peace lines” to fit this new identity. One path might be to declare themselves citizens of a Northern Irish “imagined community”—a community that is British and Irish, yet neither alone, in history nor tradition. The special experience of the Troubles and the peace agreement could form the basis for this new identity, which world opinion has already ratified in its vision of Fremdbild for Northern Ireland. The next step would be to construct the Selbstbild that makes the negotiation of identity complete.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
What perceived grievance could motivate individuals on the other side of the world to plot and ca... more What perceived grievance could motivate individuals on the other side of the world to plot and carry out suicide attacks within the United States? The common response points to American policy in the Middle East, particularly toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Other explanations reference the ongoing decline of Muslim countries, rifts between secular governments supported by the West, and fundamentalist forces in the Middle East. All of these explanations have credence, and provide pieces of the puzzle. But analysts have neglected the relationships among the events of September 11 and other forms of religious and ethnic violence since the fall of the Berlin Wall. Understanding the roots of global rage in the post-Cold War era requires a global perspective that elaborates, without necessarily negating, the other explanations.
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Public Opinion Quarterly, Jun 5, 2007
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Atlantic Journal of Communication, Sep 1, 2013
The fundamental shift caused by the manner in which we store and retrieve information on the web ... more The fundamental shift caused by the manner in which we store and retrieve information on the web has caused a corresponding shift in our manner of thinking. The unintended consequences of relying upon web tools may have transformed our abilities to think in a traditional manner. This article argues that the structure of knowledge on the web affects individuals' abilities to communicate and discuss what they have learned. What follows proceeds in four steps. The first describes the knowledge structure of the web. The second describes the characteristics of “print-based” (or text) versus “web-based” (or hypertext) organization. The third describes how communication media affects thought. The fourth argues that web-based thinking is less coherent, less contextual, and more difficult to communicate according to a common lexicon with other citizens. We conclude by reexamining the potential paradoxes generated by the web structure and describe two scenarios for future effects on political participation.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Identity defined a primary source of division in Northern Ireland during the Troubles: British or... more Identity defined a primary source of division in Northern Ireland during the Troubles: British or Irish, Protestant, or Catholic? In the past, identity was viewed primarily as an internal characteristic, chosen by a society’s individuals or groups with little outside intervention. Rusciano argues that a newly emergent world opinion changes this process. In the present global environment, national or regional identity grows out of a negotiation between an area’s group consciousness (Selbstbild) and its reputation in world opinion (Fremdbild). Other writers note that as a consequence of the Cold War’s end, the identification of Unionists with the Western powers and Republicans with national liberation movements became irrelevant. However, identity in Northern Ireland was now affected by their global reputation as the scene of continuous violent conflict. This reputation affected the images both sides constructed for themselves, making the negotiation of identity more difficult, and suitable for change.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
In the fall of 2003, I corresponded with a colleague in the United Kingdom about how the war with... more In the fall of 2003, I corresponded with a colleague in the United Kingdom about how the war with Iraq had hurt the United States’ image throughout the world. We discussed the dangers of isolating a superpower, and I paraphrased Bernard Lewis, saying that the world could ill afford an “American rage” brought about by threats to its citizens’ safety and identity. My friend’s response chilled me: “Aren’t we seeing that right now?” he asked.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Populism and the Corruption of Pluralist Governance Structures
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Why did the end of the Cold War provide the conditions for world opinion to be a force in world a... more Why did the end of the Cold War provide the conditions for world opinion to be a force in world affairs, particularly in Northern Ireland? What international relations theories can help explain this change? Rusciano answers these questions by linking two schools of thought: the English School of international relations and global opinion theory. Both theories deal with the influence of “international society” on global relations; the latter is used to provide specific details of how world opinion came to be a force defining the society’s boundaries. After the Cold War, world opinion ceases to be a mere East/West propaganda tool and becomes a moral and pragmatic force backed up by its ability to isolate nations and individuals from an international community. In an increasingly globalized world system, isolation can have dramatic economic and political effects. These effects helped alter the opportunities for peace in Northern Ireland.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, 2021
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In order for world opinion to have significant effects upon the Northern Ireland peace process, i... more In order for world opinion to have significant effects upon the Northern Ireland peace process, it had to influence the actions of leaders involved in negotiating the agreement. Rusciano uses Gormley-Heenan’s notion of “chameleonic leadership,” or leadership that changes depending upon its environment, to map this influence. Rusciano shows how when leaders move between local, regional, and international leadership groups, their chameleonic abilities must come into play. They must adjust to fit in with the group they are addressing, while trying to negotiate and balance the constituencies they represent. He describes a model where leaders had leeway from their constituents within certain boundaries to negotiate; however, leaders had to be careful not to overstep those boundaries and lose support. This balance is complicated by negotiators’ contact with other global leaders, who represented a world opinion dictating that such boundaries had to be expanded to allow for a peace agreement. The influences of leaders, such as Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, and Nelson Mandela, among others, are studied to show how this delicate balance was maintained. Rusciano compares the Northern Ireland process to the successful transition out of conflict in South Africa and the unsuccessful transition in Israel/Palestine. In all cases, he shows how the state of world opinion affected the success or failure of these efforts.
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Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks, 2016
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World opinion deals primarily with the global transmission of values. Why, then, did the US black... more World opinion deals primarily with the global transmission of values. Why, then, did the US black civil rights movement end in legislation which altered social and political relations, while the Northern Irish Catholic civil rights movement ended in 30 years of the Troubles? Rusciano argues that a common basis for community existed in the USA, based upon Judeo-Christian values and traditional principles from the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. By contrast, religion was a primary basis of political division in Northern Ireland, and there were scant political traditions to form a basis for community to heal the divisions. In addition, world opinion had not undergone the fundamental transition needed to make it a force in this conflict.
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
A palpable silence exists in Northern Ireland regarding the Troubles and whether they may return.... more A palpable silence exists in Northern Ireland regarding the Troubles and whether they may return. Rusciano describes five reasons related to world opinion why this silencing occurs. First, international opinion demands that the society examine the abuses of the past; but residents fear that an examination will disrupt the peace and their reputation as a model for the world. A second related problem is that delving into the past, no matter how important for their Fremdbild, could prompt a resumption of violence. Third, despite its global reputation as a peaceful community, Northern Ireland remains a region divided into communities where individuals speak with their own about the past, and silence statements to the general public. Fourth, the consociational government that grew out of the peace agreement often silences citizen demands that do not fit into the Unionist/Republican narrative due to the guaranteed representation each group receives. Finally, because of the divisions still in the society, victims are often silenced because they cannot tell their stories until they have a sympathetic audience on both sides, but they likely cannot find a sympathetic audience on both sides until they speak. Rusciano examines patterns of silencing before and after the peace agreement, and finds that those in favor of the peace tended to fall silent before the referendum on the agreement. He also finds that afterwards those who supported the agreement were less likely to fear silencing than those who did not, but they were still often reluctant to speak out. He does find that those who identify as Northern Irish and who supported the agreement are more likely to state their affiliation in a foreign country, thereby suggesting a Selbstbild in line with their international reputation as a model for the world.
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Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
Introduction: World Opinion on September 11: If the World Doesn't Hate Us, Why Would Someone ... more Introduction: World Opinion on September 11: If the World Doesn't Hate Us, Why Would Someone Do This? The Cold War World Turned Upside Down How We Come to be Who We Are: Constructing Identity Around the World Fences Make Good Neighbors: Who is 'German' Without the Wall? China's Two Faces: The Contradiction of Chinese 'Uniqueness' The Indian/Pakistani Nuclear Tests: Brinksmanship Without a Cause The War at Home: Identity Versus Values Conclusions: Addressing the Real Problem, 'Draining the Swamp of Despair'
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks, 2006
The pandemic of global rage has its roots in the manner in which we construct identity. Although ... more The pandemic of global rage has its roots in the manner in which we construct identity. Although this book concentrates primarily upon national identity, the processes remain more or less the same for all levels of identification. Individual identity is constructed with an eye to the relevant reference groups in a person’s life: “Identity is a phenomenon that emerges from a dialectic between the individual and society.”1 Reference groups change depending upon the relevant contexts in which one participates at any given time. Individuals may be in contact with several reference groups, each providing separate messages about their identities. Thus, “people have levels of identity” so that a resident of Rome is at once “a Roman, an Italian, a Catholic, a European, a Westerner.”2
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
International Journal for Quality in Health Care, Mar 1, 2001
... Certainly, the Hindustan Times attempted such a strategy, calling upon Chinese, Arab, and eve... more ... Certainly, the Hindustan Times attempted such a strategy, calling upon Chinese, Arab, and even Pakistani ... these imagined communities will first be drawn; knowledge of this discourse guides the actions ... To the extent that the clash of civilizations theory is used as a defense ...
Bookmarks Related papers MentionsView impact
Comparative politics, Apr 1, 1992
Increased political awareness amongst previously quiescent groups in the population is a common e... more Increased political awareness amongst previously quiescent groups in the population is a common explanation for electoral change. A recent American example concerns the appearance of a "gender gap" in voting in the 1980s, when men and women displayed consistently different partisan choices for the first time. Carroll surveys several election studies to derive four theoretical explanations for the gender gap.1 The vulnerability theory states that economic threats affected women disproportionately due to their disadvantaged position in society; this vulnerability led women to lean towards candidates who advocate social programs to protect women and children.2 Farah and Klein extend this argument to include issues of personal vulnerability in their analysis of the crime issue in the 1988 presidential election.3 The mobilization theory states that the women's movement focused attention on the candidates' different stances on issues of concern to females; women were therefore more likely to select candidates who supported the Equal Rights Amendment, freedom of choice on abortion, and other rights for women.4 The nurturance theory states that women's roles as mothers made them more sensitive to cuts in social programs and more fearful of the threat of war; women would support candidates whom they felt were likely to protect social welfare and avoid armed conflicts.5 Finally, the autonomy theory states that the gender gap represents a rejection of traditional relationships which had previously associated women's interests with the maintenance of a male-dominated power structure.6
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The Western political quarterly, Sep 1, 1990
... Let us combine this framework with Olson's description of a "latent group." Ac... more ... Let us combine this framework with Olson's description of a "latent group." According to Olson, the net advantage (Ai) which a person receives from collective action equals his share of the benefit (Vi) minus the cost of the collective good (C). Hence, Ai = Vi - C. As Olson points ...
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