john callaghan | University Of Salford Manchester (original) (raw)

Papers by john callaghan

Interpreting the Labour Party, Jul 30, 2018

The work of the historian is always a complex and heterogeneous aggregate of theories, narrative,... more The work of the historian is always a complex and heterogeneous aggregate of theories, narrative, interpretation and analysis. Such originality as it possesses lies more often than not in the distinctive pattern which the historian gives to the components of his or her work, rather than the components themselves, many of which may be found elsewhere. The three books by Ross McKibbin which form the focus of this chapter raise interesting questions for the study of the Labour Party largely because of this type of originality in which familiar elements are given novel interpretation and arrangement. These studies are linked but they do not represent a systematic investigation of my subject matter; there are too many discontinuities for that in McKibbin's lines of enquiry: questions raised in relation to the years 1880-1914, for example, are simply dropped for the period 1918-50. Nevertheless a more or less coherent picture emerges of Labour's history in the first half of the twentieth century. It is an account of the Labour Party that is intimately related to the social history of the working class. The main explanation of Labour's politics, achievements and limitations which emerges from McKibbin's work is grounded in the culture of its principal constituency-the British working class-rather than the party's leadership, organisation and programme. Though the first of his studies-The Evolution of the Labour Party (1974)-is an institutional history of the party, McKibbin was already persuaded that political action is the result of social and cultural attitudes which are not primarily political. Politics itself is said to play only a subordinate and inarticulate part in people's lives. The general thesis of this book-an implicit theory of British society-attributes both the rise of the Labour Party in the years up to 1924 and the slow attrition on the part of the Liberal Party to the growth of 'an acutely developed working class consciousness'. But it is a class consciousness which obstructed the spread of socialism and excluded Labour from many areas of working-class life. Though the Labour Party remained ideologically vague until at least the end of its third decade, according to McKibbin, it was unable to become the sort of catch-all 'people's party' which some of its leaders desired. It remained a class party.

Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 2011

Parliamentary History, 2006

The Labour Party and Foreign Policy, 2007

1. Party and Liberal Nation 2. The First World War 3. Peace in our Time 4. Crisis of Liberal Inte... more 1. Party and Liberal Nation 2. The First World War 3. Peace in our Time 4. Crisis of Liberal Internationalism 5. The Second World War 6. Great Power Strategies 7. A Party Divided 8. The Last Pretence

The International History Review, 2014

Contemporary Politics, 2000

In the latter part of the twentieth century, particularly since the collapse of the eastern Europ... more In the latter part of the twentieth century, particularly since the collapse of the eastern European regimes, a new common sense has developed. This consensus states that: `the point has to be made unequivocally that socialism is dead, and that none of its variants can be revived’. 1 In other words, that far from merely facing any number of conjunctural problems, the left project is now ®rmly residing, and is ever to remain, in that notorious dustbin of history. Indeed, as Bobbio has noted, the very classi®cation of the left as opposed to the right has been discarded by many. He says that there is `an assertion which has been made repeatedly in recent years, to the point of becoming a clicheÂ’ that `there is no longer any relevance to the distinction between left and right which, over the two centuries since the French Revolution, has been used to divide the political universe into opposing camps’. He adds of the two political categories: `They are no longer supposed to have any heuristic or classi®catory value, and emphatically no evaluative application. Often they are referred to with a certain irritation, as though they represent one of the many linguistic traps which political debate can fall into.’ Many reasons have been given to support this `death of socialism’ thesisÐ more than can be covered here. However, those that can be considered most fundamental point to secular trends that have transformed social structures and the capacities of nation-states to manage their economic affairs. We shall question the emphasis of this argument, not to suggest that there will be any automatic revival of left prospectsÐthe purpose of this piece is not to deal with subjective possibilities. Nor will we seek to hide deep-seated dif®cultiesÐwhat will be discussed is whether there is a irrevocable decay. We will focus on social democracy. This is because parties in this tradition have for many decades provided most of the principal political forces for the movement towards a socialist conception of society in western European countries. So, for instance, we can see that self-avowed socialists have existed in all of them and even `revisionists’ de®ned their objectives in terms of equality. Thus, when it became apparent in the seventies that multinational capital ̄ows were undermining domestic macroeconomic policyÐthe principle instrument of social democratic governmentÐthe attempt was made to go beyond Keynesianism, in parties such as the Parti Socialiste and British Labour. Similarly in Sweden, where the social democrats enjoyed unbroken rule since 1938 and the most successful reformist model was supposed to prevail, the party (SAP)Ðfar from complacently announcing `the end of history’Ðembarked on a programme

Capital & Class, 2007

This article examines the roots of European unity and Britain's relationship to it, primarily in ... more This article examines the roots of European unity and Britain's relationship to it, primarily in terms of foreign policy and the failed alternative political economy of the empire/Commonwealth. Continuity of policy emerges as the dominant theme. The strong Atlanticist orientation of the state and its attempts to maintain a special relationship with the USA were objects of a bipartisan approach, as was the commitment to Britain's world role. Membership of the 'European' club in the 1970s did not constitute a break with this tradition so much as an adaptation in circumstances of prolonged relative decline. The article shows how the British left attempted to comprehend European unity in terms of the prospects for socialism and left reform in Britain itself. Cold war origins T his article examines the historical and political background to left-wing perceptions of the European integrationist project since the end of the second world war, focusing on Britain. Without an appreciation of the strategic and foreign-policy dimensions of this project and of British objections to it, no proper analysis of the political economy of European unity is possible. The war itself accelerated the pace of what is now termed 'globalisation', in large measure to address the

Contemporary British History, 2015

History of European Ideas, 1992

Bentham's anti-clericalism is well known despite early attempts by his editorin-chief, John Bowri... more Bentham's anti-clericalism is well known despite early attempts by his editorin-chief, John Bowring, to suppress some of the volumes on religion. Books such as Church-ofEnglandism (18 18), Not PaulBut Jesus (1823), and Swear Not At All

Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, 2012

The socialist tradition in Britain is diverse and multi-layered. Its pattern of development diffe... more The socialist tradition in Britain is diverse and multi-layered. Its pattern of development differed markedly across the great industrial centres where it first put down roots. In this new book, Paul Salveson re-asserts the strength and distinctiveness of the socialism which emerged in the mills, mines and railway yards of the North of England. The core of his argument is that popular socialism today needs to reconnect with its local and regional roots, and relocate power to the regions and localities. Reviewed by John Callaghan. Socialism With A Northern Accent: Radical Traditions for Modern Times. Paul Salveson. Lawrence and Wishart. 2012

Introduction - John Callaghan and Ilaria Favretto ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: AN OVERV... more Introduction - John Callaghan and Ilaria Favretto ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: AN OVERVIEW 1. Socialism in the twentieth century: a historical reflection - Donald Sassoon 2. A case of lost identity? a long view on social democracy worldwide - Marcel van der Linden 3. Missing in action: the New Deal legacy in American politics - Norman Birnbaum 4. Writing the comparative history of social democracy: a comparative look at Britain and Germany - Stefan Berger SHAPING THE POST-WAR 'SOCIAL COMPROMISE' 5. Social democracy and class conflict in twentieth century Europe - Nina Fishman 6. Social democracy in post-war East Germany - Gareth Pritchard 7. Social democracy at the turn of the 1960s - Paolo Pombeni 8. Between growth and security: social democracy from the strong society to the third way - Jenny Andersson PROBLEMS OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: IN THE GOLDEN AGE 9. The British Labour party and 'participation' in the 1960s - Steven Fielding 10. Arts and crafts: social ...

Left History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Historical Inquiry and Debate

The English Historical Review, 2015

Contemporary Record, 1991

... Comintern... desertion from which is always punished by death'. PC Joshi, one of the lea... more ... Comintern... desertion from which is always punished by death'. PC Joshi, one of the leaders of the CPI, remembered a similar depen-dency of husband on wife." Page 6. 262 CONTEMPORARY RECORD Comintern Work During ...