Viktor Szép | University of Groningen (original) (raw)

Papers by Viktor Szép

Routledge eBooks, Jul 3, 2023

Hungarian Yearbook of International Law and European Law

European Foreign Affairs Review

Recent and current developments in international security (the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the m... more Recent and current developments in international security (the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the more prominent security presence of China) have drawn renewed attention to the European Union's abilities to strengthen its foreign and security policy. Despite years of hesitance on the side of the EU Member States, one aspect of that policyintelligence cooperationseems to become less of a taboo issue. Indeed, 'seems', because if there is one area that is difficult to assess academically, it would be intelligence cooperation within the EU. By their very nature, intelligence authoritiesirrespective whether they are at national or EU levelseek to keep their information and their channels of communication secured. Although the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) would greatly benefit from more shared resources and capabilities, 1 Member States have often been concerned about exposing methods and sources, being deceived or loosing national autonomy in intelligence matters. The lack of trust in the relevant EU bodies as well as in fellow Member States explains the dominance of the individual Member States rather than the collective EU in intelligence matters. 2 Most of the competences and capabilities to collect and analyse sensitive pieces of information are kept by EU capitals and are considered central in the maintenance of national security. Sharing requires mutual trust and a similar understanding of the main

Az Európai Unió (EU) által kivetett gazdasági szankciók hatékonyságát számos politikus és szakért... more Az Európai Unió (EU) által kivetett gazdasági szankciók hatékonyságát számos politikus és szakértő megkérdőjelezte a jelenlegi ukrajnai válság kapcsán. Ezt a pesszimizmust részben az a tény magyarázhatja, hogy a témában megjelent legtöbb elemzés túlhangsúlyozza a korlátozó intézkedések gazdasági hatásait Európára nézve. Valóban megdöbbentő lehet az Oroszországra kivetett gazdasági szankció árát látni. Ugyanakkor ez a tanulmány amellett érvel, hogy a szankciók politikai hatékonyságát nem lehet (kizárólag) eme intézkedések gazdasági hatásaira korlátozni. A tanulmány azt állítja, hogy ha egy politikai aktor (ez esetben az EU) eléri a szakirodalomban előre lefektetett külpolitikai célok egyikét, akkor az adott eset hatékonynak tekinthető. Következésképp igaz, hogy a szankciók segítségével nem sikerült Oroszország magatartását döntően befolyásolni, mint ahogy arra sokan számítottak volna. Ugyanakkor a szankciók segítségével az EU elrettentette Oroszországot további "rossz viselkedéstől" Ukrajnában, valamint elismertette magát nemzetközileg is, hiszen képes volt megmutatni, hogy a tagállamok egységesen kiállnak alapvető értékeik mellett. 

JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies

A politikatudósok és döntéshozók évtizedek óta vitáznak arról, hogy vajon mennyire lehet hatékony... more A politikatudósok és döntéshozók évtizedek óta vitáznak arról, hogy vajon mennyire lehet hatékonynak tekinteni a gazdasági szankciókat. A szerzők többsége lenézi a korlátozó intézkedések hatékonyságát, hiszen véleményük szerint képtelenek elérni külpolitikai céljaikat. A szakirodalomban tapasztalható kutatói pesszimizmus ellenére a világon számos állam, különösen pedig az Egyesült Államok alkalmazza a gazdasági nyomásgyakorlás e formáját politikai céljaik elérése érdekében. Az utóbbi években az Európai Unió is sorra vet ki gazdasági szankciókat. A korlátozó intézkedések egyre szélesebb körű használata ugyanakkor nem jelentett valódi áttörést a szankciók megítélésében, hiszen a szerzők többsége szerint képtelenek a kívánt eredményt meghozni a világpolitikába

ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ A közös kül-és biztonságpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomány egyik kedvelt uniós szak-... more ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ A közös kül-és biztonságpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomány egyik kedvelt uniós szak-politikai területe. A kutatók számos szempontból vizsgálták az Unió külpolitikáját az el-múlt évtizedekben. Ez a tanulmány mindenekelőtt arra keresi a lehetséges elméleti vála-szokat, hogy az egyhangúság követelményének ellenére képes-e a huszonnyolc tagállam megegyezni a közös fellépéseket illetően, valamint képesek-e túllépni a legkisebb közös többszörös típusú döntéseken? A nemzetközi kapcsolatok hagyományos elméletei minde-nekelőtt rendszerszintű válaszokat adnak e kérdésekre, míg az Unió külpolitikáját "köze-lebbről" fi gyelő kutatók szerint elsősorban a KKBP-ben dolgozó hivatalnokok sajátos szo-cializációja segíti elő a kollektív döntések megszületését. A tanulmány arra szeretné fel-hívni a fi gyelmet, hogy az "elemzési szint" megváltoztatásával megmagyarázható az Unión belüli egyre intenzívebb külpolitikai együttműködés. Kulcsszavak: EU-s külpolitika közös kül-...

The Routledge Handbook on the International Dimension of Brexit, 2020

Journal of European Integration, 2019

ABSTRACT The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It ... more ABSTRACT The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It presents arguments on how negotiations on sanctions in both the European Council and the Council should be analysed, using the example of restrictive measures imposed against Russia. The paper recognizes that the European Council has become a key decision-maker in EU sanctions policy since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. EU Heads of State and Government are more involved than ever in day-to-day sanctions policy. Further, the article shows that two different mechanisms were present during negotiations on Russian sanctions. While the European Council was largely influenced by norms when agreeing on sanctions, the members of the Council bargained with each other and adopted a decision which reflects the red lines of the Member States.

ENGAGE Working Paper Series No. 6, 2022

This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the European Uni... more This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the European Union's (EU) "external action plus". In our understanding, the notion of "external action plus" not only includes the foreign, security and defence policy, trade, sanctions policy, development cooperation or humanitarian aid but also EU sectoral policies with an external dimension. In line with this definition, this Working Paper presents both the traditional external action areas of common commercial policy, sanctions policy and development cooperation and humanitarian aid, as well as the external dimension of some internal policy areas, including competition, health and environment. Despite several Treaty amendments, the EU's external actions are still fragmented and competences are scattered throughout the two Treaties. The list of common objectives under Article 21(2) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) or the dual role of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) are clear attempts to overcome the "bipolarity" of EU external actions. The continued existence of different legal bases that enable the Union to act externally still represents a significant challenge for EU policymakers.

A Kozos Kul- es Biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) kormanykozi jellege gyakran azt a benyomast kelti, hogy ... more A Kozos Kul- es Biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) kormanykozi jellege gyakran azt a benyomast kelti, hogy a tagallamok egyoldaluan is fellephetnek sajat erdekuk ervenyesitese erdekeben. Ugyanakkor ez a cikk azt allitja, hogy a gazdasagi szankciok alkalmazasara vonatkozo szerződeses rendelkezesek jelentős mertekben csokkentik az egyoldalu tagallami fellepes lehetőseget. Bar a gazdasagi szankciok kivetesenek szinte mindig kul- es biztonsagpolitikai celjai vannak, eme eszkozok hasznalata nem valaszthato el a kozos kereskedelempolitika alapelveitől. Egy kizarolagos unios hataskorrel valo kapcsolat egyertelműen kijeloli a tagallami partikularizmus hatarait es meghatarozza az unios jogtol valo elteres merteket. Nemzeti intezkedesek elfogadasa nem tiltott, de csak rendkivul szigoru feltetelek teljesitese eseten alkalmazhatok. A cikk elsődleges celja, hogy bemutassa az unios kereskedelempolitika korlatozo hatasait a tagallami szinten elfogadott gazdasagi szankciok alkalmazasaban. A tanulmany ezenfel...

Between Compliance and Particularism, 2019

The intergovernmental character of cooperation in EU foreign and security policy often gives the ... more The intergovernmental character of cooperation in EU foreign and security policy often gives the impression that the Member States unilaterally pursuing their particular interests is an accepted form of behaviour. This chapter argues, however, that national governments are in fact seriously constrained by the current legal framework governing EU external action, in particular its regime for imposing economic sanctions on third countries or individuals. In this regard, it has serious implications that EU economic sanctions, despite having foreign and security policy objectives, cannot be separated from the principles underpinning the Common Commercial Policy. This link with an exclusive EU competence clearly sets the boundaries of Member State particularism and lays out the potential limits of deviations from EU law. Under this frame, unilateral Member State actions are only accepted if the strict conditions required by EU law are fulfilled. The aim of this chapter is to explore thes...

ENGAGE Working Paper Series, 2021

This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the EU’s Common ... more This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and other areas with defence implications. It provides a summary of ground rules to address the boundaries of enhancing the functioning of the CSDP and reveal the possibilities that are offered by the existing legal framework. The paper emphasises that the current Treaty framework allows the use of the so-called “sleeping beauties”, including the potential use of Article 44 of the Treaty on European
Union. The latter may contribute to achieving the EU’s strategic objectives by allowing a group of Member States to perform a task in the EU’s interest. The paper also highlights recent actions taken to increase defence collaborations and industrial activities, which are expected to boost the coordination and effectiveness of EU defence policy and to foster the competitiveness of the European defence industry.

ENGAGE Working Paper Series, 2021

The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is subject to “specific rules and procedures” ... more The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is subject to “specific rules and procedures” that seem to stand in the way of its effectiveness. This Working Paper assesses the special legal nature of the CFSP and explores the legal possibilities to enhance decisionmaking procedures. It argues that current EU Treaties should not necessarily be amended to achieve better outcomes. In fact, the Treaty on European Union (TEU) provides for some “sleeping beauties” that have rarely been used. In particular if there is (political) willingness, the Treaties enable the wider use of qualified majority voting in CFSP matters. Moreover, with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, a group of willing Member States could also use enhanced cooperation, which enables the establishment of a new line of policy in CFSP matters.

Brexit has created many uncertainties concerning the cooperation possibilities of the UK and the ... more Brexit has created many uncertainties concerning the cooperation possibilities of the UK and the EU in the imposition of international sanctions. Both of them are committed to establish a cooperation mechanism in the field of restrictive measures, however, its concrete form remains in the shadow. This study aims to use the experience of European countries (e.g. EFTA countries, candidate and potential candidate countries) that align their sanctions policies with the EU. It analyses the legal framework of third countries as well as British and EU official documents with the aim to establish different scenarios for the future. The main argument is that the UK is less likely to accept a hierarchical relationship with the EU in the field of foreign and security policy but will seek to establish a relationship based on cooperation and consultation.

A kozos kul- es biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomany egyik kedvelt unios szakpolitikai ter... more A kozos kul- es biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomany egyik kedvelt unios szakpolitikai terulete. A kutatok szamos szempontbol vizsgaltak az Unio kulpolitikajat az elmult evtizedekben. Ez a tanulmany mindenekelőtt arra keresi a lehetseges elmeleti valaszokat, hogy az egyhangusag kovetelmenyenek ellenere kepes-e a huszonnyolc tagallam megegyezni a kozos fellepeseket illetően, valamint kepesek-e tullepni a legkisebb kozos tobbszoros tipusu donteseken? A nemzetkozi kapcsolatok hagyomanyos elmeletei mindenekelőtt rendszerszintű valaszokat adnak e kerdesekre, mig az Unio kulpolitikajat „kozelebbről” figyelő kutatok szerint elsősorban a KKBP-ben dolgozo hivatalnokok sajatos szocializacioja segiti elő a kollektiv dontesek megszuleteset. A tanulmany arra szeretne felhivni a figyelmet, hogy az „elemzesi szint” megvaltoztatasaval megmagyarazhato az Union beluli egyre intenzivebb kulpolitikai egyuttműkodes

Brexit has brought uncertainties concerning the alignment of EU and UK sanctions policies. While ... more Brexit has brought uncertainties concerning the alignment of EU and UK sanctions policies. While both sides are clearly committed towards further cooperation in this area, the question is how this may materialise in practice. This contribution addresses this question from the alignment experience of other third countries. Based upon a legal and statistical analysis of existing models and taking into account relevant UK and EU policy documents and political declarations, the chapter establishes different scenarios for future cooperation in the field of sanctions. It is argued that, in contrast to the experience of other neighbouring countries, cooperation between the EU and the UK will most likely be a more open format for consultation and cooperation rather than a one-way alignment with the EU’s sanctions regimes.

New intergovernmentalism meets EU sanctions policy: the European Council orchestrates the restrictive measures imposed against Russia, 2019

The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It presents ... more The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It presents arguments on how negotiations on sanctions in both the European Council and the Council should be analysed, using the example of restrictive measures imposed against Russia. The paper recognizes that the European Council has become a key decision-maker in EU sanctions policy since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. EU Heads of State and Government are more involved than ever in day-to-day sanctions policy. Further, the article shows that two different mechanisms were present during negotiations on Russian sanctions. While the European Council was largely influenced by norms when agreeing on sanctions, the members of the Council bargained with each other and adopted a decision which reflects the red lines of the Member States.

Routledge eBooks, Jul 3, 2023

Hungarian Yearbook of International Law and European Law

European Foreign Affairs Review

Recent and current developments in international security (the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the m... more Recent and current developments in international security (the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the more prominent security presence of China) have drawn renewed attention to the European Union's abilities to strengthen its foreign and security policy. Despite years of hesitance on the side of the EU Member States, one aspect of that policyintelligence cooperationseems to become less of a taboo issue. Indeed, 'seems', because if there is one area that is difficult to assess academically, it would be intelligence cooperation within the EU. By their very nature, intelligence authoritiesirrespective whether they are at national or EU levelseek to keep their information and their channels of communication secured. Although the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) would greatly benefit from more shared resources and capabilities, 1 Member States have often been concerned about exposing methods and sources, being deceived or loosing national autonomy in intelligence matters. The lack of trust in the relevant EU bodies as well as in fellow Member States explains the dominance of the individual Member States rather than the collective EU in intelligence matters. 2 Most of the competences and capabilities to collect and analyse sensitive pieces of information are kept by EU capitals and are considered central in the maintenance of national security. Sharing requires mutual trust and a similar understanding of the main

Az Európai Unió (EU) által kivetett gazdasági szankciók hatékonyságát számos politikus és szakért... more Az Európai Unió (EU) által kivetett gazdasági szankciók hatékonyságát számos politikus és szakértő megkérdőjelezte a jelenlegi ukrajnai válság kapcsán. Ezt a pesszimizmust részben az a tény magyarázhatja, hogy a témában megjelent legtöbb elemzés túlhangsúlyozza a korlátozó intézkedések gazdasági hatásait Európára nézve. Valóban megdöbbentő lehet az Oroszországra kivetett gazdasági szankció árát látni. Ugyanakkor ez a tanulmány amellett érvel, hogy a szankciók politikai hatékonyságát nem lehet (kizárólag) eme intézkedések gazdasági hatásaira korlátozni. A tanulmány azt állítja, hogy ha egy politikai aktor (ez esetben az EU) eléri a szakirodalomban előre lefektetett külpolitikai célok egyikét, akkor az adott eset hatékonynak tekinthető. Következésképp igaz, hogy a szankciók segítségével nem sikerült Oroszország magatartását döntően befolyásolni, mint ahogy arra sokan számítottak volna. Ugyanakkor a szankciók segítségével az EU elrettentette Oroszországot további "rossz viselkedéstől" Ukrajnában, valamint elismertette magát nemzetközileg is, hiszen képes volt megmutatni, hogy a tagállamok egységesen kiállnak alapvető értékeik mellett. 

JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies

A politikatudósok és döntéshozók évtizedek óta vitáznak arról, hogy vajon mennyire lehet hatékony... more A politikatudósok és döntéshozók évtizedek óta vitáznak arról, hogy vajon mennyire lehet hatékonynak tekinteni a gazdasági szankciókat. A szerzők többsége lenézi a korlátozó intézkedések hatékonyságát, hiszen véleményük szerint képtelenek elérni külpolitikai céljaikat. A szakirodalomban tapasztalható kutatói pesszimizmus ellenére a világon számos állam, különösen pedig az Egyesült Államok alkalmazza a gazdasági nyomásgyakorlás e formáját politikai céljaik elérése érdekében. Az utóbbi években az Európai Unió is sorra vet ki gazdasági szankciókat. A korlátozó intézkedések egyre szélesebb körű használata ugyanakkor nem jelentett valódi áttörést a szankciók megítélésében, hiszen a szerzők többsége szerint képtelenek a kívánt eredményt meghozni a világpolitikába

ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ A közös kül-és biztonságpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomány egyik kedvelt uniós szak-... more ÖSSZEFOGLALÓ A közös kül-és biztonságpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomány egyik kedvelt uniós szak-politikai területe. A kutatók számos szempontból vizsgálták az Unió külpolitikáját az el-múlt évtizedekben. Ez a tanulmány mindenekelőtt arra keresi a lehetséges elméleti vála-szokat, hogy az egyhangúság követelményének ellenére képes-e a huszonnyolc tagállam megegyezni a közös fellépéseket illetően, valamint képesek-e túllépni a legkisebb közös többszörös típusú döntéseken? A nemzetközi kapcsolatok hagyományos elméletei minde-nekelőtt rendszerszintű válaszokat adnak e kérdésekre, míg az Unió külpolitikáját "köze-lebbről" fi gyelő kutatók szerint elsősorban a KKBP-ben dolgozó hivatalnokok sajátos szo-cializációja segíti elő a kollektív döntések megszületését. A tanulmány arra szeretné fel-hívni a fi gyelmet, hogy az "elemzési szint" megváltoztatásával megmagyarázható az Unión belüli egyre intenzívebb külpolitikai együttműködés. Kulcsszavak: EU-s külpolitika közös kül-...

The Routledge Handbook on the International Dimension of Brexit, 2020

Journal of European Integration, 2019

ABSTRACT The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It ... more ABSTRACT The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It presents arguments on how negotiations on sanctions in both the European Council and the Council should be analysed, using the example of restrictive measures imposed against Russia. The paper recognizes that the European Council has become a key decision-maker in EU sanctions policy since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. EU Heads of State and Government are more involved than ever in day-to-day sanctions policy. Further, the article shows that two different mechanisms were present during negotiations on Russian sanctions. While the European Council was largely influenced by norms when agreeing on sanctions, the members of the Council bargained with each other and adopted a decision which reflects the red lines of the Member States.

ENGAGE Working Paper Series No. 6, 2022

This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the European Uni... more This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the European Union's (EU) "external action plus". In our understanding, the notion of "external action plus" not only includes the foreign, security and defence policy, trade, sanctions policy, development cooperation or humanitarian aid but also EU sectoral policies with an external dimension. In line with this definition, this Working Paper presents both the traditional external action areas of common commercial policy, sanctions policy and development cooperation and humanitarian aid, as well as the external dimension of some internal policy areas, including competition, health and environment. Despite several Treaty amendments, the EU's external actions are still fragmented and competences are scattered throughout the two Treaties. The list of common objectives under Article 21(2) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) or the dual role of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) are clear attempts to overcome the "bipolarity" of EU external actions. The continued existence of different legal bases that enable the Union to act externally still represents a significant challenge for EU policymakers.

A Kozos Kul- es Biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) kormanykozi jellege gyakran azt a benyomast kelti, hogy ... more A Kozos Kul- es Biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) kormanykozi jellege gyakran azt a benyomast kelti, hogy a tagallamok egyoldaluan is fellephetnek sajat erdekuk ervenyesitese erdekeben. Ugyanakkor ez a cikk azt allitja, hogy a gazdasagi szankciok alkalmazasara vonatkozo szerződeses rendelkezesek jelentős mertekben csokkentik az egyoldalu tagallami fellepes lehetőseget. Bar a gazdasagi szankciok kivetesenek szinte mindig kul- es biztonsagpolitikai celjai vannak, eme eszkozok hasznalata nem valaszthato el a kozos kereskedelempolitika alapelveitől. Egy kizarolagos unios hataskorrel valo kapcsolat egyertelműen kijeloli a tagallami partikularizmus hatarait es meghatarozza az unios jogtol valo elteres merteket. Nemzeti intezkedesek elfogadasa nem tiltott, de csak rendkivul szigoru feltetelek teljesitese eseten alkalmazhatok. A cikk elsődleges celja, hogy bemutassa az unios kereskedelempolitika korlatozo hatasait a tagallami szinten elfogadott gazdasagi szankciok alkalmazasaban. A tanulmany ezenfel...

Between Compliance and Particularism, 2019

The intergovernmental character of cooperation in EU foreign and security policy often gives the ... more The intergovernmental character of cooperation in EU foreign and security policy often gives the impression that the Member States unilaterally pursuing their particular interests is an accepted form of behaviour. This chapter argues, however, that national governments are in fact seriously constrained by the current legal framework governing EU external action, in particular its regime for imposing economic sanctions on third countries or individuals. In this regard, it has serious implications that EU economic sanctions, despite having foreign and security policy objectives, cannot be separated from the principles underpinning the Common Commercial Policy. This link with an exclusive EU competence clearly sets the boundaries of Member State particularism and lays out the potential limits of deviations from EU law. Under this frame, unilateral Member State actions are only accepted if the strict conditions required by EU law are fulfilled. The aim of this chapter is to explore thes...

ENGAGE Working Paper Series, 2021

This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the EU’s Common ... more This Working Paper explores the current legal basis and governance structures of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and other areas with defence implications. It provides a summary of ground rules to address the boundaries of enhancing the functioning of the CSDP and reveal the possibilities that are offered by the existing legal framework. The paper emphasises that the current Treaty framework allows the use of the so-called “sleeping beauties”, including the potential use of Article 44 of the Treaty on European
Union. The latter may contribute to achieving the EU’s strategic objectives by allowing a group of Member States to perform a task in the EU’s interest. The paper also highlights recent actions taken to increase defence collaborations and industrial activities, which are expected to boost the coordination and effectiveness of EU defence policy and to foster the competitiveness of the European defence industry.

ENGAGE Working Paper Series, 2021

The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is subject to “specific rules and procedures” ... more The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is subject to “specific rules and procedures” that seem to stand in the way of its effectiveness. This Working Paper assesses the special legal nature of the CFSP and explores the legal possibilities to enhance decisionmaking procedures. It argues that current EU Treaties should not necessarily be amended to achieve better outcomes. In fact, the Treaty on European Union (TEU) provides for some “sleeping beauties” that have rarely been used. In particular if there is (political) willingness, the Treaties enable the wider use of qualified majority voting in CFSP matters. Moreover, with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, a group of willing Member States could also use enhanced cooperation, which enables the establishment of a new line of policy in CFSP matters.

Brexit has created many uncertainties concerning the cooperation possibilities of the UK and the ... more Brexit has created many uncertainties concerning the cooperation possibilities of the UK and the EU in the imposition of international sanctions. Both of them are committed to establish a cooperation mechanism in the field of restrictive measures, however, its concrete form remains in the shadow. This study aims to use the experience of European countries (e.g. EFTA countries, candidate and potential candidate countries) that align their sanctions policies with the EU. It analyses the legal framework of third countries as well as British and EU official documents with the aim to establish different scenarios for the future. The main argument is that the UK is less likely to accept a hierarchical relationship with the EU in the field of foreign and security policy but will seek to establish a relationship based on cooperation and consultation.

A kozos kul- es biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomany egyik kedvelt unios szakpolitikai ter... more A kozos kul- es biztonsagpolitika (KKBP) a politikatudomany egyik kedvelt unios szakpolitikai terulete. A kutatok szamos szempontbol vizsgaltak az Unio kulpolitikajat az elmult evtizedekben. Ez a tanulmany mindenekelőtt arra keresi a lehetseges elmeleti valaszokat, hogy az egyhangusag kovetelmenyenek ellenere kepes-e a huszonnyolc tagallam megegyezni a kozos fellepeseket illetően, valamint kepesek-e tullepni a legkisebb kozos tobbszoros tipusu donteseken? A nemzetkozi kapcsolatok hagyomanyos elmeletei mindenekelőtt rendszerszintű valaszokat adnak e kerdesekre, mig az Unio kulpolitikajat „kozelebbről” figyelő kutatok szerint elsősorban a KKBP-ben dolgozo hivatalnokok sajatos szocializacioja segiti elő a kollektiv dontesek megszuleteset. A tanulmany arra szeretne felhivni a figyelmet, hogy az „elemzesi szint” megvaltoztatasaval megmagyarazhato az Union beluli egyre intenzivebb kulpolitikai egyuttműkodes

Brexit has brought uncertainties concerning the alignment of EU and UK sanctions policies. While ... more Brexit has brought uncertainties concerning the alignment of EU and UK sanctions policies. While both sides are clearly committed towards further cooperation in this area, the question is how this may materialise in practice. This contribution addresses this question from the alignment experience of other third countries. Based upon a legal and statistical analysis of existing models and taking into account relevant UK and EU policy documents and political declarations, the chapter establishes different scenarios for future cooperation in the field of sanctions. It is argued that, in contrast to the experience of other neighbouring countries, cooperation between the EU and the UK will most likely be a more open format for consultation and cooperation rather than a one-way alignment with the EU’s sanctions regimes.

New intergovernmentalism meets EU sanctions policy: the European Council orchestrates the restrictive measures imposed against Russia, 2019

The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It presents ... more The article presents a new perspective to analyse agreements in EU sanctions policy. It presents arguments on how negotiations on sanctions in both the European Council and the Council should be analysed, using the example of restrictive measures imposed against Russia. The paper recognizes that the European Council has become a key decision-maker in EU sanctions policy since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. EU Heads of State and Government are more involved than ever in day-to-day sanctions policy. Further, the article shows that two different mechanisms were present during negotiations on Russian sanctions. While the European Council was largely influenced by norms when agreeing on sanctions, the members of the Council bargained with each other and adopted a decision which reflects the red lines of the Member States.