Natasha Stoynova | Vinogradov Russian Language Institute (original) (raw)
Papers by Natasha Stoynova
Томский журнал лингвистических и антропологических исследований (Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology), 2023
The article deals with the markers expressing ablative semantics in Nanaic varieties, including s... more The article deals with the markers expressing ablative semantics in Nanaic varieties, including several Nanai dialects (Naikhin, Dzhuen, Gorin, and Bikin), Ulcha, Uilta, and Kili (Kur-Urmi). The study compiled a list of contexts with ablative and closely related semantics and analyzed which grammatical element is used in each context in each language variety. The study draws on textual data from a variety of sources, including our own field recordings, archival texts, and published texts. The final dataset shows several clusters of language varieties, meanings, and ablative markers. There are three clusters of Nanaic varieties based on the attested ablative cases: Naikhin and Dzhuen Nanai, Gorin Nanai and Uilta, and a random cluster of Bikin Nanai and Ulcha. The Kili variant stands out from these. The observed ablative markers cluster according to the meaning groups they cover: proper ablative markers, the ablative/instrumental marker-ǯi, prolative case markers-ki and-kki, which cover a near-prolative subset of the ablative domain, and a broader locative/prolative marker-la, which combines nearprolative meanings and sources of information or transmission. The Nanaic varieties show three stable polysemy patterns: ablative core meanings, near-prolative meanings, and physical and metaphorical transfer. Finally, there are two clusters based on the distribution of markers within the ablative domain: The first cluster includes Naikhin Nanai, Dzhuen Nanai, Kili, and possibly Bikin Nanai, while the second cluster includes Uilta and Ulcha. Gorin Nanai stands apart.
Russian Linguistics, 2021
Вопросы языкознания, 2016
The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to d... more The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to do V’) in Nanai. The discussion of crosslinguistic relevance of the motion-cum-purpose category is focused on the data of Nanai, and particularly on the possibility of morphological expression of this meaning without combination with any spatial meaning (including deictic ones ‘here’ / ‘there’). The event structure of the verb marked by the affix of motion-cum-purpose is also discussed, especially its argument structure — the expression of both arguments of the initial verb and arguments of the motion verb. Different results are revealed for the finite use of the nda-verb and for the pleonastic construction “converb-nda + motion verb”. The first one behaves rather like expressing one single event of motion-cum-purpose, while the second one gives evidence for the bieventual interpretation and shows both features of bi- and monoclausality.
The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual... more The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual speakers, namely the variation such as принес рыбу ~ принес рыба (‘{he} brought fish-acc ~ fish-nom’). The puzzle is that this peculiarity can result from a number of different processes: morphosyntactic borrowing from Nanai, penetration of dialectal features into the speech of bilinguals, under-acquisition or reinterpretation of the Standard Russian system. The data of a small corpus of contact-influenced Russian Speech is used to test all these hypotheses. The results are following. Nominative forms are used in DO-position in quite a systematic way and such uses cannot be estimated as occasional “errors”. The main factors that influence the NOM~ACC distribution are a) information structure and b) the accentual type of noun stem. The latter fact supports the hypothesis of a systematic reinterpetation of the Standard Russian system in the situation of incomplete acquisition. No signific...
Ural-Altaic Studies, 2020
Computational Linguistics and Intellectual Technologies, 2020
This paper describes code-switching with Russian in four spoken corpora of minority languages of ... more This paper describes code-switching with Russian in four spoken corpora of minority languages of Russia: two Uralic ones (Hill Mari and Moksha) and two Tungusic ones (Nanai and Ulch). All narrators are bilinguals, fluent both in the indigenous language (IL) and in Russian; all the corpora are comparable in size and genres (small field collections of spontaneous oral texts, produced under the instruction to speak IL); the languages are comparable in structural (dis)similarity with Russian. The only difference concerns language dominance and the degree of language shift across the communities. The aim of the paper is to capture how the degree of language shift influences the strategy of code-switching attested in each of the corpora using a minimal additional annotation of code-switching. We added to each corpus a uniform annotation of code-switching of two types: first, a simple semi-automatic word-by-word language annotation (IL vs. Russian), second, a manual annotation of structura...
![Research paper thumbnail of Взаимодействие отрицания с акциональностью в нанайском языке [Interaction of negation and verbal actionality in Nanai]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/60278248/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Д. В. Герасимов, С. Ю. Дмитренко, Н. М. Заика (ред.). Сборник статей к 85-летию В. С. Храковского. М.: Издательский дом ЯСК., 2019
![Research paper thumbnail of Изменения именной парадигмы в ульчском языке в условиях языкового сдвига [Some changes in the noun paradigm of Ulcha under the language shift]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/60206588/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Ural-Altaic Studies 2 (33), 2019
В работе описываются некоторые изменения в именной парадигме ульчского языка, предположительно вы... more В работе описываются некоторые изменения в именной парадигме ульчского языка, предположительно вызванные или форсированные ситуацией утраты языка (языкового сдвига). Обсуждаются а) вариативность в типах основ (переходы из одного типа основы в другой) и б) распад системы лично-числовых аффиксов у носителей с разным уровнем языковой компетенции. Исследование основано преимущественно на данных элицитации и социолингвистического опроса носителей.
This paper deals with some recent changes attested in the noun paradigm of the Ulch language which is severely endangered. The following features that are presumably induced or forced by language shift are in focus: a) the decay of the system of declension types, b) the loss of possessive affixes. Individual strategies of speakers with different levels of language competence are discussed. The study is based on elicited data and on data of the sociolinguistic survey.
Acta linguistica Petropolitana. Труды лингвистических исследований РАН. Т. XIII. Ч. 3., 2017
В статье рассматривается дифференцированное маркирование объекта в нанайском языке (тунгусо-маньч... more В статье рассматривается дифференцированное маркирование
объекта в нанайском языке (тунгусо-маньчжурские). В позиции прямого объекта в нанайском языке может выступать форма имени со специализированным показателем аккузатива или немаркированная форма. В предшествующих описаниях делалось утверждение о том, что немаркированная форма в позиции дополнения крайне маргинальна и выходит из употребления, однако данные современных устных текстов этого не подтверждают. Количественное исследование факторов, влияющих на выбор стратегии маркирования, показывает, что перед нами система, ориентированная скорее на контекстный статус объекта, нежели на его постоянные свойства: релевантными оказываются референциальный статус (определенность, возможно нереферентность) и коммуникативный (топикальность), тогда как такие характеристики, как одушевленность и личность, роли не играют. Отдельную проблему при анализе нанайского материала составляет тот факт, что трудноразличимы оказываются немаркированная форма имени и форма аккузатива, подвергшаяся фонетической редукции.
The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual... more The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual speakers, namely the variation such as принес рыбу ~ принес рыба ('{he} brought fish-acc ~ fish-nom'). The puzzle is that this peculiarity can result from a number of different processes: morphosyntactic borrowing from Nanai, penetration of dialectal features into the speech of bilinguals, under-acquisition or reinterpretation of the Standard Russian system. The data of a small corpus of contact-influenced Russian Speech is used to test all these hypotheses. The results are following. Nominative forms are used in DO-position in quite a systematic way and such uses cannot be estimated as occasional " errors ". The main factors that influence the NOM~ACC distribution are a) information structure and b) the accentual type of noun stem. The latter fact supports the hypothesis of a systematic reinterpetation of the Standard Russian system in the situation of incomplete acquisition. No significant correlations with animacy, definiteness, verb form and word order were attested. DOM pattern of Nanai Russian differs from those of Russian dialects and reveals some similarity to those of Nanai. However it cannot be considered as a full morphosyntactic calque.
В работе на материале Национального корпуса русского языка рассматриваются употребления конструк... more В работе на материале Национального корпуса русского языка рассматриваются употребления конструкции стать + инф. под отрицанием в русском языке XVIII–XXI вв. Конструкция ведет себя диахронически нестабильно с точки зре ния выражаемых под отрицанием значений, что можно связать как с поздним ее распространением, так и с общими проблемами взаимодействия семантики нача ла с семантикой отрицания, а также частными особенностями значения глагола стать. Конструкция со стать неожиданно частотна под отрицанием: у нее раз вивается особое значение осознанного выбора, причем его развитие происходит с разной скоростью для будущего и прошедшего времени, что влияет и на общую частоту употреблений под отрицанием в прошедшем vs. будущем времени. Также в ранних текстах у стать + инф. отмечаются интересные употребления не + стать + инф. в значении прекращения действия. Ключевые слова: инхоатив, отрицание, инфинитивные конструкции, грамматикализация, корпусная лингвистика
The paper deals with motion-cum-purpose constructions in Russian. The constructions “causation-of... more The paper deals with motion-cum-purpose constructions in Russian. The
constructions “causation-of-motion verb + infinitive” (vesti kogo-to delatj
čto-to — lit. ‘to lead somebody to do something’) are observed on the data of Russian National Corpus. The problem of infinitive control is in focus. The Ø-subject of infinitive can be coreferential with the subject or with the object of the finite verb in such a construction: cf. on vedet jejo ubivatj (lit. ‘hei is leading herj Øi to kill’) vs. on vedet jejo umiratj (lit. ‘hei is leading herj Øj to die’). The frequency of uses with subject-control correlates with the degree of formal and semantic cohesion within the purpose construction One of the parameters is word order (which reflects the degree of syntactic cohesion). The second one is the spatial type of causation-of-motion verb: neutral unprefixed (vesti) / lative prefixed (privesti) / elative prefixed (otvesti). It reflects somehow the degree of semantic cohesion (neutral > lative > elative). The choice of controller is conditioned also by the referential type of the object (person / non-person / inanimate) and by the semantics of purpose event.
Показатели «движения с целью» и событийная структура: суффикс -nda в нанайском языке // Вопросы языкознания. 4. 2016. С. 86–111., 2016
The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to d... more The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to do V’)
in Nanai. The discussion of crosslinguistic relevance of the motion-cum-purpose category is focused on the
data of Nanai, and particularly on the possibility of morphological expression of this meaning without combination
with any spatial meaning (including deictic ones ‘here’ / ‘there’). The event structure of the verb
marked by the affix of motion-cum-purpose is also discussed, especially its argument structure — the expression
of both arguments of the initial verb and arguments of the motion verb. Different results are revealed for the finite use of the nda-verb and for the pleonastic construction “converb-nda + motion verb”. The first
one behaves rather like expressing one single event of motion-cum-purpose, while the second one gives evidence
for the bieventual interpretation and shows both features of bi- and monoclausality.
The paper deals with the double use of 'again'-markers. The meaning of repetition can be marked t... more The paper deals with the double use of 'again'-markers. The meaning of repetition can be marked twice for one predicate either by two derivational affixes or by an affix (re-) and a lexeme (e. g. again). The resulting interpretation can be redundant (with the same meaning of 'do again') or recursive ('again [to do again]'). All these cases are discussed with recourse to crosslinguistic data, with special attention focused on some particular cases in Russian. The picture presented leads us to more general observations on the nature of double derivational markers, such as the features of double derivational markers in comparison to inflectional ones; the predictions about the interpretation of a double marker, when the meanings of its components are not fully identical and the connection between the semantics of double markers and their morphological status.
The Enets people are a small number of traditional dwellers in the region of the Yenisei River. T... more The Enets people are a small number of traditional dwellers in the region of the Yenisei River. Their language belongs to the Samoyedic linguistic group. They still speak their language, which is nowadays influenced by education in Russian. Until recently, their use of Russian has not been studied. It reveals very interesting contact phenomena in different speakers, caused by nuanced circumstances in its acquisition and use. The level of penetration of the contact phenomena varies even within the neighbourhood.
Оскольская С.А., Стойнова Н.М. Способы выражения начальной фазы действия в нанайском языке. Проблемы языка, 1. 2012. М.: ИЯз РАН.
The verbal derivational suffix -nda/-ndə in Nanai is described. Its meaning is motion cum purpose... more The verbal derivational suffix -nda/-ndə in Nanai is described. Its meaning is motion cum purpose 'go to do something'. Some features of this marker which seem to be of interest in crosslinguistic perspective are: 1) the absence of a deictic meaning (cf, similar deictically oriented markers of andative/ventive in languages of Africa); 2) the interaction with argument structure: the nda-verb takes both arguments of the verb stem and arguments of the motion event; 3) the cyclic grammaticalization path: -nda itself goes back to the verb 'go' on the one hand and it develops uses in a new pleonastic construction of motion cum purpose with the overtly expressed motion verb ('go while going to do') on the other hand.
Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics, 2013
There are more or less comparable inventories of spatial cases in Tungusic languages, and their f... more There are more or less comparable inventories of spatial cases in Tungusic languages, and their functions are
quite clear and stable across the cognate markers: Directive, Elative (or two Elatives), Essive (usually also with
the dative function), Prolative (in the majority of the languages).
However together with these cases Tungusic languages have also the so called “locative case” -la. It is
usually polysemous; the set of its spatial meanings is quite intriguing and varies across the languages; it also
tends to have no specialized function: in all its uses it competes to a greater or lesser extent with one of the
main spatial cases. La-case can mark a) LOCATION (essive), b) GOAL (directive), c) PATH (prolative). The
paper deals with the puzzle of the meanings of the la-case and proposes the possible scenario of their diachronic
development. The prolative function of -la seems to be the most interesting in this respect, because PATH
remains underinvestigated in a crosslinguistic perspective in comparison to other spatial roles.
The data of Nanai (including the elicited and text field data) is considered more in detail, because the
central function of -la in Nanai is exactly to mark PATH (prolative). Other data is considered more briefly and
taken from grammar descriptions: the pilot data on Even, Evenki, Neghidal, Orok, Udihe is involved by the
moment.
Томский журнал лингвистических и антропологических исследований (Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology), 2023
The article deals with the markers expressing ablative semantics in Nanaic varieties, including s... more The article deals with the markers expressing ablative semantics in Nanaic varieties, including several Nanai dialects (Naikhin, Dzhuen, Gorin, and Bikin), Ulcha, Uilta, and Kili (Kur-Urmi). The study compiled a list of contexts with ablative and closely related semantics and analyzed which grammatical element is used in each context in each language variety. The study draws on textual data from a variety of sources, including our own field recordings, archival texts, and published texts. The final dataset shows several clusters of language varieties, meanings, and ablative markers. There are three clusters of Nanaic varieties based on the attested ablative cases: Naikhin and Dzhuen Nanai, Gorin Nanai and Uilta, and a random cluster of Bikin Nanai and Ulcha. The Kili variant stands out from these. The observed ablative markers cluster according to the meaning groups they cover: proper ablative markers, the ablative/instrumental marker-ǯi, prolative case markers-ki and-kki, which cover a near-prolative subset of the ablative domain, and a broader locative/prolative marker-la, which combines nearprolative meanings and sources of information or transmission. The Nanaic varieties show three stable polysemy patterns: ablative core meanings, near-prolative meanings, and physical and metaphorical transfer. Finally, there are two clusters based on the distribution of markers within the ablative domain: The first cluster includes Naikhin Nanai, Dzhuen Nanai, Kili, and possibly Bikin Nanai, while the second cluster includes Uilta and Ulcha. Gorin Nanai stands apart.
Russian Linguistics, 2021
Вопросы языкознания, 2016
The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to d... more The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to do V’) in Nanai. The discussion of crosslinguistic relevance of the motion-cum-purpose category is focused on the data of Nanai, and particularly on the possibility of morphological expression of this meaning without combination with any spatial meaning (including deictic ones ‘here’ / ‘there’). The event structure of the verb marked by the affix of motion-cum-purpose is also discussed, especially its argument structure — the expression of both arguments of the initial verb and arguments of the motion verb. Different results are revealed for the finite use of the nda-verb and for the pleonastic construction “converb-nda + motion verb”. The first one behaves rather like expressing one single event of motion-cum-purpose, while the second one gives evidence for the bieventual interpretation and shows both features of bi- and monoclausality.
The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual... more The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual speakers, namely the variation such as принес рыбу ~ принес рыба (‘{he} brought fish-acc ~ fish-nom’). The puzzle is that this peculiarity can result from a number of different processes: morphosyntactic borrowing from Nanai, penetration of dialectal features into the speech of bilinguals, under-acquisition or reinterpretation of the Standard Russian system. The data of a small corpus of contact-influenced Russian Speech is used to test all these hypotheses. The results are following. Nominative forms are used in DO-position in quite a systematic way and such uses cannot be estimated as occasional “errors”. The main factors that influence the NOM~ACC distribution are a) information structure and b) the accentual type of noun stem. The latter fact supports the hypothesis of a systematic reinterpetation of the Standard Russian system in the situation of incomplete acquisition. No signific...
Ural-Altaic Studies, 2020
Computational Linguistics and Intellectual Technologies, 2020
This paper describes code-switching with Russian in four spoken corpora of minority languages of ... more This paper describes code-switching with Russian in four spoken corpora of minority languages of Russia: two Uralic ones (Hill Mari and Moksha) and two Tungusic ones (Nanai and Ulch). All narrators are bilinguals, fluent both in the indigenous language (IL) and in Russian; all the corpora are comparable in size and genres (small field collections of spontaneous oral texts, produced under the instruction to speak IL); the languages are comparable in structural (dis)similarity with Russian. The only difference concerns language dominance and the degree of language shift across the communities. The aim of the paper is to capture how the degree of language shift influences the strategy of code-switching attested in each of the corpora using a minimal additional annotation of code-switching. We added to each corpus a uniform annotation of code-switching of two types: first, a simple semi-automatic word-by-word language annotation (IL vs. Russian), second, a manual annotation of structura...
Д. В. Герасимов, С. Ю. Дмитренко, Н. М. Заика (ред.). Сборник статей к 85-летию В. С. Храковского. М.: Издательский дом ЯСК., 2019
Ural-Altaic Studies 2 (33), 2019
В работе описываются некоторые изменения в именной парадигме ульчского языка, предположительно вы... more В работе описываются некоторые изменения в именной парадигме ульчского языка, предположительно вызванные или форсированные ситуацией утраты языка (языкового сдвига). Обсуждаются а) вариативность в типах основ (переходы из одного типа основы в другой) и б) распад системы лично-числовых аффиксов у носителей с разным уровнем языковой компетенции. Исследование основано преимущественно на данных элицитации и социолингвистического опроса носителей.
This paper deals with some recent changes attested in the noun paradigm of the Ulch language which is severely endangered. The following features that are presumably induced or forced by language shift are in focus: a) the decay of the system of declension types, b) the loss of possessive affixes. Individual strategies of speakers with different levels of language competence are discussed. The study is based on elicited data and on data of the sociolinguistic survey.
Acta linguistica Petropolitana. Труды лингвистических исследований РАН. Т. XIII. Ч. 3., 2017
В статье рассматривается дифференцированное маркирование объекта в нанайском языке (тунгусо-маньч... more В статье рассматривается дифференцированное маркирование
объекта в нанайском языке (тунгусо-маньчжурские). В позиции прямого объекта в нанайском языке может выступать форма имени со специализированным показателем аккузатива или немаркированная форма. В предшествующих описаниях делалось утверждение о том, что немаркированная форма в позиции дополнения крайне маргинальна и выходит из употребления, однако данные современных устных текстов этого не подтверждают. Количественное исследование факторов, влияющих на выбор стратегии маркирования, показывает, что перед нами система, ориентированная скорее на контекстный статус объекта, нежели на его постоянные свойства: релевантными оказываются референциальный статус (определенность, возможно нереферентность) и коммуникативный (топикальность), тогда как такие характеристики, как одушевленность и личность, роли не играют. Отдельную проблему при анализе нанайского материала составляет тот факт, что трудноразличимы оказываются немаркированная форма имени и форма аккузатива, подвергшаяся фонетической редукции.
The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual... more The paper deals with differential object marking in the Russian Speech of Nanai-Russian bilingual speakers, namely the variation such as принес рыбу ~ принес рыба ('{he} brought fish-acc ~ fish-nom'). The puzzle is that this peculiarity can result from a number of different processes: morphosyntactic borrowing from Nanai, penetration of dialectal features into the speech of bilinguals, under-acquisition or reinterpretation of the Standard Russian system. The data of a small corpus of contact-influenced Russian Speech is used to test all these hypotheses. The results are following. Nominative forms are used in DO-position in quite a systematic way and such uses cannot be estimated as occasional " errors ". The main factors that influence the NOM~ACC distribution are a) information structure and b) the accentual type of noun stem. The latter fact supports the hypothesis of a systematic reinterpetation of the Standard Russian system in the situation of incomplete acquisition. No significant correlations with animacy, definiteness, verb form and word order were attested. DOM pattern of Nanai Russian differs from those of Russian dialects and reveals some similarity to those of Nanai. However it cannot be considered as a full morphosyntactic calque.
В работе на материале Национального корпуса русского языка рассматриваются употребления конструк... more В работе на материале Национального корпуса русского языка рассматриваются употребления конструкции стать + инф. под отрицанием в русском языке XVIII–XXI вв. Конструкция ведет себя диахронически нестабильно с точки зре ния выражаемых под отрицанием значений, что можно связать как с поздним ее распространением, так и с общими проблемами взаимодействия семантики нача ла с семантикой отрицания, а также частными особенностями значения глагола стать. Конструкция со стать неожиданно частотна под отрицанием: у нее раз вивается особое значение осознанного выбора, причем его развитие происходит с разной скоростью для будущего и прошедшего времени, что влияет и на общую частоту употреблений под отрицанием в прошедшем vs. будущем времени. Также в ранних текстах у стать + инф. отмечаются интересные употребления не + стать + инф. в значении прекращения действия. Ключевые слова: инхоатив, отрицание, инфинитивные конструкции, грамматикализация, корпусная лингвистика
The paper deals with motion-cum-purpose constructions in Russian. The constructions “causation-of... more The paper deals with motion-cum-purpose constructions in Russian. The
constructions “causation-of-motion verb + infinitive” (vesti kogo-to delatj
čto-to — lit. ‘to lead somebody to do something’) are observed on the data of Russian National Corpus. The problem of infinitive control is in focus. The Ø-subject of infinitive can be coreferential with the subject or with the object of the finite verb in such a construction: cf. on vedet jejo ubivatj (lit. ‘hei is leading herj Øi to kill’) vs. on vedet jejo umiratj (lit. ‘hei is leading herj Øj to die’). The frequency of uses with subject-control correlates with the degree of formal and semantic cohesion within the purpose construction One of the parameters is word order (which reflects the degree of syntactic cohesion). The second one is the spatial type of causation-of-motion verb: neutral unprefixed (vesti) / lative prefixed (privesti) / elative prefixed (otvesti). It reflects somehow the degree of semantic cohesion (neutral > lative > elative). The choice of controller is conditioned also by the referential type of the object (person / non-person / inanimate) and by the semantics of purpose event.
Показатели «движения с целью» и событийная структура: суффикс -nda в нанайском языке // Вопросы языкознания. 4. 2016. С. 86–111., 2016
The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to d... more The paper deals with the verbal suffix -nda with the meaning of “motion-cum-purpose” (‘to go to do V’)
in Nanai. The discussion of crosslinguistic relevance of the motion-cum-purpose category is focused on the
data of Nanai, and particularly on the possibility of morphological expression of this meaning without combination
with any spatial meaning (including deictic ones ‘here’ / ‘there’). The event structure of the verb
marked by the affix of motion-cum-purpose is also discussed, especially its argument structure — the expression
of both arguments of the initial verb and arguments of the motion verb. Different results are revealed for the finite use of the nda-verb and for the pleonastic construction “converb-nda + motion verb”. The first
one behaves rather like expressing one single event of motion-cum-purpose, while the second one gives evidence
for the bieventual interpretation and shows both features of bi- and monoclausality.
The paper deals with the double use of 'again'-markers. The meaning of repetition can be marked t... more The paper deals with the double use of 'again'-markers. The meaning of repetition can be marked twice for one predicate either by two derivational affixes or by an affix (re-) and a lexeme (e. g. again). The resulting interpretation can be redundant (with the same meaning of 'do again') or recursive ('again [to do again]'). All these cases are discussed with recourse to crosslinguistic data, with special attention focused on some particular cases in Russian. The picture presented leads us to more general observations on the nature of double derivational markers, such as the features of double derivational markers in comparison to inflectional ones; the predictions about the interpretation of a double marker, when the meanings of its components are not fully identical and the connection between the semantics of double markers and their morphological status.
The Enets people are a small number of traditional dwellers in the region of the Yenisei River. T... more The Enets people are a small number of traditional dwellers in the region of the Yenisei River. Their language belongs to the Samoyedic linguistic group. They still speak their language, which is nowadays influenced by education in Russian. Until recently, their use of Russian has not been studied. It reveals very interesting contact phenomena in different speakers, caused by nuanced circumstances in its acquisition and use. The level of penetration of the contact phenomena varies even within the neighbourhood.
Оскольская С.А., Стойнова Н.М. Способы выражения начальной фазы действия в нанайском языке. Проблемы языка, 1. 2012. М.: ИЯз РАН.
The verbal derivational suffix -nda/-ndə in Nanai is described. Its meaning is motion cum purpose... more The verbal derivational suffix -nda/-ndə in Nanai is described. Its meaning is motion cum purpose 'go to do something'. Some features of this marker which seem to be of interest in crosslinguistic perspective are: 1) the absence of a deictic meaning (cf, similar deictically oriented markers of andative/ventive in languages of Africa); 2) the interaction with argument structure: the nda-verb takes both arguments of the verb stem and arguments of the motion event; 3) the cyclic grammaticalization path: -nda itself goes back to the verb 'go' on the one hand and it develops uses in a new pleonastic construction of motion cum purpose with the overtly expressed motion verb ('go while going to do') on the other hand.
Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics, 2013
There are more or less comparable inventories of spatial cases in Tungusic languages, and their f... more There are more or less comparable inventories of spatial cases in Tungusic languages, and their functions are
quite clear and stable across the cognate markers: Directive, Elative (or two Elatives), Essive (usually also with
the dative function), Prolative (in the majority of the languages).
However together with these cases Tungusic languages have also the so called “locative case” -la. It is
usually polysemous; the set of its spatial meanings is quite intriguing and varies across the languages; it also
tends to have no specialized function: in all its uses it competes to a greater or lesser extent with one of the
main spatial cases. La-case can mark a) LOCATION (essive), b) GOAL (directive), c) PATH (prolative). The
paper deals with the puzzle of the meanings of the la-case and proposes the possible scenario of their diachronic
development. The prolative function of -la seems to be the most interesting in this respect, because PATH
remains underinvestigated in a crosslinguistic perspective in comparison to other spatial roles.
The data of Nanai (including the elicited and text field data) is considered more in detail, because the
central function of -la in Nanai is exactly to mark PATH (prolative). Other data is considered more briefly and
taken from grammar descriptions: the pilot data on Even, Evenki, Neghidal, Orok, Udihe is involved by the
moment.
The paper deals with the morpheme kə̄n (~qān) in Ulch (Tungusic, Khabarovsk Krai). This morpheme ... more The paper deals with the morpheme kə̄n (~qān) in Ulch (Tungusic, Khabarovsk Krai). This morpheme has the limitative (restrictive) meaning (‘only’). The morphosyntactic features of kə̄n are quite unusual. In some uses it occupies the slot of derivational suffixes, in some others it behaves rather as a postfix or an enclitic. Similar cases of affix reordering in different languages were described by M. Haspelmath in terms of the “externalization of inflection”. M. Haspelmath proposes for them the diachronic path AINFL+B > B+AINFL motivated by the general semantically based “inflection-outside-derivation principle”. One of Haspelmath’s predictions implied by this principle is that the diachronic process in question is unidirectional, i.e. the reverse change is impossible. The data of Ulch, however, that “postfixal” uses of kə̄n are rather innovative, i. e. the ongoing change kə̄n+INFL > INFL+kə̄n (internalization of inflection?) is attested.
The paper deals with two scenarios of integration of the negative existential aba into the system... more The paper deals with two scenarios of integration of the negative existential aba into the system of standard negation in Nanai (Tungusic). The marker aba has a range of uses which agrees in outline with typological expectations on negative existentials. The same marker is used as a part of some of standard negation constructions. The standard negation constructions with aba differ across dialects. The first scenario of the development of aba which is presented in the Bikin dialect agrees in outline with typological expectations. The second one which is attested in Amur dialects seems to be more intriguing.
Буду+инф. vs. стану+инф. как конкурирующие средства выражения будущего времени в русском языке: д... more Буду+инф. vs. стану+инф. как конкурирующие средства выражения будущего времени в русском языке: данные НКРЯ
В работе рассматривается вариативность в контроле инфинитива при глаголах каузации изменения пози... more В работе рассматривается вариативность в контроле инфинитива при глаголах каузации изменения позиции (типа повесил сушить vs. повесил сушиться). На материале текстов неформальной интернет-коммуникации (ГИКРЯ) выявлены факторы, располагающие к субъектному vs. объектному контролю.
In this paper, I analyze the data of code-switching within the framework of Construction Grammar.... more In this paper, I analyze the data of code-switching within the framework of Construction Grammar. Code-switching between Southern Tungusic (Nanai and Ulch) and Russian in noun phrases is in focus.
The paper deals with the use of Russian adverbial subordinating conjunctions in Nanai (Tungusic, ... more The paper deals with the use of Russian adverbial subordinating conjunctions in Nanai (Tungusic, the Russian Far East; all speakers are bilingual). I discuss the data in terms of structural (in)congruence between the donor language and the recipient one. The majority of Russian vs. Nanai adverbial clauses are incongruent with respect to subordinator type: in Russian, they are marked with conjunctions, while in Nanai dedicated non-finite forms are used instead. Some types of clauses have the same conjunction strategy but different word orders. Finally, Nanai and Russian subordinators organize the corresponding semantic domains in a different way. So, first, the presence of the Russian subordinator sometimes leads to a more substantial restructuring of the Nanai adverbial clause. Second, the frequency of different Russian subordinators in Nanai can be well explained by congruence / incongruence between the corresponding Nanai and Russian clauses.
Talk presented at ALT-2019, 04-06.2019, Pavia, 2019
The paper deals with marginal surprising uses of the impersonal construction attested in Nanai an... more The paper deals with marginal surprising uses of the impersonal construction attested in Nanai and Ulch (Southern Tungusic, the Russian Far East). In these languages, a dedicated R-impersonal construction with no overt subject develops secondary marginal non-impersonal uses with the first person pronoun in the subject position. The main question of the paper is how to explain such uses in a diachronic perspective. I propose the following hypothetical scenario. Initially, the construction under consideration is true impersonal with the main function of deleting or defocusing of the subject. Then, it develops additional modal and aspectual semantics. The modal or aspectual function becomes more foregrounded, than the valency-changing one, and the next step of this reinterpretation from a valency-changing device to a modal one is the possibility to have an overt subject.
IMPS > IMPS + (ASPECT/MODALITY) > ASPECT/MODALITY (+IMPS) > ASPECT/MODALITY (uses with 1st person pronouns).
The special status of the first person subject seems to be motivated by its strong predisposition to the modal and habitual contexts, covered by this construction (cf. 'it is necessary to do > I need to do'). In the paper, this hypothesis is verified on the text data of Ulch.
The paper deals with the restrictive (limitative) marker kə̄n 'only' in Ulch (Southern Tungusic).... more The paper deals with the restrictive (limitative) marker kə̄n 'only' in Ulch (Southern Tungusic). This marker has untrivial positional features: it can attach before inflectional suffixes (as a derivational affix) or after them (as a postfix or enclitic). One might postulate here the process of affix reordering "infection + morpheme X > morpheme X + inflection" described in Haspelmath (1993) as "externalization of inflection". However, there is an evidence that external uses of kə̄n are innovative compared to internal ones, not vice versa, and this direction of diachronic development is very unexpected.
The paper deals with the system of negation in Ulch (Tungusic). Patterns of grammaticalization an... more The paper deals with the system of negation in Ulch (Tungusic). Patterns of grammaticalization and contact-induced innovations attested in the system are especially in focus.
The paper deals with a construction with the verb ‘finish’ attested in Ulch (Tungusic, Khabarovsk... more The paper deals with a construction with the verb ‘finish’ attested in Ulch (Tungusic, Khabarovsk Krai). The verb xod- ‘to finish’ can be used in Ulch a) with “simultaneous” converb (-mi~-məri), b) with “non-simultaneous” converb (-rə). The first construction has the regular phasal meaning ‘to finish V’; the second one, which will be discussed here, refers to the end of the event-sequence, not to the end of the event itself (‘to conclude by V’).
It is structurally and semantically similar to English to end up V-ing or Spanish acabar-construction (cf. Olbertz 1998). The hod-construction is not unique for Ulch: it is used e.g. in Dzhuen Nanai. In Ulch the construction reveals a high degree of grammaticalization and it can be considered as a full member of the grammatical system.
The semantics of the construction includes a clear nuance of counter-expectation. It signals that the event V a) is the last event in the sequence and b) it breaks somehow the expected event-sequence.
A more general question will be discussed on the data of Ulch. How do such markers and meanings covered by them fit into the pool of existing crosslinguistic notions (“comparative concepts”, Haspelmath 2010)? 1) They can be treated as an extension of the phasal semantic domain (‘to begin, to continue, to finish V’, cf. e.g. Engerer 2014), cf. the label “outer phase” proposed in (Plungian 1999). 2) They are close to “phasal polarity” items (such as already, still, yet), which are also described in terms of (counter)-expectation, cf. (van Baar 1997, Auwera 1998). 3) They form a semantic pair to markers referred as inconsequentials (Haiman 1988); frustratives (e.g. Sparing-Chávez 2003), avertives (Kuteva 1998): ‘V in vain’, ‘V (and then anti-V)’, ‘almost V (but however did not V)’, cf. the overview of the whole semantic cluster under the label “counter-to-fact TAM categories” in Kuteva et al. (2015). 4) They are in some respect close to adversative connectives (such as English but), cf. very similar cases in the study on adversatives (Malchukov 2004).
The data on the Ulch ‘finish’-construction involved in the study are of three types: elicited data, text data from our own field records collection, text data from published texts (Sunik 1985).
The paper deals with gender mismatches attested in the Russian Speech of bilinguals with minor la... more The paper deals with gender mismatches attested in the Russian Speech of bilinguals with minor languages of Russian Far East and Northern Siberia (Nanai, Ulch, Forest Enets, Nganasan).
The paper deals with contact-induced pluperfect constructions with the verb 'to be' in Russian Sp... more The paper deals with contact-induced pluperfect constructions with the verb 'to be' in Russian Speech of Nanai speakers of older generation (Tungusic, Russian Far East).
The paper presents a brief overview of the contact-influenced variety of the Russian language spo... more The paper presents a brief overview of the contact-influenced variety of the Russian language spoken by bilinguals with Southern Tungusic languages of older generation.
The paper deals with the class of locative nouns in Nanai (Tungusic). This is a geterogenious ran... more The paper deals with the class of locative nouns in Nanai (Tungusic). This is a geterogenious range of localization expressions which form a continuum from standard nouns to postpositions. The degree of grammaticalization was estimated for 12 locative nouns through a number of tests. The correlations between formal features and spatial semantics of particular locative nouns are discussed.
The paper contains a description of the variety of Russian used by bilingual speakers of Southern... more The paper contains a description of the variety of Russian used by bilingual speakers of Southern Tungusic languages (some Nanai dialects and Ulch). The morphosyntactic contact-induced peculiarities of their speech are the focus of this paper, while cases of phonetic and lexical interference are discussed in less detail. The study is based on the data of a small oral corpus provided with a manual annotation of contact-induced features. One of the practical aims of the study is to test and improve the system of annotation used in the corpus.
The paper deals with the suffix of motion-cum-purpose-*nA: ('go to V') in Tungusic languages. The... more The paper deals with the suffix of motion-cum-purpose-*nA: ('go to V') in Tungusic languages. The text-data on its uses in two Southern Tungusic languages, Nanai and Udihe, is analyzed in detail and compared to crosslinguistic data on a more general category of associated motion. The features of this marker that do not follow typological expectations are described.
The paper deals with the use of reflexive markers in dependent clauses in Nanai (Tungusic). V. A.... more The paper deals with the use of reflexive markers in dependent clauses in Nanai (Tungusic). V. A. Avrorin [1959] describes this system in the following way. Light reflexives in dependent clauses behave consistently as long-distance reflexives and heavy reflexives behave as local ones. However modern field data shows another picture: a system with a very limited range of long-distance contexts is attested. The hypothesis is that a rapid grammatical change takes place and that this change is motivated by sociolinguistic factors: contact influence of Russian and language attrition.
В работе на материале Национального корпуса русского языка обсуждаются формальные различия / сход... more В работе на материале Национального корпуса русского языка обсуждаются формальные различия / сходства между грамматикализованной инфинитивной конструкцией будущего времени НСВ (буду делать) и другими инфинитивными сочетаниями.