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Articles by Selin Bengi Gumrukcu

Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 2021

Terrorism and Political Violence, 2021

During the 1970s, Turkey's radical nationalist youth were ideologically and culturally shaped by ... more During the 1970s, Turkey's radical nationalist youth were ideologically and culturally shaped by their involvement in the idealist (ülkücü) movement. The idealists also played a significant role on the streets in fomenting the mass political violence that characterized Turkey at this time. Based on the social movements literature, this paper analyzes why and how far-right movements used political violence, departing from the case of the ülkücü movement in Turkey. In doing so, the paper employs Protest Event Analysis with an original dataset of 5,361 protest events for 1971-1985. The findings suggest that farright violence was facilitated by discursive and political opportunities, namely the praise of ruling politicians and the non-critical rhetoric of and opportunities provided by the alliance structures.

Özet Türkiye'de gelişen toplumsal hareketler, çoğunlukla örgütlü mücadelenin destekçisi olarak ka... more Özet Türkiye'de gelişen toplumsal hareketler, çoğunlukla örgütlü mücadelenin destekçisi olarak kalmışlar ve parti ya da sendika gibi kurumsal yapıların birer parçası olarak incelenmiştir. Ancak hareketlerin ekonomik ve sosyal krizlere karşı küresel çapta daha görünür olması onların siyasal bir aktör olarak başlı başına ele alınmasını gerektirmektedir. Yakın dönemdeki eylem ve direniş pratiklerinin farklılığı bu durumu daha net ortaya koymaktadır. Özellikle TEKEL ve Hidroelektrik Santralleri (HES) direnişleri, Türkiye'nin toplumsal hareket tarihinde ayrı bir yere sahiptir. Bu direnişlerin kurumsal desteklerden ziyade taban girişimleri olarak gelişmesi ve farklı bir mobilizasyon biçimi geliştirmesi, hareketlerin 2000'li yıllarda Türkiye'de de geç kalmış bir değişim içinde olduğunun göstergeleridir. Bu hareketlerin birbiriyle ilişkisi, aynı zamanda Gezi Parkı eylemlerinin de anlaşılmasını sağlar. Çalışma ilk bölümünde hareketlerin dönüşümü toplumsal hareket yaklaşımları çerçevesinde ve özellikle karşı/alternatif-küreselleşme ile ilişkisi üzerinden aktarılmıştır. İkinci bölümde ise Türkiye'deki 1970'lerden itibaren dönüşümün üç farklı evresi benzerlik ve farklılıklarıyla, eylem repertuvarları ve aktörler üzerinden incelenmiştir. Abstract For a very long time social movements in Turkey mobilized and understood through established organizations such as political parties and trade unions. However, it is essential to consider social movements as independent political actors by themselves. Gezi protests that took place in 2013 in Turkey are generally considered as a turning point in this sense. However, Turkey witnessed grassroots mobilizations also before Gezi park protests. Especially TEKEL and HES resistances have a distinct place in the domain of social movement history of Turkey. By drawing on these two movements, the article aims to explain the transformation of the social movements field in Turkey, based on the literature on theories of social movements. First part of the article focuses on the theoretical aspect, and tries to explain the transformation in the field of social movement theories since the 1970s, but especially after the emergence of " anti/alter-globalization " movement. The second part of the article aims to discuss the ruptures and continuities of social movement mobilization in Turkey since the 1970s, by focusing on the

Although academic studies on the positions of political parties in European Union member states c... more Although academic studies on the positions of political parties in European Union member states concerning European integration have increased since the end of 1990s, there is a lack of systematic and comprehensive research on this
topic in Turkey. This article examines the positions on European integration of Turkish political parties competing in the 2002, 2007 and 2011 general elections. It shows that there are more Eurosceptic and Eurorejectionist parties than Euroenthusiast parties. This can be explained by the lack of elite consensus on European integration in Turkey due to specific features of Turkey–EU relations.

Although academic studies on the positions of political parties in European Union member states c... more Although academic studies on the positions of political parties in European Union member states concerning European integration have increased since the end of 1990s, there is a lack of systematic and comprehensive research on this topic in Turkey. This article examines the positions on European integration of Turkish political parties competing in the 2002, 2007 and 2011 general elections. It shows that there are more Eurosceptic and Eurorejectionist parties than Euroenthusiast parties. This can be explained by the lack of elite consensus on European integration in Turkey due to specific features of Turkey-EU relations.

Turkish Studies, Jan 1, 2010

A BSTRACT Anti-globalization movements first emerged in Western countries during the 1990s and gr... more A BSTRACT Anti-globalization movements first emerged in Western countries during the 1990s and gradually diffused to other countries. This paper attempts to trace the way these movements emerged and developed in Turkey and their repertoires of action, drawing on data from newspaper articles and in-depth interviews. Anti-globalization movements emerged in Turkey following the diffusion of ideas from abroad through the translation of papers into Turkish and the participation of Turkish activists, unionists, and researchers in meetings and events organized abroad. As a result of this diffusion process, the action repertoires of antiglobalization movements in Turkey and other Western countries are similar.

Book Reviews by Selin Bengi Gumrukcu

Book Chapters by Selin Bengi Gumrukcu

Conference Presentations by Selin Bengi Gumrukcu

Social movements mostly have alliances, as well as adversaries. Alliance structures are accepted ... more Social movements mostly have alliances, as well as adversaries. Alliance structures are accepted as an important feature of the political opportunity structure and the general political environment in a given context, and thus it might affect some basic aspects of social movements mobilization including the level of mobilization and repertoire of action. Turkey witnessed a long cycle of protest in the 1970s that ended with the military coup in 1980. The nationalist ülkücü movement was one of the main actors of the cycle. Also known as Grey Wolves, the ülkücü movement came into existence in the mid-1960s, and had a clear alliance with the Nationalist Action Party (NAP) since its emergence. The organizations of ülkücü, called as ocak, both served as the unofficial youth branch of party and as a school where the youth was indoctrinated. However, this strong relationship did not remain the same over the course of the years and changed especially in the 1990s.
The paper aims to show how the strong alliance between the Grey Wolves and the NAP shaped the level of mobilization and forms of actions used by the Grey Wolves in the 1970s. In doing so, the paper uses a dataset, of 5361 protest events, generated by reviewing each issue of Milliyet for a 15-years period, from 1971 to 1986. The second aim of the paper is to discuss the changes in the level of mobilization and especially in the forms of actions employed in the 1990s, based on in-depth interviews with ülkücüs.

Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 2021

Terrorism and Political Violence, 2021

Although academic studies on the positions of political parties in European Union member states c... more Although academic studies on the positions of political parties in European Union member states concerning European integration have increased since the end of 1990s, there is a lack of systematic and comprehensive research on this topic in Turkey. This article examines the positions on European integration of Turkish political parties competing in the 2002, 2007 and 2011 general elections. It shows that there are more Eurosceptic and Eurorejectionist parties than Euroenthusiast parties. This can be explained by the lack of elite consensus on European integration in Turkey due to specific features of Turkey-EU relations.

Turkish Studies, Jan 1, 2010

Ruptures and continuities of social movements have long been a topic of inquiry in social movemen... more Ruptures and continuities of social movements have long been a topic of inquiry in social movements research. This paper aims at analyzing social movements in Turkey in a continuum from the 1970s to the 2000s, with regards to three features that are central to social movements and protest, namely actors, repertoires of actions and issues.
The youth in Turkey in the 1970s was highly politicized and involved in a cycle protest that was mainly composed of violent protests. The cycle ended with a coup d’état held in September 1984. The streets were silenced as a result. Starting to warm up again in 1990s, the political use of streets and social movements in Turkey have become an agenda thanks to the recent mass protests started with the occupation of Gezi Park in Istanbul.
Are there are similarities between the protests of 1970s and 2000s in Turkey? If so, how? While the recent protests were framed as something really new in Turkish political history, this study tries to answer these questions based on specific method of protest event analysis. In doing so I used the archive of Turkish daily Milliyet, on a daily basis, to reveal the actors, repertoires of actions and issues that were active and used in protests in Turkey in the last decades.

International Conference on Knowledge&Politics in Gender&Women's Studies October 2015 METU

Inequality among men and women is not a problem that can be solved solely by the empowerment of w... more Inequality among men and women is not a problem that can be solved solely by the empowerment of women. Undoubtedly, increasing the level of education and employment among women would contribute to the weakening of patriarchal structure of the society. However, it is also of significant importance to raise awareness among men about gender equality. In order to raise awareness more effectively among men on gender equality, firstly we need to have knowledge on how men perceive women. This study reveals the data based on a survey of 57 questions conducted in Izmir with 432 participants composed of male university students studying in five universities. The questions asked aimed at measuring how the male university students, considered as representatives of educated segments of the society, perceive women. First part of the study reveals demographic information about the participants like age, birthplace, department etc. The first results of the survey are as follows: 199 participants do not believe in equality of women and men. Out of 432 participants who were asked if married women with children should work, 170 participants responded negatively and 265 participants see motherhood as a career. The premier responsibility of women is claimed to be a good mother by 196 participants, to be a good wife by 200 participants and to have a good career by 46 participants. 287 participants would not want their wife/girlfriend to work in a male dominated sector.