Dorota Dakowska | Sciences po Aix en provence (original) (raw)

Books by Dorota Dakowska

Європа та іï болісні минувшини, 2009

The German-Polish debate on the project for a 'Centre against Expulsions' provides an opportunity... more The German-Polish debate on the project for a 'Centre against Expulsions' provides an opportunity to analyse the different strategies for dealing with the past. The initiative, launched by the German Union of Expellees (Bund der Vertriebenen, BdV) in 1999, illustrates the attempts by this interest group to occupy the public sphere in the context of EU enlargement. This agenda-setting exercise generated extensive public debate and obliged politicians in both countries to take a stand on the project. This chapter analyses the transformations in the political use of a painful past in the public arena: on the one hand, in Germany, the thematisation of the suffering of forcibly displaced populations is no longer the prerogative of the most conservative right-wing; on the other hand, this affair allows Polish conservatives to feed the fear of the 'German threat' both to legitimise themselves and to disqualify their competitors. Finally, to clarify the issues at stake in this controversy, we need to consider the broader context of historiographical debates.

Faire, défaire la démocratie. De Moscou, Bogota et Téhéran au Conseil de l’Europe, 2021

La frontière entre « démocratie » et « autoritarisme » est constitutive de nos représentations de... more La frontière entre « démocratie » et « autoritarisme » est constitutive
de nos représentations de l’ordre politique international, de l’univers de valeurs sur lequel les démocraties fondent leur légitimité interne et internationale, ainsi que des catégories de la science politique. Pourtant, cette frontière apparaît aujourd’hui de moins en moins stable alors que l’idée d’une expansion continue de la démocratie dans le monde est régulièrement battue en brèche. D’une part, l’actualité brûlante vient nous rappeler l’expansion, voire le durcissement des régimes et des pratiques autoritaires, comme en témoignent notamment les cas de la Turquie et de la Russie, les atteintes à l’État de droit en Hongrie ou en Pologne, les évolutions dans certains pays du continent africain et d’Amérique latine, mais aussi les remises en question des libertés publiques et des droits fondamentaux dans différents pays occidentaux considérés comme des démocraties libérales. D’autre part, les pratiques de légitimation des pouvoirs autoritaires et des régimes démocratiques tendent à se brouiller sous l’effet de rapprochements, d’emprunts mutuels et de chevauchements.

German political foundations, which are the richest and most active in Europe, often serve as a r... more German political foundations, which are the richest and most active in Europe, often serve as a reference to their counterparts and to think tanks in other countries. The history of these foundations is linked to the Cold War, as they were commissioned by the German government – from the 1950s onwards – to intervene in Africa and Latin America in order to fight “communist influences” in these regions. They subsequently expanded their activities in Asia, Europe and the United States. Having ties to the political parties represented in the Bundestag, political foundations maintain an informal dialogue with elites from over a hundred countries. Paradoxically, while they like to appear as independent or even private foundations, they are almost entirely financed by public funds.
This book traces back the emergence of these para-diplomatic organisations. It analyses their internationalisation strategies, focusing on Central-East European countries (particularly Poland). It analyses the way in which, owing to their double roots – in the German political field and in foreign policy administration – the foundations have become major actors of German foreign policy. The empirical work is based on 140 interviews and on the analysis of numerous archives. The book sheds new light on German foreign policy, international democracy assistance, transnational party cooperation and the EU Eastern enlargement.

Warum ist das Institut für Nationales Gedächtnis – IPN (das Pendant zur Gauck-Behörde) erst 1998 ... more Warum ist das Institut für Nationales Gedächtnis – IPN (das Pendant zur Gauck-Behörde) erst 1998 gegründet worden? Welche Zusammenhänge bestehen zwischen dem Verlauf der politischen Wende in Deutschland bzw. in Polen, der Entscheidung über die Aktenöffnung und der jeweiligen Geschichtsschreibung? Warum wurden in Deutschland die Rechte der Betroffenen, in Polen dagegen die Rechte der Forscher in den Vordergrund gestellt? Wie war und ist der Umgang mit der kommunistischen Vergangenheit in beiden Ländern?
In diesem Sammelband, der in deutsch-polnisch-französischer Zusammenarbeit entstanden ist, werden diese und andere Fragen am Beispiel des Umgangs mit den Geheimpolizeiarchiven in Deutschland und in Polen erörtert.
Neben ausführlichen Darstellungen zu den Akten verwaltenden Institutionen und der jeweiligen Gesetzgebung bietet der Band zahlreiche Beiträge über die Entwicklung der deutschen und polnischen Historiographie über die Geheimdienste und die kommunistische Periode. Er wird durch Beiträge ergänzt, die die Politisierung der Debatten über den Umgang mit den Geheimpolizeiarchiven reflektieren und dabei generelle Dimensionen der Aufarbeitung der Zeitgeschichte offen legen. Zugleich wird die Wechselbeziehung zwischen Geschichtswissenschaft, kollektivem Gedächtnis und Politik ausdiskutiert, und zwar am Beispiel der Spannungen zwischen Staat, Wissenschaftlern und Bürgern in ihrem Umgang mit der kommunistischen Periode.

Edited Journal Issue by Dorota Dakowska

Gouvernance, 2018

This special issue analyses the transnational power relations at the EU’s periphery from a politi... more This special issue analyses the transnational power relations at the EU’s periphery from a political sociology angle. Regardless of the country’s degree of integration into the EU institutional order, the contributions grasp the evolving relationships between EU institutions, domestic policy makers and individual entrepreneurs who interfere in these relations. Comparing various case studies – from Tunisia, Estonia, Ukraine and Jordan – offer a broader reflection on the political, administrative and social effects of the EU’s programmes in these countries.

European Journal of Higher Education, Jan 2015

Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, Mar 2014

Revue d'études comparatives Est-Ouest, 2014, vol. 45 n° 1, pp. 5-19

Politique européenne, 2011

Ce dossier thématique propose de décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation de l'ordre po... more Ce dossier thématique propose de décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation de l'ordre politique européen en observant la promotion de l'Europe 'hors' ou 'loin' de Bruxelles. Il s'agit d'explorer l'univers des 'petits entrepreneurs de l'Europe', statutairement extérieurs aux institutions de l'UE mais mobilisés pour la cause intégrationniste.

Politique européenne, 2005

Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour L'Harmattan.

Articles in periodicals by Dorota Dakowska

Critique internationale, 2017

The present article examines how international organisations that are statutorily active or reput... more The present article examines how international organisations that are statutorily active or reputed to be competent in the educational domain construct and disseminate their recommendations in the higher education sector. These recommendations are diverse. In addition to emphasising ‘skills’ and ‘quality assurance’ and promoting graduate’ employability’, they often underscore ‘best practices’, which this article critically examines as a paradoxical notion. Since education is among a state’s formal prerogatives, in principle, the recommendations of international organisations are optional, not obligatory. In certain conditions, however, they generate mechanisms that render them compulsory. In practice, recourse to ‘best practices’ reveals itself to be a catchall dispositif mobilised by international organisations for self-legitimisation to better assert their authority over a domain in which their power is legally restricted.

Revue internationale de politique comparée, 2022

Cet article propose de réexaminer la thèse de la circulation transnationale des dispositifs d’act... more Cet article propose de réexaminer la thèse de la circulation transnationale des dispositifs d’action publique relatifs à l’enseignement supérieur en prenant en compte à la fois les cadres internationaux de réforme et leur réception dans des espaces nationaux. L’attention portée aux relations entre les organisations internationales (OI) – Conseil de l’Europe, OCDE, UNESCO ainsi que la Commission européenne – permet d’interroger les stratégies qu’elles déploient pour maintenir leur autorité dans un domaine qui relève des prérogatives historiques des États. Le cas de l’enseignement supérieur, secteur d’action publique secondaire dans l’espace transnational, offre un prisme heuristique pour analyser les relations de dépendance des OI vis-à-vis des États et d’autres bailleurs de fonds. Or, la relative fragilité du positionnement des OI dans ce domaine ne les empêche pas de développer des dispositifs ambitieux pour comparer les systèmes nationaux et mesurer leur performance. Les recommandations construites dans l’espace transnational trouvent une résonance dans les espaces nationaux analysés (français, polonais et ukrainien). C’est cette double énigme que l’article interroge à l’appui d’une enquête empirique multisituée.

Politix, 2020

This article analyses the expansion strategies of the European Commission in the higher education... more This article analyses the expansion strategies of the European Commission in the higher education (HE) field, focusing on its relationship with the organisations representing European academia (universities, students, quality assurance agencies) within the Bologna Process. It investigates the conditions under which these organisations were created and championed and shows how the Commission promotes the emergence of a Europeanised expertise on HE through the funding it offers. Beyond common sense ideas on cooperation and convergence in HE, I analyse the power relations in this transnational field and the way in which recurrent criticisms are played down and dodged. By emphasizing the trajectories and practices of these groups’ members, the article sheds new light on their contribution to HE policy-making in Europe.

Journal of International Relations and Development, 2022

This article engages in the discussion on international organisations as global players. IOs appe... more This article engages in the discussion on international organisations as global players. IOs appear as paradoxical arenas of regulatory cooperation. Although they have been perceived as influential, they operate with unequal resources and tend to be increasingly contested. While acknowledging their role in transnational policy framing, the article discusses the power of IOs critically. It stresses their dependence (on states and external funds) and analyses how these organisations attempt to remain relevant policy players. The case of the transnational governance of higher education as a secondary policy field sheds light on the relations between international and European organisations (Council of Europe, European Commission, OECD, UNESCO, the World Bank). In order to explain how IOs that face limited financial resources seek to maintain their position in transnational policymaking, the demonstration highlights the material, practical and ideational aspects of interorganisational coordination. The article is based on empirical research conducted in several countries: over 50 semistructured qualitative interviews, archives of main IOs, and institutional documents.

AOC. Analyse Opinion Critique, 2020

In countries engaged on an authoritarian path, the pandemic constitutes a threat not only to cert... more In countries engaged on an authoritarian path, the pandemic constitutes a threat not only to certain freedoms, but also to fundamental democratic rules. The COVID-19 crisis has reinforced political tensions in Central and Eastern European countries. In Hungary, the emergency legislation that has enabled the Prime minister Viktor Orbán to rule by decree has stirred outrage. The Polish political field sank in a legal chaos on the eve of the presidential election, scheduled on 10 May 2020 and eventually postponed. This contribution analyses the exercise of power by leaders who have openly declared their country to be an ‘illiberal democracy’.

This contribution examines the domestic reinterpretations of international and European recommend... more This contribution examines the domestic reinterpretations of international and European recommendations in Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It asks under what conditions these institutional recommendations, but also global processes such as the university rankings, affect domestic public policies. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which have experienced a far-reaching reform process since 1989, have been particularly affected by new standards promoted at the European and international level. The article shows that the combined external and domestic pressures affect HEI in multiple and sometimes contradictory ways. Based on the Polish and Ukrainian cases, it reassesses the (party) political factor in the reorientation of HE reforms. It shows that Europeanization and internationalization are neither uniform nor linear processes. Ultimately, the announced diversification of HEI appears as a longer-term process whose outcome remains uncertain.

Au mois de septembre 2014, le New York Times révélait, sur le mode du scandale, que de nombreux t... more Au mois de septembre 2014, le New York Times révélait, sur le mode du scandale, que de nombreux think tanks situés à Washington recevaient des sommes importantes des gouvernements étrangers pour produire des études conformes à leurs intérêts. Ce constat, qui provoqua de vives réactions, invite à découvrir la brillante analyse de Thomas Medvetz consacrée au phénomène des think tanks aux États-Unis, basée sur de nombreuses sources archivistiques ainsi que sur quarante-quatre entretiens. L'ouvrage, bienvenu dans un contexte où les organismes qualifiés de think tanks se multiplient en Europe, tout comme les études qui leur sont consacrées, offre un regard renouvelé sur ce phénomène. Le postulat — autoproclamé — de l'indépendance des think tanks (à l'égard du champ politique, économique, académique, médiatique) est d'emblée écarté. Le lecteur échappe ainsi à l'énumération, récurrente dans les travaux existants, visant à délimiter les « vrais » think tanks de ceux qui ne le seraient pas. L'auteur invite, au contraire, à renverser la perspective pour saisir les think tanks à travers leur dépendance.

La démarche engagée par les auteurs vise à décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation et ... more La démarche engagée par les auteurs vise à décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation et d'enracinement de l'ordre politique européen, c'est-à-dire observer la promotion de l'Europe hors ou loin de "Bruxelles". En contrepoint de l'éclairage plus classique apporté sur les "entrepreneurs d'Europe", il s'agit ici d'explorer l'univers des "petits entrepreneurs d'Europe", ces acteurs statutairement extérieurs aux institutions de l'UE mais mobilisés pour la cause intégrationniste, multipliant les initiatives pour exposer, expliquer, édifier l'Europe et donc la rendre légitime.

Alors que l'Union européenne traverse une série d'épreuves avec la gestion du dossier du Brexit, ... more Alors que l'Union européenne traverse une série d'épreuves avec la gestion du dossier du Brexit, qui s'ajoute à la crise économique et aux drames des migrants, le cas des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale invite à saisir ces évolutions sous un angle particulier. Les succès électoraux de formations conservatrices et nationalistes, diffusant des discours xénophobes, ne sont, certes, pas une particularité des pays de la région. Mais, depuis 2005, les discours autoritaires qui tendent à remettre en question certains principes de la démocratie libérale sont produits et diffusés directement par des responsables des exécutifs de ces pays. Sans chercher à puiser dans des métaphores peu heuristiques de « vague » nationaliste ou de « contagion » populiste, il s'agit d'offrir ici quelques clés de lecture de ces positionnements politiques radicaux.

L’adhésion à l’Union européenne des dix nouveaux pays membres issus d’Europe centrale et oriental... more L’adhésion à l’Union européenne des dix nouveaux pays
membres issus d’Europe centrale et orientale et de la Méditerranée, survenue le 1er mai 2004, invite à un approfondissement des recherches menées sur les réformes politiques et institutionnelles effectuées dans ces pays sous l’impact du facteur européen, en les associant à la réflexion sur l’intégration européenne. Ce basculement fonde la nécessité d’un renouvellement épistémologique des études de l’Union européenne élargie, en développant des approches moins centrées sur le caractère asymétrique des relations entre les anciens et les nouveaux États membres et plus tournées vers leur interdépendance.

Європа та іï болісні минувшини, 2009

The German-Polish debate on the project for a 'Centre against Expulsions' provides an opportunity... more The German-Polish debate on the project for a 'Centre against Expulsions' provides an opportunity to analyse the different strategies for dealing with the past. The initiative, launched by the German Union of Expellees (Bund der Vertriebenen, BdV) in 1999, illustrates the attempts by this interest group to occupy the public sphere in the context of EU enlargement. This agenda-setting exercise generated extensive public debate and obliged politicians in both countries to take a stand on the project. This chapter analyses the transformations in the political use of a painful past in the public arena: on the one hand, in Germany, the thematisation of the suffering of forcibly displaced populations is no longer the prerogative of the most conservative right-wing; on the other hand, this affair allows Polish conservatives to feed the fear of the 'German threat' both to legitimise themselves and to disqualify their competitors. Finally, to clarify the issues at stake in this controversy, we need to consider the broader context of historiographical debates.

Faire, défaire la démocratie. De Moscou, Bogota et Téhéran au Conseil de l’Europe, 2021

La frontière entre « démocratie » et « autoritarisme » est constitutive de nos représentations de... more La frontière entre « démocratie » et « autoritarisme » est constitutive
de nos représentations de l’ordre politique international, de l’univers de valeurs sur lequel les démocraties fondent leur légitimité interne et internationale, ainsi que des catégories de la science politique. Pourtant, cette frontière apparaît aujourd’hui de moins en moins stable alors que l’idée d’une expansion continue de la démocratie dans le monde est régulièrement battue en brèche. D’une part, l’actualité brûlante vient nous rappeler l’expansion, voire le durcissement des régimes et des pratiques autoritaires, comme en témoignent notamment les cas de la Turquie et de la Russie, les atteintes à l’État de droit en Hongrie ou en Pologne, les évolutions dans certains pays du continent africain et d’Amérique latine, mais aussi les remises en question des libertés publiques et des droits fondamentaux dans différents pays occidentaux considérés comme des démocraties libérales. D’autre part, les pratiques de légitimation des pouvoirs autoritaires et des régimes démocratiques tendent à se brouiller sous l’effet de rapprochements, d’emprunts mutuels et de chevauchements.

German political foundations, which are the richest and most active in Europe, often serve as a r... more German political foundations, which are the richest and most active in Europe, often serve as a reference to their counterparts and to think tanks in other countries. The history of these foundations is linked to the Cold War, as they were commissioned by the German government – from the 1950s onwards – to intervene in Africa and Latin America in order to fight “communist influences” in these regions. They subsequently expanded their activities in Asia, Europe and the United States. Having ties to the political parties represented in the Bundestag, political foundations maintain an informal dialogue with elites from over a hundred countries. Paradoxically, while they like to appear as independent or even private foundations, they are almost entirely financed by public funds.
This book traces back the emergence of these para-diplomatic organisations. It analyses their internationalisation strategies, focusing on Central-East European countries (particularly Poland). It analyses the way in which, owing to their double roots – in the German political field and in foreign policy administration – the foundations have become major actors of German foreign policy. The empirical work is based on 140 interviews and on the analysis of numerous archives. The book sheds new light on German foreign policy, international democracy assistance, transnational party cooperation and the EU Eastern enlargement.

Warum ist das Institut für Nationales Gedächtnis – IPN (das Pendant zur Gauck-Behörde) erst 1998 ... more Warum ist das Institut für Nationales Gedächtnis – IPN (das Pendant zur Gauck-Behörde) erst 1998 gegründet worden? Welche Zusammenhänge bestehen zwischen dem Verlauf der politischen Wende in Deutschland bzw. in Polen, der Entscheidung über die Aktenöffnung und der jeweiligen Geschichtsschreibung? Warum wurden in Deutschland die Rechte der Betroffenen, in Polen dagegen die Rechte der Forscher in den Vordergrund gestellt? Wie war und ist der Umgang mit der kommunistischen Vergangenheit in beiden Ländern?
In diesem Sammelband, der in deutsch-polnisch-französischer Zusammenarbeit entstanden ist, werden diese und andere Fragen am Beispiel des Umgangs mit den Geheimpolizeiarchiven in Deutschland und in Polen erörtert.
Neben ausführlichen Darstellungen zu den Akten verwaltenden Institutionen und der jeweiligen Gesetzgebung bietet der Band zahlreiche Beiträge über die Entwicklung der deutschen und polnischen Historiographie über die Geheimdienste und die kommunistische Periode. Er wird durch Beiträge ergänzt, die die Politisierung der Debatten über den Umgang mit den Geheimpolizeiarchiven reflektieren und dabei generelle Dimensionen der Aufarbeitung der Zeitgeschichte offen legen. Zugleich wird die Wechselbeziehung zwischen Geschichtswissenschaft, kollektivem Gedächtnis und Politik ausdiskutiert, und zwar am Beispiel der Spannungen zwischen Staat, Wissenschaftlern und Bürgern in ihrem Umgang mit der kommunistischen Periode.

Gouvernance, 2018

This special issue analyses the transnational power relations at the EU’s periphery from a politi... more This special issue analyses the transnational power relations at the EU’s periphery from a political sociology angle. Regardless of the country’s degree of integration into the EU institutional order, the contributions grasp the evolving relationships between EU institutions, domestic policy makers and individual entrepreneurs who interfere in these relations. Comparing various case studies – from Tunisia, Estonia, Ukraine and Jordan – offer a broader reflection on the political, administrative and social effects of the EU’s programmes in these countries.

European Journal of Higher Education, Jan 2015

Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest, Mar 2014

Revue d'études comparatives Est-Ouest, 2014, vol. 45 n° 1, pp. 5-19

Politique européenne, 2011

Ce dossier thématique propose de décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation de l'ordre po... more Ce dossier thématique propose de décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation de l'ordre politique européen en observant la promotion de l'Europe 'hors' ou 'loin' de Bruxelles. Il s'agit d'explorer l'univers des 'petits entrepreneurs de l'Europe', statutairement extérieurs aux institutions de l'UE mais mobilisés pour la cause intégrationniste.

Politique européenne, 2005

Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour L'Harmattan.

Critique internationale, 2017

The present article examines how international organisations that are statutorily active or reput... more The present article examines how international organisations that are statutorily active or reputed to be competent in the educational domain construct and disseminate their recommendations in the higher education sector. These recommendations are diverse. In addition to emphasising ‘skills’ and ‘quality assurance’ and promoting graduate’ employability’, they often underscore ‘best practices’, which this article critically examines as a paradoxical notion. Since education is among a state’s formal prerogatives, in principle, the recommendations of international organisations are optional, not obligatory. In certain conditions, however, they generate mechanisms that render them compulsory. In practice, recourse to ‘best practices’ reveals itself to be a catchall dispositif mobilised by international organisations for self-legitimisation to better assert their authority over a domain in which their power is legally restricted.

Revue internationale de politique comparée, 2022

Cet article propose de réexaminer la thèse de la circulation transnationale des dispositifs d’act... more Cet article propose de réexaminer la thèse de la circulation transnationale des dispositifs d’action publique relatifs à l’enseignement supérieur en prenant en compte à la fois les cadres internationaux de réforme et leur réception dans des espaces nationaux. L’attention portée aux relations entre les organisations internationales (OI) – Conseil de l’Europe, OCDE, UNESCO ainsi que la Commission européenne – permet d’interroger les stratégies qu’elles déploient pour maintenir leur autorité dans un domaine qui relève des prérogatives historiques des États. Le cas de l’enseignement supérieur, secteur d’action publique secondaire dans l’espace transnational, offre un prisme heuristique pour analyser les relations de dépendance des OI vis-à-vis des États et d’autres bailleurs de fonds. Or, la relative fragilité du positionnement des OI dans ce domaine ne les empêche pas de développer des dispositifs ambitieux pour comparer les systèmes nationaux et mesurer leur performance. Les recommandations construites dans l’espace transnational trouvent une résonance dans les espaces nationaux analysés (français, polonais et ukrainien). C’est cette double énigme que l’article interroge à l’appui d’une enquête empirique multisituée.

Politix, 2020

This article analyses the expansion strategies of the European Commission in the higher education... more This article analyses the expansion strategies of the European Commission in the higher education (HE) field, focusing on its relationship with the organisations representing European academia (universities, students, quality assurance agencies) within the Bologna Process. It investigates the conditions under which these organisations were created and championed and shows how the Commission promotes the emergence of a Europeanised expertise on HE through the funding it offers. Beyond common sense ideas on cooperation and convergence in HE, I analyse the power relations in this transnational field and the way in which recurrent criticisms are played down and dodged. By emphasizing the trajectories and practices of these groups’ members, the article sheds new light on their contribution to HE policy-making in Europe.

Journal of International Relations and Development, 2022

This article engages in the discussion on international organisations as global players. IOs appe... more This article engages in the discussion on international organisations as global players. IOs appear as paradoxical arenas of regulatory cooperation. Although they have been perceived as influential, they operate with unequal resources and tend to be increasingly contested. While acknowledging their role in transnational policy framing, the article discusses the power of IOs critically. It stresses their dependence (on states and external funds) and analyses how these organisations attempt to remain relevant policy players. The case of the transnational governance of higher education as a secondary policy field sheds light on the relations between international and European organisations (Council of Europe, European Commission, OECD, UNESCO, the World Bank). In order to explain how IOs that face limited financial resources seek to maintain their position in transnational policymaking, the demonstration highlights the material, practical and ideational aspects of interorganisational coordination. The article is based on empirical research conducted in several countries: over 50 semistructured qualitative interviews, archives of main IOs, and institutional documents.

AOC. Analyse Opinion Critique, 2020

In countries engaged on an authoritarian path, the pandemic constitutes a threat not only to cert... more In countries engaged on an authoritarian path, the pandemic constitutes a threat not only to certain freedoms, but also to fundamental democratic rules. The COVID-19 crisis has reinforced political tensions in Central and Eastern European countries. In Hungary, the emergency legislation that has enabled the Prime minister Viktor Orbán to rule by decree has stirred outrage. The Polish political field sank in a legal chaos on the eve of the presidential election, scheduled on 10 May 2020 and eventually postponed. This contribution analyses the exercise of power by leaders who have openly declared their country to be an ‘illiberal democracy’.

This contribution examines the domestic reinterpretations of international and European recommend... more This contribution examines the domestic reinterpretations of international and European recommendations in Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It asks under what conditions these institutional recommendations, but also global processes such as the university rankings, affect domestic public policies. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which have experienced a far-reaching reform process since 1989, have been particularly affected by new standards promoted at the European and international level. The article shows that the combined external and domestic pressures affect HEI in multiple and sometimes contradictory ways. Based on the Polish and Ukrainian cases, it reassesses the (party) political factor in the reorientation of HE reforms. It shows that Europeanization and internationalization are neither uniform nor linear processes. Ultimately, the announced diversification of HEI appears as a longer-term process whose outcome remains uncertain.

Au mois de septembre 2014, le New York Times révélait, sur le mode du scandale, que de nombreux t... more Au mois de septembre 2014, le New York Times révélait, sur le mode du scandale, que de nombreux think tanks situés à Washington recevaient des sommes importantes des gouvernements étrangers pour produire des études conformes à leurs intérêts. Ce constat, qui provoqua de vives réactions, invite à découvrir la brillante analyse de Thomas Medvetz consacrée au phénomène des think tanks aux États-Unis, basée sur de nombreuses sources archivistiques ainsi que sur quarante-quatre entretiens. L'ouvrage, bienvenu dans un contexte où les organismes qualifiés de think tanks se multiplient en Europe, tout comme les études qui leur sont consacrées, offre un regard renouvelé sur ce phénomène. Le postulat — autoproclamé — de l'indépendance des think tanks (à l'égard du champ politique, économique, académique, médiatique) est d'emblée écarté. Le lecteur échappe ainsi à l'énumération, récurrente dans les travaux existants, visant à délimiter les « vrais » think tanks de ceux qui ne le seraient pas. L'auteur invite, au contraire, à renverser la perspective pour saisir les think tanks à travers leur dépendance.

La démarche engagée par les auteurs vise à décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation et ... more La démarche engagée par les auteurs vise à décentrer le regard sur le travail de légitimation et d'enracinement de l'ordre politique européen, c'est-à-dire observer la promotion de l'Europe hors ou loin de "Bruxelles". En contrepoint de l'éclairage plus classique apporté sur les "entrepreneurs d'Europe", il s'agit ici d'explorer l'univers des "petits entrepreneurs d'Europe", ces acteurs statutairement extérieurs aux institutions de l'UE mais mobilisés pour la cause intégrationniste, multipliant les initiatives pour exposer, expliquer, édifier l'Europe et donc la rendre légitime.

Alors que l'Union européenne traverse une série d'épreuves avec la gestion du dossier du Brexit, ... more Alors que l'Union européenne traverse une série d'épreuves avec la gestion du dossier du Brexit, qui s'ajoute à la crise économique et aux drames des migrants, le cas des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale invite à saisir ces évolutions sous un angle particulier. Les succès électoraux de formations conservatrices et nationalistes, diffusant des discours xénophobes, ne sont, certes, pas une particularité des pays de la région. Mais, depuis 2005, les discours autoritaires qui tendent à remettre en question certains principes de la démocratie libérale sont produits et diffusés directement par des responsables des exécutifs de ces pays. Sans chercher à puiser dans des métaphores peu heuristiques de « vague » nationaliste ou de « contagion » populiste, il s'agit d'offrir ici quelques clés de lecture de ces positionnements politiques radicaux.

L’adhésion à l’Union européenne des dix nouveaux pays membres issus d’Europe centrale et oriental... more L’adhésion à l’Union européenne des dix nouveaux pays
membres issus d’Europe centrale et orientale et de la Méditerranée, survenue le 1er mai 2004, invite à un approfondissement des recherches menées sur les réformes politiques et institutionnelles effectuées dans ces pays sous l’impact du facteur européen, en les associant à la réflexion sur l’intégration européenne. Ce basculement fonde la nécessité d’un renouvellement épistémologique des études de l’Union européenne élargie, en développant des approches moins centrées sur le caractère asymétrique des relations entre les anciens et les nouveaux États membres et plus tournées vers leur interdépendance.

The work of the German political foundations has an important European dimension due to their pre... more The work of the German political foundations has an important European dimension due to their presence in Brussels and to their support to pro-European elites in the partner countries. While this European investment is usually presented as a consensual issue, this contribution sheds light on the tensions and paradoxes that it may cause in some configurations. The article analyses the foundations’ investment in transnational party networks and their implication in regime changes in Europe. The Ukrainian case is used to show the limits of the political foundations’ action.

European Journal of Higher Education, Jan 2015

This introductory article deals with higher education (HE) transformations in Central and Eastern... more This introductory article deals with higher education (HE) transformations in Central and Eastern Europe in the context of democratization and globalization. The authors first briefly survey the wider canvas of reform since 1989, particularly probing the extent to which the countries of the region may be treated as a distinctive or a cohesive group. Diverging experiences with communism, international organizations and the European Union are highlighted, while attention is also focused on the differing degrees of marketization exhibited by academic systems across the region. Yet, notwithstanding such differences, it is clear that the countries of the region emerge as distinctive ‘laboratories of reform’, privileged sites for understanding the interplay of external and domestic influences in the reshaping of the HE sector. Drawing on the findings of our contributors, the second part of the article then turns to understanding the domestic mediation of the processes of Europeanization and internationalization, identifying a series of key factors broadly discussed in terms of structures, norms and actors. This special issue thus aims to refine our understanding of HE transformations and internationalization in a post-authoritarian context. It further contributes more generally to debates on Europeanization and policy transfer in the field.

Higher Education, 2015

While the Europeanisation of Higher Education (HE) systems has triggered much debate, the relatio... more While the Europeanisation of Higher Education (HE) systems has triggered much debate, the relationship between European factors and domestic economic processes, has been less thoroughly analysed. This article analyses HE reforms in the light of two
parallel processes, which have shaped this sector: the introduction of market mechanisms and a gradual Europeanisation. The Polish HE makes a good case study of the relationship between both processes as it has been shaped by the contingencies inherent to the establishment of a liberal economic regime. Another set of inputs originated from the conditionality of the EU accession process, which coincided with the launching of the Bologna
Process. While the post-communist transformations entailed the large-scale privatisation of the HE system, the Bologna Process defined the role of the sector as supporting a ‘knowledge-based economy’, an agenda promoted by the Lisbon strategy and international institutions in the field. Trying to combine the study of policy practice and narratives this article takes into account the legislative outcomes as well as the reform debates based both on economic arguments and on the necessity to ‘catch up with Europe’.

Avant-Propos, Mar 2014

Cet article introductif au dossier thématique revient sur les transformations de l’enseignement s... more Cet article introductif au dossier thématique revient sur les transformations de l’enseignement supérieur en Europe centrale et orientale, principalement depuis 1989. Si elles rejoignent dans l’ensemble les dynamiques observées dans d’autres régions, avec la massification des études universitaires notamment, ces évolutions sont marquées par des particularités liées à la recomposition des secteurs public et privé ou à l’articulation entre les transformations post-communistes de l’État et les dynamiques impulsées par les organisations internationales et européennes. Ce numéro propose une perspective sociologique axée sur l’étude des experts et autres « entrepreneurs académiques » qui ont contribué à la reconfiguration des institutions et des disciplines universitaires, perspective souvent délaissée dans les travaux actuels sur les réformes de l’enseignement supérieur.

Journal of Public Policy, 2009

This article aims to contribute to bridging the gap between the analysis of networks in European ... more This article aims to contribute to bridging the gap between the analysis of networks in European politics and policy-making. Recently, the European Commission took significant steps towards the recognition of political party foundations at EU level. Firstly, it has agreed to recognize them as actors of European development policies. Secondly, it has launched a proposal leading to the creation of political foundations at EU level, linked to the European political parties. This article analyses the reasons, modalities and potential impact of this process, which signifies a breakthrough in comparison with the Commission’s previous attitude towards party affiliated organisations. For the foundations network-building turns out to have been a crucial means to attain legitimacy and access to the European institutions: firstly, through the mobilisation of political entrepreneurs in the European Parliament lobbying the Commission and Council representatives; and secondly, by linking the future role of non-state actors like political foundations to the reconsideration of the EU’s communication policy.

The impact of European integration on party politics has elicited a growing research interest. A ... more The impact of European integration on party politics has elicited a growing research interest. A sociological approach, focused on power relations and the redistribution of political resources by actors referring to ‘Europe’ has recently opened new research perspectives. This article considers to what extent the use of the reference to European integration has enabled conservative and radical Polish political parties on the right – such as the Law and Justice (PiS) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) – to modulate their position in relationship with other parties. The uses of European references will be analysed both in the transnational and the domestic political field, in order to discuss whether – and under what conditions – the critical reference to European integration may appear as a resource that enables the strengthening of the radical party leaders’ discourse and visibility on the eve and in the aftermath of accession. The article argues that taking into account the domestic context, the relations between the political parties and the temporal dimension are necessary preconditions of a valid demonstration.

When analyzing the involvement of external actors in revolutionary changes, the case of German po... more When analyzing the involvement of external actors in revolutionary changes, the case of German political foundations leads us to broaden the time scale. Strongly embedded in the post-World War II institutional context these foundations managed to develop strategies for partisan cooperation on various continents. Examining their involvement in Central Europe before and after 1989 sheds light on relations between Western organisations and dissident movements. By focusing on how these foundations were embedded in German politics, we see that support for democracy abroad, far from being a consensual matter, could lead to conflicting interpretations at home.

Relations Internationales, 2006

Les fondations partisanes allemandes dans le contexte de l'élargissement : transfert institutionn... more Les fondations partisanes allemandes dans le contexte de l'élargissement : transfert institutionnel et diffusion de récits européens

This contribution analyses the political uses of the past in the German-Polish relations in the c... more This contribution analyses the political uses of the past in the German-Polish relations in the context of the EU enlargement

Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, vol. 45, special issue « West-Ost-Verständigung im Spannungsfeld von Gesellschaft und Staat seit den 1960er Jahren », p. 325-352., 2005

Der Beitrag ist ein Versuch, die Arbeit der Stiftungen in Polen im Spannungsfeld der Ostpolitik ... more Der Beitrag ist ein Versuch, die Arbeit der Stiftungen in Polen im Spannungsfeld der Ostpolitik zu historisieren und zu kontextualisieren. Es werden die unterschiedlichen Wahrnehmungen der teilnehmenden Akteure, vor allem der deutschen Stiftungsvertreter und ihrer polnischen Partner in Betracht gezogen. Hinzu kommen die Ebene der politischen und administrativen Hierarchie sowie, am Rande, die ost-deutschen und polnischen Geheimdienste mit ihrer besonderen Sicht und Sprache. Der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung wird die meiste Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet, da sie unter den deutschen politischen Stiftungen die erste war, die noch in der Anfangsphase der Ostpolitik ihre Tätigkeit in Polen aufnahm. Es wird aber auch die Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung einbezogen, die in den 1980er-Jahren in ein gewisses Konkurrenzverhältnis zu der FES trat. Es geht darum, die entstandenen Affinitäten und Loyalitäten zu hinterfragen, aber auch gewisse Erschwernisse und Spannungen, die manche Beziehungen bis in die Zeit nach 1989 belastet haben. Dies erlaubt, das Moment des Systemwechsels zu relativieren.

Der Beitrag stützt sich auf bisher nicht erforschte schriftliche Quellen aus dem Archiv des Instituts für Nationales Gedächtnis (IPN), Materialien der PVAP aus dem Archiv der Neuen Akten (AAN) in Polen und Archivgut der politischen Stiftungen.

The Impact of Covid-19 on the Institutional Fabric of Higher Education , 2023

The chapter tackles the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on French higher education (HE), focusing... more The chapter tackles the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on French higher education (HE), focusing on the growing differentiation between higher education institutions (HEIs). The first part reflects on the current system and investigates how the central political level (Ministry of HE), alongside the President, framed policy during the crisis. France has a highly centralised yet dynamic decision-making process: no fewer than five consecutive adaptations to the teaching system took place during 2020-2021. In the second part, responses at the meso level are analysed, considering variables such as size and funding levels to ascertain the level of (pro)reactivity and room for manoeuvre of different HEIs, including public, private, and ‘elite’ sub-systems. The chapter applies the lens of public policy analysis centred on process tracing combined with classic organisational analysis. Data is drawn from both survey and qualitative datasets as well as a desktop analysis of official documents related to the frameworks in which HEI have had to operate. Finally, the chapter reflects on how contextual parameters (historical trajectories, systemic funding inequalities, the division between selective and less selective undergraduate programmes) have made some HEIs more vulnerable in the face of the crisis. It concludes by suggesting potentially lasting effects of the pandemic on the future HE landscape, critically reflecting on equity-related dimensions such as accessibility in the context of growing inequality.

Networks in European Multi-Level Governance. From 1945 to the Present, 2009

The analysis of transnational networks involving the political foundations appears as a relativel... more The analysis of transnational networks involving the political foundations appears as a relatively under researched area in the study of European integration. However, some of these foundations have a long existence in Europe and the field has known some important developments in the past several years. While countries like Germany have a longstanding tradition of publicly financed party foundations, most European countries did not develop this kind of structure until the 1990s. The creation of new political foundations and their enhanced networking in recent years is a result of their involvement in the Eastern enlargement of the EU in 2004. Some of these political foundations affiliated with the European party federations – and especially the German ones – played an active role in identifying relevant political partners in candidate countries. Subsequently, the foundations observed, legitimized and socialized the political parties from these countries. The organizational forms of political party foundations mushroomed in Europe during the 1990. This chapter analyses the first initiatives of pooling resources attempted under the auspices of the European transnational party federations. It takes into account the British, Dutch, Austrian, German, French and Swedish party / political foundations.

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, 2019

Whether higher education (HE) can be defined as a European Union (EU) policy has been matter of d... more Whether higher education (HE) can be defined as a European Union (EU) policy has been matter of debate. Formally, education is still a domestic prerogative, and in principle, the EU can only support and supplement national governments’ initiatives in the sector. Yet, this official division of tasks has been challenged in many ways over the last decades. First, the history of European integration shows that the European community took an early interest in educational matters. The Treaty of Rome established a community competency on vocational training. Subsequently, the European Commission framed HE and vocational training as two entangled policies. Second, the EU institutions, the member states, and noninstitutional actors have coordinated in innovative ways, through soft governance processes promoted by the Bologna Process and the EU Lisbon—and later Europe 2020—strategy, to impose a European HE governance based on standards and comparison. Third, the study of HE requires going beyond an EU-centric perspective, with international organizations such as the OECD and the Council of Europe cooperating closely with the European Commission. HE has been increasingly shaped by global trends, such as the increased competition between universities. The mechanisms of European HE policy change have elicited academic debates. Three main explanations have been put forward: the power of instruments and standards, the impact of the Commission’s funding schemes, and the influence of interconnected experts, stakeholders and networks. Domestic translations of European recommendations are highly diverse and reveal a gap between formal adaptations and local practices. Twenty years after the Bologna declaration, the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) presents a mixed picture. On the one hand, increased mobility and the growing interconnectedness of academic schemes facilitate the launch of ambitious projects such as the “European universities.” On the other hand, concerns are periodically raised about the growing bureaucratization of the process and the widening gap between the small world of the Brussels stakeholders and everyday academic practices in EHEA participant countries. Paradoxically, smaller and non-EU countries have been more actively involved in advancing the EHEA than large, older EU member states.

Decentring European Governance, 2019

By its very nature, higher education governance in the EU is a decentred policy sector. On the on... more By its very nature, higher education governance in the EU is a decentred policy sector. On the one hand, the EU plays a merely supportive role while the Member States retain their formal prerogatives over this policy area. On the other hand, according to the principle of university autonomy, government intervention in the universities’ organisational, financial and academic functioning should be limited. Since the launch of the Lisbon Strategy, the European Commission has played an increasing role in supporting and directly participating in the formally intergovernmental Bologna Process. Based on empirical fieldwork carried out in Poland, Ukraine, France and Brussels this paper sheds light on the roles of expert groups which have been launched and supported by the European Commission: the Bologna Experts and Higher Education Reform Experts. The paper advances two major claims. First, these education experts are brokers between domestic and European political fields. By supporting these individuals, the European Commission seeks to generate its own clientele, a professional group that will promote European policies at the domestic level. Second, a comparison between the three country cases shows significant differences in the practices, position and narratives of expert groups.

Routledge, 2019

Conforming neither to the hierarchical and bureaucratic organization of the European nation-state... more Conforming neither to the hierarchical and bureaucratic organization of the European nation-state nor the anarchical structure of international organizations, the European Union (EU) and its predecessors provide an exemplary site for developing a decentred approach to the study of governance.

The book offers an analysis of the formation and transformation of the EU as an example of governance above the nation-state and is framed by the recognition that the construction of the EU has resulted in variegated and decentred forms of governance. The chapters look at distinct aspects of EU governance to bring to light the influence of elite narratives, scientific rationalities, local traditions and meaningful practices in the making and remaking of European governance. As such, each chapter offers a unique contribution to the study of the EU. In doing so, the book challenges dominant narratives of European integration and policymaking that appeal to reified rationalities and social structures, and uncovers the contingency and conflict endemic to European governance.

This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union politics, European politics/studies, governance and, more broadly, to public management, international organizations, anthropology and sociology.

Available from: https://www.routledge.com/Decentring-European-Governance-1st-Edition/Bevir-Phillips/p/book/9780815381815

Handbook of European Policies: Interpretive Approaches to the EU , 2018

The chapter sheds light on the construction of a European higher education policy. Beginning with... more The chapter sheds light on the construction of a European higher education policy. Beginning with the historical context, we stress the importance of the intellectual and political climate that has led EU member states to reconsider their national take on educational policies and to contemplate joint action. We then take a closer look at the structural arrangements and actor constellations that have developed over time and explain some of the political intricacies of European higher education policy. Interpretive accounts of educational policy making enable us to capture the emergence and transnational circulation of narratives concerning higher education reform as well as to understand why European governments feel increasingly bound by rules developed outside of the realm of domestic policy.

The case of Central and Eastern European Countries – especially Poland – invites us to reconsider... more The case of Central and Eastern European Countries – especially Poland – invites us to reconsider the temporal and political aspects of the reconfiguration of Higher Education with regard to austerity measures. The financial crisis of 2007/2008 cannot be viewed as the main trigger of this sector’s redesign, for two main reasons. First, the Polish economy has not been hit by this economic turmoil as hard as some West European countries. Secondly, the structural austerity measures which have affected the country’s public sector followed the 1989 fall of the Communist regime and the ‘shock therapy’ implemented by the first democratic governments. These neo-liberal policy measures set up in the beginning of the 1990s have led to a far-reaching privatisation of Higher Education. Still, the new liberal government elected in 2007 undertook several important measures to reform the Higher Education systems in the name of competitiveness, diversification and excellence.

in : Elisabeth Lambert Abdelgawad et Hélène Michel (Eds.), Dictionnaire des acteurs de l’Europe, Dec 2014

Also sometimes called “laboratories of ideas,” think tanks have attracted a growing attention fro... more Also sometimes called “laboratories of ideas,” think tanks have attracted a growing attention from scholars as they are increasingly visible in the public space. The term tends to be used to describe formally autonomous organizations that produce political expertise, particularly in the field of public policy. However, their relations with public authorities, with the academic field and with the media vary and deserve analysis on a case-by-case basis. The same applies to the uses of the term “think tank”, which involve strategies of positioning and of legitimization.

in : Elisabeth Lambert Abdelgawad et Hélène Michel (dir.), Dictionnaire des acteurs de l’Europe, Dec 2014

Addressing the enlargement of the European Union (EU) with a focus on its actors raises two main ... more Addressing the enlargement of the European Union (EU) with a focus on its actors raises two main analytical challenges. The first relates to the premise that this process is more than a chronology and a set of procedures and instruments. This entails treating the enlargement not only as a technical process but also as a social process involving complex power relations. The second challenge lies in defining who the actors of the enlargement are. Two main categories can be distinguished. First, the institutional and governmental actors formally frame the process in that they are the ones deciding how to proceed, negotiating on the chapters of the acquis and ratifying the accession treaties. Then, there are also actors that do not necessarily have an official status in the accession negotiations but are nevertheless involved in different ways.

Dictionary of European actors, 2015

Addressing the enlargement of the European Union (EU) with a focus on its actors raises two main ... more Addressing the enlargement of the European Union (EU) with a focus on its actors raises two main analytical challenges. The first relates to the premise that this process is more than a chronology and a set of procedures and instruments. This entails treating the enlargement not only as a technical process but also as a social process involving complex power relations. The second challenge lies in defining who the actors of the enlargement are.

in: Hélène Michel, Élisabeth Lambert Abdelgawad (Eds.), Dictionary of European actors, 2015

Also sometimes called “laboratories of ideas,” think tanks have attracted a growing attention fro... more Also sometimes called “laboratories of ideas,” think tanks have attracted a growing attention from scholars as they are increasingly visible in the public space. They have often been studied within a national framework, without a single universal definition. However, their relations with public authorities, with the academic field and with the media (including the European media) vary and deserve analysis on a case-by-case basis. The same applies to the uses of the term “think tank”, which involve strategies of positioning and of legitimization.

in: Hélène Michel, Élisabeth Lambert Abdelgawad (Eds.), Dictionary of European actors, p. 287-290., 2015

While political foundations are little known actors of the European public space, they deserve co... more While political foundations are little known actors of the European public space, they deserve consideration on several accounts. First, studying them allows us to analyze how European institutions recognize actors that are not among their usual contacts. Then, reflecting on the close ties between these foundations and political parties at the European level enriches knowledge of transnational transfers and networks.

Céline Belot, Paul Magnette, Sabine Saurugger (Eds.), Science politique de l’Europe, p. 355-374 , 2008

This contribution presents the state of the art of the EU enlargement research and opens further ... more This contribution presents the state of the art of the EU enlargement research and opens further analytical perspectives.

in : Tero Erkkilä (ed.), Global University Rankings: Challenges for European Higher Education. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, p. 107-123., Oct 2013

The arguments for the need to catch up with Western universities have been the main tenets of the... more The arguments for the need to catch up with Western universities have been the main tenets of the reforms of the Polish Higher Education (HE) since 1989. This argument was reinforced by the conditionality of the EU accession, which coincided with the launch of the Bologna Process. The chapter highlights the main arguments in the debates on the HE reform and focuses on the actors who have introduced the ranking issue. While the idea of creating ‘flagship universities’ was very present during these debates, the approved legislative acts seek for a growing differentiation between HEI. The chapter argues that global rankings have had an indirect impact on the recent reforms. It shows that rankings have policy relevance insofar as they are used by experts as legitimizing references.

in: Yves Sintomer, Rudolf Traub-Merz, Junhua Zhang (dir.), Participatory Budgeting in Asia and Europe - Key Challenges of Deliberative Democracy, Palgrave Macmillan, Hong Kong, p. 198-209, 2013., 2013

This chapter focuses on a local case of participatory budgeting in the Polish city of Płock. 1 Ho... more This chapter focuses on a local case of participatory budgeting in the Polish city of Płock. 1 However, it is of more general interest for two main reasons. First, participatory experiences are rare in Poland. As a pioneer in this field, Płock is often cited as an example or model, not just nationally, but also in Central and Eastern Europe. Second, this case sheds new light on the changing relationship between the public, the private and the non--profit sectors, in a context of systemic transformations marked by neoliberal policies and the retreat of the state.

in: Daniel Gaxie, Nicolas Hubé, Jay Rowell (eds.), Perceptions of Europe. A Comparative Sociology of European Attitudes, Essex, ECPR Press, 2011, p. 85-100., 2011

While the Europeanisation of Higher Education (HE) systems has triggered much debate, the relatio... more While the Europeanisation of Higher Education (HE) systems has triggered much debate, the relationship between European factors and domestic economic processes, has been less thoroughly analysed. This article analyses HE reforms in the light of two parallel processes, which have shaped this sector: the introduction of market mechanisms and a gradual Europeanisation. The Polish HE makes a good case study of the relationship between both processes as it has been shaped by the contingencies inherent to the establishment of a liberal economic regime. Another set of inputs originated from the conditionality of the EU accession process, which coincided with the launching of the Bologna Process. While the post-communist transformations entailed the large-scale privatisation of the HE system, the Bologna Process defined the role of the sector as supporting a ‘knowledge-based economy’, an agenda promoted by the Lisbon strategy and international institutions in the field. Trying to combine the study of policy practice and narratives this article takes into account the legislative outcomes as well as the reform debates based both on economic arguments and on the necessity to ‘catch up with Europe’.

in: Daniel Gaxie, Nicolas Hubé, Jay Rowell (eds.), Perceptions of Europe. A Comparative Sociology of European Attitudes, Essex, ECPR Press, 2011, p. 101-118., 2011

in: La démocratie participative inachevée. Genèses, adaptations, diffusions, edited by Marie-Hélène Bacqué and Yves Sintomer (with Amélie Flamand and Héloïse Nez), 2010

in: Katrin Hammerstein, Ulrich Mählert, Julie Trappe, Edgar Wolfrum, (dirs.), Aufarbeitung der Diktatur – Diktat der Aufarbeitung? Normierungsprozesse beim Umgang mit diktatorischer Vergangenheit, Göttingen, Wallstein Verlag, 2009, p. 86-96., 2009

in : Réné Schwok and Frédéric Mérand (Eds.), L’Union européenne et la sécurité internationale. Théories et pratiques, 2009

Bien que l Union européenne présente volontiers la politique d élargissement comme « sa politique... more Bien que l Union européenne présente volontiers la politique d élargissement comme « sa politique extérieure la plus réussie » 1 , celle-ci constitue un cas à part -voire un cas limite -dans l étude des relations extérieures de l UE. En tant que croisement entre politique étrangère (relations avec des pays non-membres) et politique interne (élaboration de la politique envers ces pays, préparation à l accueil de nouveaux membres), l élargissement occupe une place ambiguë dans les classements spontanés entre sous-disciplines de la science politique. L interrogation sur les outils les plus pertinents pour les études européennes reflète des controverses théoriques sur la nature du système politique européen, ainsi que des différences de méthode entre diverses branches de la science politique -relations internationales, politique comparée, politiques publiques etc. Cette interrogation semble être redoublée dans le cas de l élargissement : bien qu il n entre pas tout à fait dans le champ des relations internationales du fait de ses implications pour l avenir de l Union européenne, ce processus ne semble pas non plus, pour cette Scwok/Union europeenne….indd 143

Depuis le traité de Maastricht, l'intégration européenne a connu des développements considéra... more Depuis le traité de Maastricht, l'intégration européenne a connu des développements considérables, affectant les systèmes politiques et la vie politique des États membres, les politiques publiques, les représentations collectives à l'égard de l'Europe, le positionnement de celle-ci dans les relations internationales. La science politique a suivi cette évolution en se saisissant de « l'Europe » dans toutes ses dimensions. Les institutions et politiques de l'Union européenne, les comportements et stratégies politiques qu'elle suscite ont ainsi fait l'objet de très nombreuses recherches et de controverses scientifiques complexes qui rendaient nécessaire un état des lieux de la mobilisation politologique sur l'intégration européenne. C'est l'objet de Science politique de l'Union européenne. À travers de grandes entrées thématiques, cet ouvrage analyse les travaux consacrés au système politique européen, à ses institutions et à ses acteurs (éli...

Vingtieme Siecle-revue D Histoire, 2008

Distribution électronique Cairn pour les Presses de Sciences Po. © Presses de Sciences Po. Tous d... more Distribution électronique Cairn pour les Presses de Sciences Po. © Presses de Sciences Po. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.

Genèses, 2003

Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Belin. © Belin. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La... more Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Belin. © Belin. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.

La relative ouverture, a l'heure actuelle, des archives des polices secretes des regimes comm... more La relative ouverture, a l'heure actuelle, des archives des polices secretes des regimes communistes est, d'abord et avant tout, le resultat de l'articulation entre une volonte citoyenne et une reponse politique apportee a cette derniere. Par volonte citoyenne, on entend la double revendication de chaque personne de savoir si elle a fait l'objet, lors de la periode communiste, d'une surveillance policiere et, si c'est le cas, d'acceder a son propre « dossier personnel ». La lecture de ces dossiers, d'une longueur variable selon les cas, revet toujours un caractere hautement emotionnel, et parfois meme traumatisant. Mais, generalement, la volonte de se reapproprier son propre passe est superieure a la « peur de savoir » (Ulrike Poppe). Ainsi, en Allemagne puis en Pologne, ce souci de permettre aux citoyens d'acceder a leurs documents a conduit a la creation d'institutions specifiques, dont la recherche scientifique ou universitaire n'est pas la priorite, et dont aucune ne porte le nom d'« Archives ». La creation de ces institutions a cependant pris, dans les deux pays, une allure bien differente. Dans le cas allemand, la mobilisation des citoyens est-allemands puis le relatif consensus present des la chute du regime quant a l'ouverture des archives ont conduit au vote de la « loi sur les dossiers de la Stasi » (StUG) des le mois de decembre 1991, et a la creation consecutive d'une institution « chargee au niveau federal des documents de la Stasi » (BStU). En Pologne, en revanche, il a fallu attendre le mois de decembre 1998 pour que soit votee une loi du meme type, et cree « l'Institut pour la memoire nationale » (IPN) charge entre autres de l'administration et de la conservation des dossiers de l'ancienne police politique de la Republique populaire. Cette « ouverture citoyenne », rapide dans le cas allemand et plus tardive dans le cas polonais, est etroitement liee aux contextes politiques des deux « transitions democratiques » : une « revolution autolimitee » avec des negociations entre une opposition puissante et le pouvoir, suivie par une continuite etatique en Pologne et la disparition pure et simple de l'Etat est-allemand, absorbe par la Republique federale, en Allemagne. Ces deux contextes politiques ont eu des effets importants sur les differentes voies empruntees par la legislation, les pratiques concretes d'acces aux archives, ainsi que sur les debats historiographiques et sur les recherches portant sur la periode communiste en general (Agnes Bensussan, Dorota Dakowska, Nicolas Beaupre). Douze ans apres l'ouverture des archives du communisme, ce dossier, issu d'un colloque franco-germano-polonais organise au Centre Marc Bloch en avril 2002, souhaite apporter un eclairage sur ces logiques politiques et scientifiques etroitement liees et tenter un bilan des debats scientifiques et du renouvellement historiographique qui ont suivi cette ouverture. En effet, dans le cas allemand en particulier, « l'ouverture citoyenne » des archives de la Stasi a ete a l'origine d'une double illusion. La premiere fut de croire que celle-ci se traduirait par une ouverture totale des fonds aux chercheurs. Thomas Lindenberger montre bien que le choix prioritaire – legitime en soi – de l'acces immediat des citoyens a leurs dossiers a eu des repercussions sur la recherche scientifique. Ainsi, si les chercheurs peuvent acceder a des documents tres recents – ce qui n'aurait pas ete le cas si les archives de la Stasi avaient ete soumises au delai legal de trente ans – si de nombreux documents ont sans doute ete sauves de la destruction par l'ouverture immediate – a la difference du cas polonais ou il est impossible d'evaluer l'ampleur de ces destructions – la BStU est, de fait, loin de satisfaire aux « standards de l'archivistique ». Dans ce contexte, Konrad H. Jarausch plaide pour une « historicisation critique » qui permette a la fois le travail scientifique et la « mise a plat » (Aufarbeitung) du passe. La seconde illusion fut de penser que l'enormite et l'exhaustivite de ces fonds pourraient permettre de traiter de tous les sujets, de faire une histoire totale de la RDA a partir de ces seuls fonds. Or, se limiter aux fonds de la Stasi conduit a reduire la periode communiste a une lutte continue entre deux poles minoritaires, l'opposition et l'appareil de securite, sans tenir compte de l'ensemble du tissu social. T. Lindenberger montre que si le recours aux fonds de la BStU demeure indispensable pour comprendre les logiques de domination de part en part (Durchherrschung) de la societe, il ne peut se faire sans la mobilisation d'autres sources. L'auteur prend notamment l'exemple des archives de la « police traditionnelle », la Volkspolizei ou de celles des organes centraux du Parti et des ministeres. Penser les archives policieres en tant que source, c'est ainsi egalement en interroger la valeur heuristique pour une histoire sociale de la domination qui pourrait etre une alternative a la polarisation entre une histoire…

Politique européenne, 2011

Über die Wahrnehmungen eines politischen Raums (aus dem Französischen von Frank Weigand und Markus Merz)

Politique européenne, 2005

This chapter focuses on a local case of participatory budgeting in the Polish city of Plock. Part... more This chapter focuses on a local case of participatory budgeting in the Polish city of Plock. Participatory experiences are rare in Poland. As pioneer in this field, Plock is often cited as a model. This case sheds new light on the changing relationship between the public, the private and the non-­‐profit sectors, in a context of systemic transformations marked by neoliberal policies and the retreat of the state.

The transformations of higher education (HE) systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have com... more The transformations of higher education (HE) systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have come about as a result of the new liberal economic and political agenda that has prevailed since the fall of communism, combined with the impact of EU accession conditions.
On the eve of accession, the Bologna Process and the Lisbon Strategy made policy makers from candidate states increasingly receptive to European recommendations. This said, the paper challenges existing explanations of Europeanisation as a linear process. It points out
that the transformations of HE institutions have a global dimension, because they have been promoted by international organisations active in the field of education. They have been shaped by global trends such as the growing influence of international rankings. The paper focuses on the domestic uses of external recommendations. It sheds light on domestic actor configurations and games. It shows how policy entrepreneurs make strategic uses of European or other external models according to their priorities. This process may generate tensions and lead to a reconfiguration of power relations. In an attempt to refine the Europeanisation perspective, my paper will examine alternative explanations of the dynamics of change, such as the inspiration drawn from models from outside the EU or references to the narratives of international competition promoted by international organisations.

prisme.u-strasbg.fr

... While the contribution of public interest groups to European policy-making has grown, especia... more ... While the contribution of public interest groups to European policy-making has grown, especially in agenda-setting, the influence of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) is limited by their lack of resources (Dür and De Bièvre 2007). ...

Analysing Political Change beyond the ‘Democratic Backlash’: Uses and Policies of the Past

This section aims at linking the analysis of public policies relative to the past and the politic... more This section aims at linking the analysis of public policies relative to the past and the political uses of history in countries that underwent a regime change. Dealing with the past is an important stake in every newly established regime that may consider the past both through continuities and breaks (Hodgking and Radstone 2003). By analysing public controversies triggered by these policies of the past, this panel seeks to contribute to the international scholarly debate on the (re)definition of democratic and authoritarian regimes and on the dynamics of political change.
In order to go beyond the typological problems raised by terms such as ‘illiberal democracy’ or ‘electoral authoritarianism’ (Schedler 2006; 2013; Börzel, 2015), the section will focus on the boundaries between different regime types and their repertoires of legitimation. It will shed light on regime change through the lens of the policies relative to the past.
These policies come in different kinds: transitional justice, construction or destruction of monuments, museums and other symbols of the past, opening or closing archives, rewriting national history, etc. (Gensburger, Lefranc, 2017). The public controversies triggered by these initiatives may reflect the power relations between majority and opposition (Bensussan & al, 2003) or lead to reconfigurations in institutional arenas (Neumayer, 2018). They may also favour the emergence of alternative memories and sometimes protest movements. The analysis of these controversies as well as of the implementation of policies related to the past (Behr, 2015) sheds light on how those in power seek to legitimate themselves and how they deal (or do not deal) with alternative narratives.
While there is a vast body of scholarly literature on confronting a ‘painful past’ (Mink, Neumayer, 2007), the historicity of European construction (Déloye, 2006), the Europeanization of memory (Gensburger, Lavabre, 2012) and strategic uses of memory as a resource (Mink, Bonnard, 2010), this panel goes beyond the European frame to take into account different contexts in countries that experienced a regime change or authoritarian periods.
While the ‘democratic backlash’ thesis draws on indicators pertaining to political representation and participation and classifies countries as ‘democratic’, ‘authoritarian’ or ‘hybrid’ (Diamond, 2002; Schedler, 2002), we ask how controversies over the past illuminate the relationship between those who govern and the citizens, how a political offer is established and negotiated, and how a sense of political community is fostered.
This panel is not limited to the analysis of professionals of politics; it is open to contributions on the engagement of memory entrepreneurs and representatives of professions (academics, journalists…) in the struggles under study, as well as of groups of citizens. This contextualised analysis should allow to refine general approaches on ‘transitions from authoritarian rule’, ‘transitions to democracy’ or the ‘democratic collapse’ (Tomini, 2017). By analysing the links between the policies of memory and the processes of democratisation or democratic decline, the panel brings a worthwhile contribution to the analysis of system transformations in their complexity.

Contributions are expected to address one or several of the three following themes:
- The evolution of public policies relative to memory linked to the configurations of political fields; the consequences of the opening/closing of archives; attempts to control the work of historians and journalists; how this relates with the dynamics of regime change.
- Controversies in the public sphere; confrontations between political schemes relative to the past and citizen initiatives (academics, associations of victims, memory entrepreneurs), international reactions to legislation on the past, etc.
- Dynamics of definition and redefinition of the past and the present. Legitimation strategies of rulers; struggles over the interpretation and meaning of a dictatorial past or regime change (references to a national narrative, founding fathers, religion, temporalities of democratisation).
The panel welcomes proposals (in English or French) that are empirically robust and grounded in theory, addressing both policies of the past and a regime change and based on single or multiple country case studies. We welcome contributions from various subfields of political science and ask the authors to specify the methodology and fieldwork realised. Abstracts in English or French (800 words max.) must be sent to both panel organisers.

Paper proposals must be sent to each of the panel’s conveners before December 12th 2018