Pavel Rudnev | National Research University “Higher School of Economics” (HSE), Moscow, Russia (original) (raw)

Papers by Pavel Rudnev

The many facets of agreement (P. Caha, P. Rudnev & S. Toldova, Eds.), 2023

Sign Language and Linguistics, 2021

This squib documents exceptions to the main strategy of expressing sentential negation in Russian... more This squib documents exceptions to the main strategy of expressing sentential negation in Russian Sign Language (RSL). The postverbal sentential negation particle in RSL inverts the basic SVO order characteristic of the language turning it into SOV (Pasalskaya 2018a). We show that this reversal requirement under negation is not absolute and does not apply to prosodically heavy object NPs. The resulting picture accords well with the view of RSL word order laid out by Kimmelman (2012) and supports a model of grammar where syntactic computation has access to phonological information (Kremers 2014; Bruening 2019).

Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, 2020

This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light ... more This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light of novel data from Avar. By demonstrating that Avar anaphors trigger full, non-trivial agreement on the φ-probe, I argue that the Avar data instantiate a genuine exception to the AAE. I then compare two competing analyses of binding and the AAE: an account whereby anaphoric dependencies arise via the syntactic operation Agree (Murugesan 2019), and a theory deriving the inability of the anaphors’ φ-features to trigger full agreement from the presence of additional structural layers inside the anaphors that render the features inaccessible (Preminger 2019). I claim that the absence of the AAE in Avar is in line with the encapsulation analysis whereas the Agree-based analysis is unsuccessful.

Journal of Linguistics, 2020

This paper presents two challenges for the analysis of ‘promise’-type verbs within the Movement T... more This paper presents two challenges for the analysis of ‘promise’-type verbs within the Movement Theory of Control. We show that the objects of these verbs in Russian are not prepositional and are incorrectly predicted to be legitimate controllers. We also argue, based on the patterns of polarity licensing, scope licensing and case marking on floating quantifiers, against analysing oblique control as sidewards movement.

Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, 2020

This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light ... more This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light of novel data from Avar. By demonstrating that Avar anaphors trigger full, non-trivial agreement on the φ-probe, I argue that the Avar data instantiate a genuine exception to the AAE. I then compare two competing analyses of binding and the AAE: an account whereby anaphoric dependencies arise via the syntactic operation Agree (Murugesan 2019), and a theory deriving the inability of the anaphors' φ-features to trigger full agreement from the presence of additional structural layers inside the anaphors that render the features inaccessible (Preminger 2019). I claim that the absence of the AAE in Avar is in line with the encapsulation analysis whereas the Agree-based analysis is unsuccessful.

Donum semanticum: Opera linguistica et logica in honorem Barbarae Partee a discipulis amicisque Rossicis oblata, Jun 2015

This note documents a number of restrictions on negation marking in Avar, a Northeast Caucasian l... more This note documents a number of restrictions on negation marking in Avar, a Northeast Caucasian language, and presents a tentative analysis of the observed morphosyntactic facts as having a semantic basis. The two different negation markers are analysed, based on the proposal in Ramchand & Svenonius (2014), as taking complements of a different semantic type.

This paper discusses two morphologically related anaphoric pronouns in Avar (Avar-Andic, Nakh-Dag... more This paper discusses two morphologically related anaphoric pronouns in Avar (Avar-Andic, Nakh-Daghestanian) and proposes that one of them should be treated as a minimal pronoun that receives its interpretation from a λ-operator situated on a phasal head whereas the other is a logophoric pronoun denoting the author of the reported event.

Oslo Studies in Language, Jan 1, 2010

This paper is concerned with the distribution of reflexive and non-reflexive pronouns in local an... more This paper is concerned with the distribution of reflexive and non-reflexive pronouns in local anaphoric configurations in (three dialects of) Russian Sign Language (RSL). We demonstrate that most of the observed facts can be accounted for on a Binding Theory supplemented by a version of the Coreference Rule . We also show that an additional mechanism, coreference via the signing space, is required to explain certain cases of non-complementarity. A related mechanism is proposed to account for similar facts in spoken languages. * This project goes back to the Formal Semantics and Anaphora course taught by Barbara Partee in 2008 in Moscow. We would like to thank her for her discussions and criticisms, and all other participants of said course. We also would like to thank R. Pfau, P. Schlenker and H. Zeevat for their comments on binding in RSL. We also wish to express our gratitude to the audiences at 6th Conference

weblog.leidenuniv.nl

It has become quite customary for researchers working on different aspects of languages without o... more It has become quite customary for researchers working on different aspects of languages without overt articles to tacitly assume that noun phrases in these languages do nevertheless project a phonologically null D. In this talk I will go a little bit back trying to ...

Ural-Altaic Studies, 4(1), p. 76-92, Aug 2011

This paper is concerned with the syntax and semantics of the Turkish pronominal element kendisi '... more This paper is concerned with the syntax and semantics of the Turkish pronominal element kendisi 'self.3sg' that has so far received very little attention in the literature on anaphoric relations. We start out by examining the properties of this pronoun proceeding next to discuss the few existing proposals highlighting their inadequacies when confronted with novel data. We argue that despite its reflexive root, kendisi should be treated as a pronominal for the purposes of the Binding Theory, and should be sensitive to Condition B.

Talks by Pavel Rudnev

Setting the stage Focus of this talk Syntax and semantics of disjunction (1) James speaks Russian... more Setting the stage Focus of this talk Syntax and semantics of disjunction (1) James speaks Russian or German. a. [James speaks Russian] or [James speaks German] b. James speaks [Russian or German] Meanings of some expressions can vary depending on the presence of other expressions nearby:

The many facets of agreement (P. Caha, P. Rudnev & S. Toldova, Eds.), 2023

Sign Language and Linguistics, 2021

This squib documents exceptions to the main strategy of expressing sentential negation in Russian... more This squib documents exceptions to the main strategy of expressing sentential negation in Russian Sign Language (RSL). The postverbal sentential negation particle in RSL inverts the basic SVO order characteristic of the language turning it into SOV (Pasalskaya 2018a). We show that this reversal requirement under negation is not absolute and does not apply to prosodically heavy object NPs. The resulting picture accords well with the view of RSL word order laid out by Kimmelman (2012) and supports a model of grammar where syntactic computation has access to phonological information (Kremers 2014; Bruening 2019).

Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, 2020

This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light ... more This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light of novel data from Avar. By demonstrating that Avar anaphors trigger full, non-trivial agreement on the φ-probe, I argue that the Avar data instantiate a genuine exception to the AAE. I then compare two competing analyses of binding and the AAE: an account whereby anaphoric dependencies arise via the syntactic operation Agree (Murugesan 2019), and a theory deriving the inability of the anaphors’ φ-features to trigger full agreement from the presence of additional structural layers inside the anaphors that render the features inaccessible (Preminger 2019). I claim that the absence of the AAE in Avar is in line with the encapsulation analysis whereas the Agree-based analysis is unsuccessful.

Journal of Linguistics, 2020

This paper presents two challenges for the analysis of ‘promise’-type verbs within the Movement T... more This paper presents two challenges for the analysis of ‘promise’-type verbs within the Movement Theory of Control. We show that the objects of these verbs in Russian are not prepositional and are incorrectly predicted to be legitimate controllers. We also argue, based on the patterns of polarity licensing, scope licensing and case marking on floating quantifiers, against analysing oblique control as sidewards movement.

Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, 2020

This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light ... more This paper discusses two analyses of the Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE, Rizzi 1990) in the light of novel data from Avar. By demonstrating that Avar anaphors trigger full, non-trivial agreement on the φ-probe, I argue that the Avar data instantiate a genuine exception to the AAE. I then compare two competing analyses of binding and the AAE: an account whereby anaphoric dependencies arise via the syntactic operation Agree (Murugesan 2019), and a theory deriving the inability of the anaphors' φ-features to trigger full agreement from the presence of additional structural layers inside the anaphors that render the features inaccessible (Preminger 2019). I claim that the absence of the AAE in Avar is in line with the encapsulation analysis whereas the Agree-based analysis is unsuccessful.

Donum semanticum: Opera linguistica et logica in honorem Barbarae Partee a discipulis amicisque Rossicis oblata, Jun 2015

This note documents a number of restrictions on negation marking in Avar, a Northeast Caucasian l... more This note documents a number of restrictions on negation marking in Avar, a Northeast Caucasian language, and presents a tentative analysis of the observed morphosyntactic facts as having a semantic basis. The two different negation markers are analysed, based on the proposal in Ramchand & Svenonius (2014), as taking complements of a different semantic type.

This paper discusses two morphologically related anaphoric pronouns in Avar (Avar-Andic, Nakh-Dag... more This paper discusses two morphologically related anaphoric pronouns in Avar (Avar-Andic, Nakh-Daghestanian) and proposes that one of them should be treated as a minimal pronoun that receives its interpretation from a λ-operator situated on a phasal head whereas the other is a logophoric pronoun denoting the author of the reported event.

Oslo Studies in Language, Jan 1, 2010

This paper is concerned with the distribution of reflexive and non-reflexive pronouns in local an... more This paper is concerned with the distribution of reflexive and non-reflexive pronouns in local anaphoric configurations in (three dialects of) Russian Sign Language (RSL). We demonstrate that most of the observed facts can be accounted for on a Binding Theory supplemented by a version of the Coreference Rule . We also show that an additional mechanism, coreference via the signing space, is required to explain certain cases of non-complementarity. A related mechanism is proposed to account for similar facts in spoken languages. * This project goes back to the Formal Semantics and Anaphora course taught by Barbara Partee in 2008 in Moscow. We would like to thank her for her discussions and criticisms, and all other participants of said course. We also would like to thank R. Pfau, P. Schlenker and H. Zeevat for their comments on binding in RSL. We also wish to express our gratitude to the audiences at 6th Conference

weblog.leidenuniv.nl

It has become quite customary for researchers working on different aspects of languages without o... more It has become quite customary for researchers working on different aspects of languages without overt articles to tacitly assume that noun phrases in these languages do nevertheless project a phonologically null D. In this talk I will go a little bit back trying to ...

Ural-Altaic Studies, 4(1), p. 76-92, Aug 2011

This paper is concerned with the syntax and semantics of the Turkish pronominal element kendisi '... more This paper is concerned with the syntax and semantics of the Turkish pronominal element kendisi 'self.3sg' that has so far received very little attention in the literature on anaphoric relations. We start out by examining the properties of this pronoun proceeding next to discuss the few existing proposals highlighting their inadequacies when confronted with novel data. We argue that despite its reflexive root, kendisi should be treated as a pronominal for the purposes of the Binding Theory, and should be sensitive to Condition B.

Setting the stage Focus of this talk Syntax and semantics of disjunction (1) James speaks Russian... more Setting the stage Focus of this talk Syntax and semantics of disjunction (1) James speaks Russian or German. a. [James speaks Russian] or [James speaks German] b. James speaks [Russian or German] Meanings of some expressions can vary depending on the presence of other expressions nearby: