Anna Sampaio | Santa Clara University (original) (raw)
Papers by Anna Sampaio
PS: Political Science & Politics
Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the... more Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the impacts of escalating political violence on their professional lives and political careers, as well as the implications for the growing body of women of color who are engaging in public service at the national level.
PS: Political Science & Politics
Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the... more Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the impacts of escalating political violence on their professional lives and political careers, as well as the implications for the growing body of women of color who are engaging in public service at the national level.
Informa UK Limited, Mar 29, 2019
T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election seas... more T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election season, as attacks on both Latinx and Latin American immigrants remained the centerpiece of the Trump administration’s policies and discourse. The President, along with key Cabinet members and Congressional allies, engaged in an onslaught of daily attacks, from the dismissal of Puerto Rico after the devastation of Hurricanes Maria and Irma; to the execution of a “zero tolerance policy” on undocumented families and asylum-seekers on the U.S -Mexico border; through the incarceration of more than 2,400 children; to threats to end birthright citizenship; to the deployment of 5,200 troops to the border; and the infamous and prolonged derision of a caravan of Central American migrants and asylum-seekers. Candidates from Arizona to Pennsylvania replicated this strategy, eager to receive the president’s endorsement and support. Commercial advertisements, robocalls, mailers, and campaign rallies regularly featured racialized and gendered narratives centered on a Latinx threat with concomitant calls to “build a wall” and “keep them out.” Amid all this, however, the 2018 midterm election expanded the f ield of Latinx—and especially Latina— candidates as well as the Latinx electorate. It was an election season where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, voters, and most importantly, candidates. Women of color, and Latinas specifically, broke barriers to political incorporation, won a record number of congressional seats around the country, and proved significant to shifting power to Democrats in the House of Representatives. And while there were a number of high profile state and national races among Latino candidates, including the United State Senate race in Texas featuring Cuban-American Republican Senator Ted Cruz, or the competitive House race in New York’s 19th Congressional District won by Puerto Rican Democratic Antonio Delgado, it was Latinas who shattered glass ceilings, including Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico, who became the first Latina Democrat (and woman of color) elected governor in the United States. Finally, f ive new Latinas were elected to Congress: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY14), Xochitl Torres Small (NM-2), Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (FL-26), Veronica Escobar (TX-16), and Sylvia Garcia (TX29), increasing the number of Latina representatives in Congress by 30 percent. Latina participation as both candidates and voters in national contests helped change the balance of power in the House and challenge an openly racist and misogynistic national narrative on immigration, citizenship, and representation. Their increased presence in Congress has also introduced new legislative possibilities and coalitions while defying entrenched political norms that have marginalized Latinx interests within both political parties. Although the prospects for achieving legislative reform on issues such as immigration are unlikely in the
Informa UK Limited, Mar 29, 2019
T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election seas... more T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election season, as attacks on both Latinx and Latin American immigrants remained the centerpiece of the Trump administration’s policies and discourse. The President, along with key Cabinet members and Congressional allies, engaged in an onslaught of daily attacks, from the dismissal of Puerto Rico after the devastation of Hurricanes Maria and Irma; to the execution of a “zero tolerance policy” on undocumented families and asylum-seekers on the U.S -Mexico border; through the incarceration of more than 2,400 children; to threats to end birthright citizenship; to the deployment of 5,200 troops to the border; and the infamous and prolonged derision of a caravan of Central American migrants and asylum-seekers. Candidates from Arizona to Pennsylvania replicated this strategy, eager to receive the president’s endorsement and support. Commercial advertisements, robocalls, mailers, and campaign rallies regularly featured racialized and gendered narratives centered on a Latinx threat with concomitant calls to “build a wall” and “keep them out.” Amid all this, however, the 2018 midterm election expanded the f ield of Latinx—and especially Latina— candidates as well as the Latinx electorate. It was an election season where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, voters, and most importantly, candidates. Women of color, and Latinas specifically, broke barriers to political incorporation, won a record number of congressional seats around the country, and proved significant to shifting power to Democrats in the House of Representatives. And while there were a number of high profile state and national races among Latino candidates, including the United State Senate race in Texas featuring Cuban-American Republican Senator Ted Cruz, or the competitive House race in New York’s 19th Congressional District won by Puerto Rican Democratic Antonio Delgado, it was Latinas who shattered glass ceilings, including Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico, who became the first Latina Democrat (and woman of color) elected governor in the United States. Finally, f ive new Latinas were elected to Congress: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY14), Xochitl Torres Small (NM-2), Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (FL-26), Veronica Escobar (TX-16), and Sylvia Garcia (TX29), increasing the number of Latina representatives in Congress by 30 percent. Latina participation as both candidates and voters in national contests helped change the balance of power in the House and challenge an openly racist and misogynistic national narrative on immigration, citizenship, and representation. Their increased presence in Congress has also introduced new legislative possibilities and coalitions while defying entrenched political norms that have marginalized Latinx interests within both political parties. Although the prospects for achieving legislative reform on issues such as immigration are unlikely in the
Informa UK Limited, Mar 29, 2019
T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election seas... more T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election season, as attacks on both Latinx and Latin American immigrants remained the centerpiece of the Trump administration’s policies and discourse. The President, along with key Cabinet members and Congressional allies, engaged in an onslaught of daily attacks, from the dismissal of Puerto Rico after the devastation of Hurricanes Maria and Irma; to the execution of a “zero tolerance policy” on undocumented families and asylum-seekers on the U.S -Mexico border; through the incarceration of more than 2,400 children; to threats to end birthright citizenship; to the deployment of 5,200 troops to the border; and the infamous and prolonged derision of a caravan of Central American migrants and asylum-seekers. Candidates from Arizona to Pennsylvania replicated this strategy, eager to receive the president’s endorsement and support. Commercial advertisements, robocalls, mailers, and campaign rallies regularly featured racialized and gendered narratives centered on a Latinx threat with concomitant calls to “build a wall” and “keep them out.” Amid all this, however, the 2018 midterm election expanded the f ield of Latinx—and especially Latina— candidates as well as the Latinx electorate. It was an election season where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, voters, and most importantly, candidates. Women of color, and Latinas specifically, broke barriers to political incorporation, won a record number of congressional seats around the country, and proved significant to shifting power to Democrats in the House of Representatives. And while there were a number of high profile state and national races among Latino candidates, including the United State Senate race in Texas featuring Cuban-American Republican Senator Ted Cruz, or the competitive House race in New York’s 19th Congressional District won by Puerto Rican Democratic Antonio Delgado, it was Latinas who shattered glass ceilings, including Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico, who became the first Latina Democrat (and woman of color) elected governor in the United States. Finally, f ive new Latinas were elected to Congress: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY14), Xochitl Torres Small (NM-2), Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (FL-26), Veronica Escobar (TX-16), and Sylvia Garcia (TX29), increasing the number of Latina representatives in Congress by 30 percent. Latina participation as both candidates and voters in national contests helped change the balance of power in the House and challenge an openly racist and misogynistic national narrative on immigration, citizenship, and representation. Their increased presence in Congress has also introduced new legislative possibilities and coalitions while defying entrenched political norms that have marginalized Latinx interests within both political parties. Although the prospects for achieving legislative reform on issues such as immigration are unlikely in the
Gender and Elections, 2021
Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2014
This article examines racialization and gendering processes at work in the proliferation of large... more This article examines racialization and gendering processes at work in the proliferation of large-scale immigration raids and military-style roundups that affected disproportionately Latina/o immigrants during the height of the war on terror. These raids which took place in sensitive federal facilities, commercial employment sites, and residences resulted in widespread fear and rapid increases in the apprehension, detention, and deportations of immigrants. Utilizing an intersectional analysis the study dissects three distinct manifestations of race and gender in the raids, each of which highlights a different aspect of recent enforcement practices, while pointing to different applications of race and gender in immigration studies and Political Science: (1) the proliferation of Latina immigrants apprehended and placed in detention; (2) the passage of gendered legislation facilitating the raids; and (3) the invocation of race and gendered discourse within the federal government to justify and defend the raids. Ultimately, employing an intersectional approach provides a more thorough accounting of the multiple constraints at work in immigration politics that is significant to both our understanding of the past and efforts to construct reforms for the future.
Political Research Quarterly, 2010
Deracialization literature has a rich history, but it has generally focused on local-level black ... more Deracialization literature has a rich history, but it has generally focused on local-level black candidates in nonpartisan environments. This article extends the deracialization literature to a competitive statewide context and focuses on Latino candidates, offering a broader partisan environment where established deracialization theory and voter response are tested at the individual level. Both John Salazar’s and Ken Salazar’s successful 2004 campaigns for national office are explored using qualitative and quantitative data. The combined approaches yield evidence that Latinos in competitive partisan environments are influenced to deracialize their campaigns and that conservative non-Latino voters are positively and significantly influenced by these nonracial messages.
PS: Political Science & Politics, 2006
All too often, women of color in higher education have headed the warnings of “publish or perish,... more All too often, women of color in higher education have headed the warnings of “publish or perish,” accentuating the centrality of research and publications to their academic careers. However, for the preponderance of women of color, this single-minded attention to research often obscures another aspect to their work that occupies more attention, demands greater time, and yields more satisfying results: teaching and service. For the majority of women of color who are not at research-centered universities, teaching and service occupy the greatest amount of time but can also carry the greatest risks.Previous iterations of this paper have benefited from the feedback and discussion among colleagues present at the 2006 APSA Teaching and Learning Conference and the 2005 APSA panel on Women of Color in the Classroom. In particular, I want to acknowledge the gracious insights of Janni Aragon, Jane Bayes, Cristina Beltran, Ange-Marie Hancock, Mary Hawkesworth, Julia Jordan-Zachery, Lily Ling, and many others who have shared their stores and struggles.
Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger... more Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger, 1995: 67): NAFTA is a death sentence for the indigenous people. NAFTA sets up competition among farmers, but how can our campesinos-who are mostly illiteratecompete with U.S. and Canadian farmers? And look at this rocky land we have here. How can we compete with the land in California or Canada? So the people of Chiapas, as well as the people of Oaxaca,
Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger... more Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger, 1995: 67): NAFTA is a death sentence for the indigenous people. NAFTA sets up competition among farmers, but how can our campesinos-who are mostly illiteratecompete with U.S. and Canadian farmers? And look at this rocky land we have here. How can we compete with the land in California or Canada? So the people of Chiapas, as well as the people of Oaxaca,
Immigration politics under the Bush administration was marked by the racialization and demonizati... more Immigration politics under the Bush administration was marked by the racialization and demonization of immigrants, the resurgence of a national security state, and the dissemination of fear that encumbered the rights of citizens and non-citizens alike. In this context, Arab, Muslim, and Latina/o immigrants were continually terrorized by the state via changes in law and new practices of implementation, while they were simultaneously constituted as potential terrorists. Following the mandate for change that included promises for comprehensive immigration reform and an end to aggressive state practices, the Obama administration initiated changes in immigration politics, prompting the question: have we reached the end of terror? In other words, how have the policies and practices of immigration changed under the Obama administration and more importantly how have those changes impacted or affected the larger discourse on immigrants? This paper, utilizes interviews with public officials, ...
PS: Political Science & Politics
Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the... more Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the impacts of escalating political violence on their professional lives and political careers, as well as the implications for the growing body of women of color who are engaging in public service at the national level.
PS: Political Science & Politics
Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the... more Drawing on interviews with Latina congressional members and candidates, this article examines the impacts of escalating political violence on their professional lives and political careers, as well as the implications for the growing body of women of color who are engaging in public service at the national level.
Informa UK Limited, Mar 29, 2019
T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election seas... more T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election season, as attacks on both Latinx and Latin American immigrants remained the centerpiece of the Trump administration’s policies and discourse. The President, along with key Cabinet members and Congressional allies, engaged in an onslaught of daily attacks, from the dismissal of Puerto Rico after the devastation of Hurricanes Maria and Irma; to the execution of a “zero tolerance policy” on undocumented families and asylum-seekers on the U.S -Mexico border; through the incarceration of more than 2,400 children; to threats to end birthright citizenship; to the deployment of 5,200 troops to the border; and the infamous and prolonged derision of a caravan of Central American migrants and asylum-seekers. Candidates from Arizona to Pennsylvania replicated this strategy, eager to receive the president’s endorsement and support. Commercial advertisements, robocalls, mailers, and campaign rallies regularly featured racialized and gendered narratives centered on a Latinx threat with concomitant calls to “build a wall” and “keep them out.” Amid all this, however, the 2018 midterm election expanded the f ield of Latinx—and especially Latina— candidates as well as the Latinx electorate. It was an election season where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, voters, and most importantly, candidates. Women of color, and Latinas specifically, broke barriers to political incorporation, won a record number of congressional seats around the country, and proved significant to shifting power to Democrats in the House of Representatives. And while there were a number of high profile state and national races among Latino candidates, including the United State Senate race in Texas featuring Cuban-American Republican Senator Ted Cruz, or the competitive House race in New York’s 19th Congressional District won by Puerto Rican Democratic Antonio Delgado, it was Latinas who shattered glass ceilings, including Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico, who became the first Latina Democrat (and woman of color) elected governor in the United States. Finally, f ive new Latinas were elected to Congress: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY14), Xochitl Torres Small (NM-2), Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (FL-26), Veronica Escobar (TX-16), and Sylvia Garcia (TX29), increasing the number of Latina representatives in Congress by 30 percent. Latina participation as both candidates and voters in national contests helped change the balance of power in the House and challenge an openly racist and misogynistic national narrative on immigration, citizenship, and representation. Their increased presence in Congress has also introduced new legislative possibilities and coalitions while defying entrenched political norms that have marginalized Latinx interests within both political parties. Although the prospects for achieving legislative reform on issues such as immigration are unlikely in the
Informa UK Limited, Mar 29, 2019
T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election seas... more T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election season, as attacks on both Latinx and Latin American immigrants remained the centerpiece of the Trump administration’s policies and discourse. The President, along with key Cabinet members and Congressional allies, engaged in an onslaught of daily attacks, from the dismissal of Puerto Rico after the devastation of Hurricanes Maria and Irma; to the execution of a “zero tolerance policy” on undocumented families and asylum-seekers on the U.S -Mexico border; through the incarceration of more than 2,400 children; to threats to end birthright citizenship; to the deployment of 5,200 troops to the border; and the infamous and prolonged derision of a caravan of Central American migrants and asylum-seekers. Candidates from Arizona to Pennsylvania replicated this strategy, eager to receive the president’s endorsement and support. Commercial advertisements, robocalls, mailers, and campaign rallies regularly featured racialized and gendered narratives centered on a Latinx threat with concomitant calls to “build a wall” and “keep them out.” Amid all this, however, the 2018 midterm election expanded the f ield of Latinx—and especially Latina— candidates as well as the Latinx electorate. It was an election season where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, voters, and most importantly, candidates. Women of color, and Latinas specifically, broke barriers to political incorporation, won a record number of congressional seats around the country, and proved significant to shifting power to Democrats in the House of Representatives. And while there were a number of high profile state and national races among Latino candidates, including the United State Senate race in Texas featuring Cuban-American Republican Senator Ted Cruz, or the competitive House race in New York’s 19th Congressional District won by Puerto Rican Democratic Antonio Delgado, it was Latinas who shattered glass ceilings, including Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico, who became the first Latina Democrat (and woman of color) elected governor in the United States. Finally, f ive new Latinas were elected to Congress: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY14), Xochitl Torres Small (NM-2), Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (FL-26), Veronica Escobar (TX-16), and Sylvia Garcia (TX29), increasing the number of Latina representatives in Congress by 30 percent. Latina participation as both candidates and voters in national contests helped change the balance of power in the House and challenge an openly racist and misogynistic national narrative on immigration, citizenship, and representation. Their increased presence in Congress has also introduced new legislative possibilities and coalitions while defying entrenched political norms that have marginalized Latinx interests within both political parties. Although the prospects for achieving legislative reform on issues such as immigration are unlikely in the
Informa UK Limited, Mar 29, 2019
T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election seas... more T he Latinx community f igured prominently in national politics throughout the 2018 election season, as attacks on both Latinx and Latin American immigrants remained the centerpiece of the Trump administration’s policies and discourse. The President, along with key Cabinet members and Congressional allies, engaged in an onslaught of daily attacks, from the dismissal of Puerto Rico after the devastation of Hurricanes Maria and Irma; to the execution of a “zero tolerance policy” on undocumented families and asylum-seekers on the U.S -Mexico border; through the incarceration of more than 2,400 children; to threats to end birthright citizenship; to the deployment of 5,200 troops to the border; and the infamous and prolonged derision of a caravan of Central American migrants and asylum-seekers. Candidates from Arizona to Pennsylvania replicated this strategy, eager to receive the president’s endorsement and support. Commercial advertisements, robocalls, mailers, and campaign rallies regularly featured racialized and gendered narratives centered on a Latinx threat with concomitant calls to “build a wall” and “keep them out.” Amid all this, however, the 2018 midterm election expanded the f ield of Latinx—and especially Latina— candidates as well as the Latinx electorate. It was an election season where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, voters, and most importantly, candidates. Women of color, and Latinas specifically, broke barriers to political incorporation, won a record number of congressional seats around the country, and proved significant to shifting power to Democrats in the House of Representatives. And while there were a number of high profile state and national races among Latino candidates, including the United State Senate race in Texas featuring Cuban-American Republican Senator Ted Cruz, or the competitive House race in New York’s 19th Congressional District won by Puerto Rican Democratic Antonio Delgado, it was Latinas who shattered glass ceilings, including Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico, who became the first Latina Democrat (and woman of color) elected governor in the United States. Finally, f ive new Latinas were elected to Congress: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY14), Xochitl Torres Small (NM-2), Debbie Mucarsel-Powell (FL-26), Veronica Escobar (TX-16), and Sylvia Garcia (TX29), increasing the number of Latina representatives in Congress by 30 percent. Latina participation as both candidates and voters in national contests helped change the balance of power in the House and challenge an openly racist and misogynistic national narrative on immigration, citizenship, and representation. Their increased presence in Congress has also introduced new legislative possibilities and coalitions while defying entrenched political norms that have marginalized Latinx interests within both political parties. Although the prospects for achieving legislative reform on issues such as immigration are unlikely in the
Gender and Elections, 2021
Politics, Groups, and Identities, 2014
This article examines racialization and gendering processes at work in the proliferation of large... more This article examines racialization and gendering processes at work in the proliferation of large-scale immigration raids and military-style roundups that affected disproportionately Latina/o immigrants during the height of the war on terror. These raids which took place in sensitive federal facilities, commercial employment sites, and residences resulted in widespread fear and rapid increases in the apprehension, detention, and deportations of immigrants. Utilizing an intersectional analysis the study dissects three distinct manifestations of race and gender in the raids, each of which highlights a different aspect of recent enforcement practices, while pointing to different applications of race and gender in immigration studies and Political Science: (1) the proliferation of Latina immigrants apprehended and placed in detention; (2) the passage of gendered legislation facilitating the raids; and (3) the invocation of race and gendered discourse within the federal government to justify and defend the raids. Ultimately, employing an intersectional approach provides a more thorough accounting of the multiple constraints at work in immigration politics that is significant to both our understanding of the past and efforts to construct reforms for the future.
Political Research Quarterly, 2010
Deracialization literature has a rich history, but it has generally focused on local-level black ... more Deracialization literature has a rich history, but it has generally focused on local-level black candidates in nonpartisan environments. This article extends the deracialization literature to a competitive statewide context and focuses on Latino candidates, offering a broader partisan environment where established deracialization theory and voter response are tested at the individual level. Both John Salazar’s and Ken Salazar’s successful 2004 campaigns for national office are explored using qualitative and quantitative data. The combined approaches yield evidence that Latinos in competitive partisan environments are influenced to deracialize their campaigns and that conservative non-Latino voters are positively and significantly influenced by these nonracial messages.
PS: Political Science & Politics, 2006
All too often, women of color in higher education have headed the warnings of “publish or perish,... more All too often, women of color in higher education have headed the warnings of “publish or perish,” accentuating the centrality of research and publications to their academic careers. However, for the preponderance of women of color, this single-minded attention to research often obscures another aspect to their work that occupies more attention, demands greater time, and yields more satisfying results: teaching and service. For the majority of women of color who are not at research-centered universities, teaching and service occupy the greatest amount of time but can also carry the greatest risks.Previous iterations of this paper have benefited from the feedback and discussion among colleagues present at the 2006 APSA Teaching and Learning Conference and the 2005 APSA panel on Women of Color in the Classroom. In particular, I want to acknowledge the gracious insights of Janni Aragon, Jane Bayes, Cristina Beltran, Ange-Marie Hancock, Mary Hawkesworth, Julia Jordan-Zachery, Lily Ling, and many others who have shared their stores and struggles.
Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger... more Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger, 1995: 67): NAFTA is a death sentence for the indigenous people. NAFTA sets up competition among farmers, but how can our campesinos-who are mostly illiteratecompete with U.S. and Canadian farmers? And look at this rocky land we have here. How can we compete with the land in California or Canada? So the people of Chiapas, as well as the people of Oaxaca,
Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger... more Marcos, one of the leaders of the 1994 indigenous and campesinos uprising (quoted in Katzenberger, 1995: 67): NAFTA is a death sentence for the indigenous people. NAFTA sets up competition among farmers, but how can our campesinos-who are mostly illiteratecompete with U.S. and Canadian farmers? And look at this rocky land we have here. How can we compete with the land in California or Canada? So the people of Chiapas, as well as the people of Oaxaca,
Immigration politics under the Bush administration was marked by the racialization and demonizati... more Immigration politics under the Bush administration was marked by the racialization and demonization of immigrants, the resurgence of a national security state, and the dissemination of fear that encumbered the rights of citizens and non-citizens alike. In this context, Arab, Muslim, and Latina/o immigrants were continually terrorized by the state via changes in law and new practices of implementation, while they were simultaneously constituted as potential terrorists. Following the mandate for change that included promises for comprehensive immigration reform and an end to aggressive state practices, the Obama administration initiated changes in immigration politics, prompting the question: have we reached the end of terror? In other words, how have the policies and practices of immigration changed under the Obama administration and more importantly how have those changes impacted or affected the larger discourse on immigrants? This paper, utilizes interviews with public officials, ...