Björn Fägersten | Swedish Institute of International Affairs (original) (raw)

Papers by Björn Fägersten

Internasjonal Politikk, Nov 1, 2017

Springer eBooks, Aug 7, 2019

This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing... more This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing world order. Fagersten argues that the EU is in many ways a product of the liberal order that has shaped international relations since 1945. But the liberal order is now being shaken to its foundations, as manifest in various ways in Europe. The author argues that the turbulence is leading to a fragmented world order in which cooperation among state and non-state actors is patchy and occurring in changing constellations. Furthermore, two overarching logics of interaction co-exist side by side: cooperation-oriented globalization and geopolitical competition, although they are affecting various policy areas in different ways. To determine how this fragmented world order is affecting the EU as a foreign and security policy actor, Fagersten develops an analytical framework that stipulates that a collective actor needs coherence (consensus), capacity (resources for pursuing policy), and context (a permissive setting).

Cooperation and Conflict, Jul 7, 2016

Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the ro... more Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the role of theoretically informed analysis and academic context when doing action-research. Nag Lao Liang Won et al. presents an intriguing case of how the collection of women’s testimonies of sexual violence in Burma attracts unwanted forms of attention from UN agencies, Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the media. This case hints at several interesting interpretations, but in order to detail them out the authors would have benefitted from using previous research and feminist theory. Even when engaging with local activists, it is important to use the full scholarly toolbox in order to improve understanding and promote change. The cruel eye-witness stories presented by Dolores Chew in the chapter on the massacre in Gujarat, India, actualize a second question: how should we represent women’s vulnerabilities in order to serve the purpose of making women’s lives more secure? As noted in the chapter by Won, attention to horror-stories may indeed be problematic to handle regarding the integrity of the victims, but also in relation to how they can be used politically. Ethel Brooks (2002) points out that focusing on horror-stories tends to hide structural contexts and postcolonial relations. Thus, such accounts risk directing resources and measures towards single cases, rather than to address underlying structural problems. My third question regards the conceptualization of gender. The comparative study of the implementation of 1325 action plans in Canada, the UK and the Netherlands, presented in the chapter by Gunilla de Vries Lindestam, criticizes the implementation process for understanding gender as equaling women. However, in the end she finds herself using the same understanding of gender. Moreover, in her recommendations gender (or women) is treated as primarily an administrative challenge. Since the idea of human security is strongly linked to liberal notions of the individual, it is important to discuss how a feminist understanding of gender as a power-laden relation can be conceptualized in this field. A theoretical discussion providing a point of reference would have been beneficial for all contributions. It would have tied the chapters together better and it would have put gender on an equal theoretical standing with human security. All in all, the book provides interesting insights into gendered aspects of human security, and is a worthwhile read to academics, activists and practitioners.

The Future of Intelligence

European Foreign Affairs Review

This article investigates the foreign policy consequences of the euro crisis. Two distinctive for... more This article investigates the foreign policy consequences of the euro crisis. Two distinctive foreign policy areas are investigated: crisis management in North Africa and the negotiation of free trade agreements with the US and India. The article employs an analytical framework that focuses on three key aspects shaping EU policy: capabilities, cohesion and context. The results suggest considerable changes in each, but not only in one direction: there are mechanisms driving policy in different directions which suggest a nuanced conclusion is required. The overarching findings of the article, however, are that the foreign policy machinery of the EU has been rather resilient to the financial crisis but that great variation exists both between different foreign policy areas and between the different components that make up the EU as an international actor.

Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Oct 23, 2020

The European Union in a Changing World Order, 2019

This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing... more This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing world order. Fagersten argues that the EU is in many ways a product of the liberal order that has shaped international relations since 1945. But the liberal order is now being shaken to its foundations, as manifest in various ways in Europe. The author argues that the turbulence is leading to a fragmented world order in which cooperation among state and non-state actors is patchy and occurring in changing constellations. Furthermore, two overarching logics of interaction co-exist side by side: cooperation-oriented globalization and geopolitical competition, although they are affecting various policy areas in different ways. To determine how this fragmented world order is affecting the EU as a foreign and security policy actor, Fagersten develops an analytical framework that stipulates that a collective actor needs coherence (consensus), capacity (resources for pursuing policy), and cont...

The crisis in Ukraine has exposed a number of shortcomings in EU foreign policy. Bjorn Fagersten ... more The crisis in Ukraine has exposed a number of shortcomings in EU foreign policy. Bjorn Fagersten writes on three key reforms which would strengthen the EU’s role in foreign affairs. He argues that the EU should develop shared long-term foreign policy goals, rather than relying on reactive measures to the actions of other states such as Russia. Second, the EU should break with technocratic approaches to foreign affairs and ensure that its policy-making becomes more politicised, driven by clear values and principles. Finally, he advocates an approach which recognises the importance of internal EU policy areas, such as energy and research, to foreign policy outcomes.

Sweden has often been regarded as one of the UK’s closest partners within the EU, and was predict... more Sweden has often been regarded as one of the UK’s closest partners within the EU, and was predicted to be one of David Cameron’s potential allies during his renegotiation. But how is the UK’s deal likely to play out in the context of domestic politics in the country? Bjorn Fagersten writes that the issues the UK made central to its renegotiation, such as the relationship between members of the Eurozone and those remaining outside the single currency, have significant relevance for Sweden. He states that although the Swedish government did not take a strong stance during the negotiations, the result of the referendum could have an important impact on how Swedes judge their own relationship with the rest of Europe.

Internasjonal Politikk, 2018

This article analyzes Sweden’s foreign policy 2011–2018. The article is part of a special issue o... more This article analyzes Sweden’s foreign policy 2011–2018. The article is part of a special issue on how the Nordic countries have responded to recent geopolitical change. The international context in which Sweden finds itself has in a number of ways changed drastically during the time of analysis. The foundations of Sweden’s foreign policy, however, have seen less change. The Swedish policy adjustments we see are rather the effects of radical change taking place in the previous two decades: the EU membership, the partnership with NATO, and the abandonment of the policy of neutrality. Sweden is thus learning how to adapt to this transformation of its international orientation during a turbulent time in global politics. The article includes an overview of Swedish foreign policy and the literature on the topic. We discuss the major actors, institutions, tools and frameworks in the foreign policy making process. A detailed analysis of the Foreign Minister’s Statement of Government Policy...

Cooperation and Conflict, 2016

Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the ro... more Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the role of theoretically informed analysis and academic context when doing action-research. Nag Lao Liang Won et al. presents an intriguing case of how the collection of women’s testimonies of sexual violence in Burma attracts unwanted forms of attention from UN agencies, Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the media. This case hints at several interesting interpretations, but in order to detail them out the authors would have benefitted from using previous research and feminist theory. Even when engaging with local activists, it is important to use the full scholarly toolbox in order to improve understanding and promote change. The cruel eye-witness stories presented by Dolores Chew in the chapter on the massacre in Gujarat, India, actualize a second question: how should we represent women’s vulnerabilities in order to serve the purpose of making women’s lives more secure? As noted in the chapter by Won, attention to horror-stories may indeed be problematic to handle regarding the integrity of the victims, but also in relation to how they can be used politically. Ethel Brooks (2002) points out that focusing on horror-stories tends to hide structural contexts and postcolonial relations. Thus, such accounts risk directing resources and measures towards single cases, rather than to address underlying structural problems. My third question regards the conceptualization of gender. The comparative study of the implementation of 1325 action plans in Canada, the UK and the Netherlands, presented in the chapter by Gunilla de Vries Lindestam, criticizes the implementation process for understanding gender as equaling women. However, in the end she finds herself using the same understanding of gender. Moreover, in her recommendations gender (or women) is treated as primarily an administrative challenge. Since the idea of human security is strongly linked to liberal notions of the individual, it is important to discuss how a feminist understanding of gender as a power-laden relation can be conceptualized in this field. A theoretical discussion providing a point of reference would have been beneficial for all contributions. It would have tied the chapters together better and it would have put gender on an equal theoretical standing with human security. All in all, the book provides interesting insights into gendered aspects of human security, and is a worthwhile read to academics, activists and practitioners.

Issn 0460 0037, 2010

Why has multilateral cooperation developed in the intelligence field? Prior research has deemed s... more Why has multilateral cooperation developed in the intelligence field? Prior research has deemed such cooperation unlikely, irrelevant or even dangerous due to low gains and high risks. However, multilateral intelligence cooperation both exists and seems to be on the increase. This study aims to explain this puzzling development. Drawing on institutional theory, the author advances a model of international intelligence cooperation. The model is applied to the development of multilateral intelligence cooperation in Europe. Based partly on a unique set of interviews with intelligence officers from eleven states, three cooperative forums are analyzed in detail: Europol, the EU Situation Centre and the Counterterrorism Group. The author finds that apart from state preferences, the development of intelligence cooperation is largely determined by the self-interest and culture of national agencies, international institutional entrepreneurship and the way power-asymmetries are mirrored in the design of cooperative arrangements. As well as generating a more thorough understanding of the costs and benefits of international intelligence cooperation, the study offers important insights into future directions of cooperation and its connection to both national security and international policy-making. (Less)

Citation for published version (APA): Haugevik, K., Fägersten, B., Gunnarsson, P., Jokela, J., Sø... more Citation for published version (APA): Haugevik, K., Fägersten, B., Gunnarsson, P., Jokela, J., Sørensen, C., Thorhallsson, B., & Wivel, A. (2018, Jun 1). Nordic responses to Brexit: Making the best of a difficult situation. (7 ed.) Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). NUPI Policy Brief Vol. 2018 No. 7 http://www.nupi.no/en/Publications/CRIStin-Pub/Nordicresponses-to-Brexit-Making-the-best-of-a-difficult-situation

In 2005, the European Union’s (EU) coordinator of counterterrorism policies quipped that: ‘You ca... more In 2005, the European Union’s (EU) coordinator of counterterrorism policies quipped that: ‘You can’t
get closer to the heart of national sovereignty than national security and intelligence services. Yet in
Brussels we have these analysts working together for the first time’.1 Despite the inherent sensitivities
that exist within the field, the EU has considerably increased its resources for intelligence sharing and
analysis in the decade that followed this comment. Yet, this cooperation has largely gone unnoticed –
within academia as well as in the public domain. This report analyses the organisation and process of
European intelligence cooperation and the effect that this cooperation is having on European foreign
policy. In the policy recommendations, it is argued that the EU intelligence system – following phases
of boosting efficiency and legitimacy – should now be developed with an eye on the interaction between
producers and consumers of intelligence.

Internasjonal Politikk, Nov 1, 2017

Springer eBooks, Aug 7, 2019

This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing... more This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing world order. Fagersten argues that the EU is in many ways a product of the liberal order that has shaped international relations since 1945. But the liberal order is now being shaken to its foundations, as manifest in various ways in Europe. The author argues that the turbulence is leading to a fragmented world order in which cooperation among state and non-state actors is patchy and occurring in changing constellations. Furthermore, two overarching logics of interaction co-exist side by side: cooperation-oriented globalization and geopolitical competition, although they are affecting various policy areas in different ways. To determine how this fragmented world order is affecting the EU as a foreign and security policy actor, Fagersten develops an analytical framework that stipulates that a collective actor needs coherence (consensus), capacity (resources for pursuing policy), and context (a permissive setting).

Cooperation and Conflict, Jul 7, 2016

Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the ro... more Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the role of theoretically informed analysis and academic context when doing action-research. Nag Lao Liang Won et al. presents an intriguing case of how the collection of women’s testimonies of sexual violence in Burma attracts unwanted forms of attention from UN agencies, Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the media. This case hints at several interesting interpretations, but in order to detail them out the authors would have benefitted from using previous research and feminist theory. Even when engaging with local activists, it is important to use the full scholarly toolbox in order to improve understanding and promote change. The cruel eye-witness stories presented by Dolores Chew in the chapter on the massacre in Gujarat, India, actualize a second question: how should we represent women’s vulnerabilities in order to serve the purpose of making women’s lives more secure? As noted in the chapter by Won, attention to horror-stories may indeed be problematic to handle regarding the integrity of the victims, but also in relation to how they can be used politically. Ethel Brooks (2002) points out that focusing on horror-stories tends to hide structural contexts and postcolonial relations. Thus, such accounts risk directing resources and measures towards single cases, rather than to address underlying structural problems. My third question regards the conceptualization of gender. The comparative study of the implementation of 1325 action plans in Canada, the UK and the Netherlands, presented in the chapter by Gunilla de Vries Lindestam, criticizes the implementation process for understanding gender as equaling women. However, in the end she finds herself using the same understanding of gender. Moreover, in her recommendations gender (or women) is treated as primarily an administrative challenge. Since the idea of human security is strongly linked to liberal notions of the individual, it is important to discuss how a feminist understanding of gender as a power-laden relation can be conceptualized in this field. A theoretical discussion providing a point of reference would have been beneficial for all contributions. It would have tied the chapters together better and it would have put gender on an equal theoretical standing with human security. All in all, the book provides interesting insights into gendered aspects of human security, and is a worthwhile read to academics, activists and practitioners.

The Future of Intelligence

European Foreign Affairs Review

This article investigates the foreign policy consequences of the euro crisis. Two distinctive for... more This article investigates the foreign policy consequences of the euro crisis. Two distinctive foreign policy areas are investigated: crisis management in North Africa and the negotiation of free trade agreements with the US and India. The article employs an analytical framework that focuses on three key aspects shaping EU policy: capabilities, cohesion and context. The results suggest considerable changes in each, but not only in one direction: there are mechanisms driving policy in different directions which suggest a nuanced conclusion is required. The overarching findings of the article, however, are that the foreign policy machinery of the EU has been rather resilient to the financial crisis but that great variation exists both between different foreign policy areas and between the different components that make up the EU as an international actor.

Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Oct 23, 2020

The European Union in a Changing World Order, 2019

This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing... more This chapter analyses how the EU as a foreign and security policy actor is affected by a changing world order. Fagersten argues that the EU is in many ways a product of the liberal order that has shaped international relations since 1945. But the liberal order is now being shaken to its foundations, as manifest in various ways in Europe. The author argues that the turbulence is leading to a fragmented world order in which cooperation among state and non-state actors is patchy and occurring in changing constellations. Furthermore, two overarching logics of interaction co-exist side by side: cooperation-oriented globalization and geopolitical competition, although they are affecting various policy areas in different ways. To determine how this fragmented world order is affecting the EU as a foreign and security policy actor, Fagersten develops an analytical framework that stipulates that a collective actor needs coherence (consensus), capacity (resources for pursuing policy), and cont...

The crisis in Ukraine has exposed a number of shortcomings in EU foreign policy. Bjorn Fagersten ... more The crisis in Ukraine has exposed a number of shortcomings in EU foreign policy. Bjorn Fagersten writes on three key reforms which would strengthen the EU’s role in foreign affairs. He argues that the EU should develop shared long-term foreign policy goals, rather than relying on reactive measures to the actions of other states such as Russia. Second, the EU should break with technocratic approaches to foreign affairs and ensure that its policy-making becomes more politicised, driven by clear values and principles. Finally, he advocates an approach which recognises the importance of internal EU policy areas, such as energy and research, to foreign policy outcomes.

Sweden has often been regarded as one of the UK’s closest partners within the EU, and was predict... more Sweden has often been regarded as one of the UK’s closest partners within the EU, and was predicted to be one of David Cameron’s potential allies during his renegotiation. But how is the UK’s deal likely to play out in the context of domestic politics in the country? Bjorn Fagersten writes that the issues the UK made central to its renegotiation, such as the relationship between members of the Eurozone and those remaining outside the single currency, have significant relevance for Sweden. He states that although the Swedish government did not take a strong stance during the negotiations, the result of the referendum could have an important impact on how Swedes judge their own relationship with the rest of Europe.

Internasjonal Politikk, 2018

This article analyzes Sweden’s foreign policy 2011–2018. The article is part of a special issue o... more This article analyzes Sweden’s foreign policy 2011–2018. The article is part of a special issue on how the Nordic countries have responded to recent geopolitical change. The international context in which Sweden finds itself has in a number of ways changed drastically during the time of analysis. The foundations of Sweden’s foreign policy, however, have seen less change. The Swedish policy adjustments we see are rather the effects of radical change taking place in the previous two decades: the EU membership, the partnership with NATO, and the abandonment of the policy of neutrality. Sweden is thus learning how to adapt to this transformation of its international orientation during a turbulent time in global politics. The article includes an overview of Swedish foreign policy and the literature on the topic. We discuss the major actors, institutions, tools and frameworks in the foreign policy making process. A detailed analysis of the Foreign Minister’s Statement of Government Policy...

Cooperation and Conflict, 2016

Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the ro... more Reading the book, some principally important questions came to mind. The first pertains to the role of theoretically informed analysis and academic context when doing action-research. Nag Lao Liang Won et al. presents an intriguing case of how the collection of women’s testimonies of sexual violence in Burma attracts unwanted forms of attention from UN agencies, Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the media. This case hints at several interesting interpretations, but in order to detail them out the authors would have benefitted from using previous research and feminist theory. Even when engaging with local activists, it is important to use the full scholarly toolbox in order to improve understanding and promote change. The cruel eye-witness stories presented by Dolores Chew in the chapter on the massacre in Gujarat, India, actualize a second question: how should we represent women’s vulnerabilities in order to serve the purpose of making women’s lives more secure? As noted in the chapter by Won, attention to horror-stories may indeed be problematic to handle regarding the integrity of the victims, but also in relation to how they can be used politically. Ethel Brooks (2002) points out that focusing on horror-stories tends to hide structural contexts and postcolonial relations. Thus, such accounts risk directing resources and measures towards single cases, rather than to address underlying structural problems. My third question regards the conceptualization of gender. The comparative study of the implementation of 1325 action plans in Canada, the UK and the Netherlands, presented in the chapter by Gunilla de Vries Lindestam, criticizes the implementation process for understanding gender as equaling women. However, in the end she finds herself using the same understanding of gender. Moreover, in her recommendations gender (or women) is treated as primarily an administrative challenge. Since the idea of human security is strongly linked to liberal notions of the individual, it is important to discuss how a feminist understanding of gender as a power-laden relation can be conceptualized in this field. A theoretical discussion providing a point of reference would have been beneficial for all contributions. It would have tied the chapters together better and it would have put gender on an equal theoretical standing with human security. All in all, the book provides interesting insights into gendered aspects of human security, and is a worthwhile read to academics, activists and practitioners.

Issn 0460 0037, 2010

Why has multilateral cooperation developed in the intelligence field? Prior research has deemed s... more Why has multilateral cooperation developed in the intelligence field? Prior research has deemed such cooperation unlikely, irrelevant or even dangerous due to low gains and high risks. However, multilateral intelligence cooperation both exists and seems to be on the increase. This study aims to explain this puzzling development. Drawing on institutional theory, the author advances a model of international intelligence cooperation. The model is applied to the development of multilateral intelligence cooperation in Europe. Based partly on a unique set of interviews with intelligence officers from eleven states, three cooperative forums are analyzed in detail: Europol, the EU Situation Centre and the Counterterrorism Group. The author finds that apart from state preferences, the development of intelligence cooperation is largely determined by the self-interest and culture of national agencies, international institutional entrepreneurship and the way power-asymmetries are mirrored in the design of cooperative arrangements. As well as generating a more thorough understanding of the costs and benefits of international intelligence cooperation, the study offers important insights into future directions of cooperation and its connection to both national security and international policy-making. (Less)

Citation for published version (APA): Haugevik, K., Fägersten, B., Gunnarsson, P., Jokela, J., Sø... more Citation for published version (APA): Haugevik, K., Fägersten, B., Gunnarsson, P., Jokela, J., Sørensen, C., Thorhallsson, B., & Wivel, A. (2018, Jun 1). Nordic responses to Brexit: Making the best of a difficult situation. (7 ed.) Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). NUPI Policy Brief Vol. 2018 No. 7 http://www.nupi.no/en/Publications/CRIStin-Pub/Nordicresponses-to-Brexit-Making-the-best-of-a-difficult-situation

In 2005, the European Union’s (EU) coordinator of counterterrorism policies quipped that: ‘You ca... more In 2005, the European Union’s (EU) coordinator of counterterrorism policies quipped that: ‘You can’t
get closer to the heart of national sovereignty than national security and intelligence services. Yet in
Brussels we have these analysts working together for the first time’.1 Despite the inherent sensitivities
that exist within the field, the EU has considerably increased its resources for intelligence sharing and
analysis in the decade that followed this comment. Yet, this cooperation has largely gone unnoticed –
within academia as well as in the public domain. This report analyses the organisation and process of
European intelligence cooperation and the effect that this cooperation is having on European foreign
policy. In the policy recommendations, it is argued that the EU intelligence system – following phases
of boosting efficiency and legitimacy – should now be developed with an eye on the interaction between
producers and consumers of intelligence.