Caciuleanu Mihai-Calin | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (original) (raw)

Drafts by Caciuleanu Mihai-Calin

More than a third of a century has passed since Chandra Mohanty’s influential work on the coloniz... more More than a third of a century has passed since Chandra Mohanty’s influential work on the colonizing effect of key parts of Western feminist work on the ‘Third World woman’. In this paper, I argue that her original critique and also her revision of the paper should remain valid for two reasons: making feminist theoretical inquiries more critical and salvaging the method of historical materialism. A such, the first part of the paper consists of the assessment of her two works from this perspective. In the second part, I try to show that her change in focus, i.e. her accent on neoliberalism and anti-globalization movements, implies a point of convergence of antagonisms which should be used to move beyond the mere cultural relativism that characterizes a significant portion of the political Left today. The conclusions I draw have some fundamental limits, mainly regarding theoretical divides within leftist political theory. Although I recognize these limitations and try to offer, briefly, some insights that I believe future theoretical endeavors have to take into account, it remains true there is a need for a new form of emancipatory political thought that manages to address cultural contingencies without falling into the trap of postmodernist relativism. In other words, the fight on this political battlefield, I recognize, cannot be won only through academic disputes and inquires, but is rooted in a much more profound cleavage between, on the one hand, what has remained of academic Marxism and other emancipatory practices, among which I count, broadly speaking, feminism, and, on the other hand, the actual political practices of our time.

Book Reviews by Caciuleanu Mihai-Calin

Acest volum apare într-un moment crucial, la doar un an după aderarea României la Uniunea Europea... more Acest volum apare într-un moment crucial, la doar un an după aderarea României la Uniunea Europeană, când realitatea instituțională din aceasta organizație face ca și în România, precum și în alte state, dezbaterile despre reprezentarea intereselor femeilor în politică, despre cote de gen sau despre discriminare instituționalizată sa ajungă pe o noua treaptă. Cu Bruxelles-ul privindu-ne măcar din când în când, Bucureștiul se vede nevoit să se gândească serios la interese politice uitate și ignorate. Din acest punct de vedere, contribuțiile - de altfel, constante - ale Oanei Băluță, Alinei Dragolea și ale lui Alice Iancu, concentrându-se comparativ pe nevoile și perspectivele bărbaților și femeilor proaspăt integrați în familia europeană, aduc la lumină lipsurile nefaste ale serviciilor publice, care au efecte nocive asupra femeilor, mult mai mult decât asupra sexului opus.

Theses by Caciuleanu Mihai-Calin

In this Master's thesis, I start on the long and winding road of considering what can we refer to... more In this Master's thesis, I start on the long and winding road of considering what can we refer to as labour. In short, there seems to be no good reason to reject Karl Marx's definition of this activity as basically a set of actions that people undergo using their various naturally endowed or acquired faculties and abilities, which are consciously aimed at changing our surroundings according to a certain mental image we have. I said there is no problem in accepting this definition, other than the fact that it seems to trivialize the concept, that is. What I argue for, however, is that this problem of trivialization arises not from this definition, but from the image of work that capitalism as a mode of production imposes. under the current system, the only labour that is actually seen as such is the one that contributes towards the valorization of capital - towards, that is, creating surplus value. Starting from the very well developed idea of 20th century Marxist feminist authors - that unproductive labour, in the form of domestic work, is the basis for production - I argue that we can see that other activities - resolving ethical problems in everyday life, expressing one's non-dominant identity, and play - as forming part of the same category.
Realizing that each part of the above mentioned argument requires more time than I was able to dedicate to it at the time, I turn towards a related problem: although by definition some activities are labour, we should not see them as work, i.e. as we see that specific portion of our days which we are forced to dedicate towards earning a living. There is a particular capitalistic push to see every relation as an exchange one and, therefore, see every activity as we see work. It is imperative that we do not give in to this ideology, that we at least keep what little non-transactional connections we have, if we are ever to create a better system.

Radical democracy defines a perspective of democracy that seeks to maximize the political space, ... more Radical democracy defines a perspective of democracy that seeks to maximize the political space, and the rights of antagonized groups, through a continuous hegemonic struggle. In Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe argue that this project is one that captures the unrest of the New Social Movements by hegemonic discourses that do not prioritize a priori a specific agent, as it was the case of the working class in classical Marxism. To do this, they argue for populist parties that could establish counter-hegemony. In this thesis, I will criticize their approach towards the role of horizontal movements, using the post-anarchist perspective of Saul Newman. First of all, I survey the main currents of ‘classical’ anarchism highlighting their main theoretical principles, in order to see the point of departure for their vision of equal liberty for social actors. Second of all, I present the post-anarchist critique to the more or less hidden essentialism found in ‘classical’ anarchism, and review the main arguments for why this characteristic hinders the fight for true equal liberty by allowing the Revolution and the destruction of the state to hide differents strands of power that pose problems for the the praxis of the movement and for the hypothetical post-revolutionary society. Third of all, I introduce the post-anarchist perspective on the organization and purpose of the anarchist movements in late stage capitalism. Newman argues that movements should become free from identity and concentrate on fighting specific situations of oppression, as a ‘nomadic group’. Fourth of all, while this may seem unrelated to the praxis of ‘classical’ anarchism, by using the Discourse Theory developed by the Essex School, I study three cases in the history of anarchist movements - The Haymarket Affair in Chicago during the 1880s, Anarchist Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War, and the ‘Occupy’ Movement after the 2000s. This goes to show that the ‘Revolution’ stems further and further from the idea of overthrowing the state, while the ‘anarchist’, as a revolutionary identity, comes to include more and more social identities, concentrating on the fight for political rights. Fifth of all, after this analysis, I draw three main conclusions: a) after presenting the main criticism levelled against Newman’s politics, I argue that it is not only a viable vision of a movement, but that some NSMs are approaching his vision; b) I argue that this perspective on horizontal movements is necessary for the future of radical democracy, irrespective of other political formations, such as political parties; and finally c) from a post-anarchist perspective, I criticize the populist parties of Laclau and Mouffe for not being able to escape the downsides of parliamentary democracy, unless they are structured and kept in balance by some horizontal movement that is constantly adjusting and freeing itself from identity, because it is not constrained by the confined space of liberal democratic politics.

Papers by Caciuleanu Mihai-Calin

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Dec 1, 2017

In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach ig... more In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach ignorance’ in the study of ideologies as being exhibited to the detriment of morphological analysis. First, I provide an overview of this approach, I then identify an important ‘blindspot’ and detail on its significance – the case of grassroots movements and the initial ’decontestation’. Finally, I advance the view of ideologies as personal theoretical models to offer a starting point for resolving that drawback of morphological analysis, and present an overarching account that would satisfy the conceptual needs of both political theorists and political scientists.

Perspective politice, 2019

A lot of questions surround the sex work industry, from political to economic to social ones. Whi... more A lot of questions surround the sex work industry, from political to economic to social ones. While, generally speaking, the literature has been critically focused on one of these areas, there is a lack of a clear basis for a more definite understanding of the situation of the labourers. My purpose will be to build a Marxist framework of analysis that can illuminate a few crucial questions. I use the methodology of Analytical Marxism, while aspects of work relations are of feminist origin. After a brief introduction , in the first part I look at what sex work is, from a value perspective, offering an alternative refu-tation to some widely known feminist arguments in this area. In the second part, I look what the elements that come into play in sex work can tell us about how the labor is carried out, explaining why their is a need for conceptualizing the output as intimacy. After this overview, I categorize the workers as proletarians , for several reasons. The third part deals with the prospect of unionization in the field of emotional work. Necessarily, I will argue that sex work is intrinsically affective, in order to bring forward a recommendation for the process of representation. The final part contains a conclusion and some guiding ideas for both feminist and socialist political struggles.

Perspective Politice, 2017

In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach i... more In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach ignorance’ in the study of ideologies as being exhibited to the detriment of morphological analysis. First, I provide an overview of this approach, I then identify an important ‘blindspot’ and detail on its significance – the case of grassroots movements and the initial ’decontestation’. Finally, I advance the view of ideologies as personal theoretical models to offer a starting point for resolving that drawback of morphological analysis, and present an overarching account that would satisfy the conceptual needs of both political theorists and political scientists.

More than a third of a century has passed since Chandra Mohanty’s influential work on the coloniz... more More than a third of a century has passed since Chandra Mohanty’s influential work on the colonizing effect of key parts of Western feminist work on the ‘Third World woman’. In this paper, I argue that her original critique and also her revision of the paper should remain valid for two reasons: making feminist theoretical inquiries more critical and salvaging the method of historical materialism. A such, the first part of the paper consists of the assessment of her two works from this perspective. In the second part, I try to show that her change in focus, i.e. her accent on neoliberalism and anti-globalization movements, implies a point of convergence of antagonisms which should be used to move beyond the mere cultural relativism that characterizes a significant portion of the political Left today. The conclusions I draw have some fundamental limits, mainly regarding theoretical divides within leftist political theory. Although I recognize these limitations and try to offer, briefly, some insights that I believe future theoretical endeavors have to take into account, it remains true there is a need for a new form of emancipatory political thought that manages to address cultural contingencies without falling into the trap of postmodernist relativism. In other words, the fight on this political battlefield, I recognize, cannot be won only through academic disputes and inquires, but is rooted in a much more profound cleavage between, on the one hand, what has remained of academic Marxism and other emancipatory practices, among which I count, broadly speaking, feminism, and, on the other hand, the actual political practices of our time.

Acest volum apare într-un moment crucial, la doar un an după aderarea României la Uniunea Europea... more Acest volum apare într-un moment crucial, la doar un an după aderarea României la Uniunea Europeană, când realitatea instituțională din aceasta organizație face ca și în România, precum și în alte state, dezbaterile despre reprezentarea intereselor femeilor în politică, despre cote de gen sau despre discriminare instituționalizată sa ajungă pe o noua treaptă. Cu Bruxelles-ul privindu-ne măcar din când în când, Bucureștiul se vede nevoit să se gândească serios la interese politice uitate și ignorate. Din acest punct de vedere, contribuțiile - de altfel, constante - ale Oanei Băluță, Alinei Dragolea și ale lui Alice Iancu, concentrându-se comparativ pe nevoile și perspectivele bărbaților și femeilor proaspăt integrați în familia europeană, aduc la lumină lipsurile nefaste ale serviciilor publice, care au efecte nocive asupra femeilor, mult mai mult decât asupra sexului opus.

In this Master's thesis, I start on the long and winding road of considering what can we refer to... more In this Master's thesis, I start on the long and winding road of considering what can we refer to as labour. In short, there seems to be no good reason to reject Karl Marx's definition of this activity as basically a set of actions that people undergo using their various naturally endowed or acquired faculties and abilities, which are consciously aimed at changing our surroundings according to a certain mental image we have. I said there is no problem in accepting this definition, other than the fact that it seems to trivialize the concept, that is. What I argue for, however, is that this problem of trivialization arises not from this definition, but from the image of work that capitalism as a mode of production imposes. under the current system, the only labour that is actually seen as such is the one that contributes towards the valorization of capital - towards, that is, creating surplus value. Starting from the very well developed idea of 20th century Marxist feminist authors - that unproductive labour, in the form of domestic work, is the basis for production - I argue that we can see that other activities - resolving ethical problems in everyday life, expressing one's non-dominant identity, and play - as forming part of the same category.
Realizing that each part of the above mentioned argument requires more time than I was able to dedicate to it at the time, I turn towards a related problem: although by definition some activities are labour, we should not see them as work, i.e. as we see that specific portion of our days which we are forced to dedicate towards earning a living. There is a particular capitalistic push to see every relation as an exchange one and, therefore, see every activity as we see work. It is imperative that we do not give in to this ideology, that we at least keep what little non-transactional connections we have, if we are ever to create a better system.

Radical democracy defines a perspective of democracy that seeks to maximize the political space, ... more Radical democracy defines a perspective of democracy that seeks to maximize the political space, and the rights of antagonized groups, through a continuous hegemonic struggle. In Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe argue that this project is one that captures the unrest of the New Social Movements by hegemonic discourses that do not prioritize a priori a specific agent, as it was the case of the working class in classical Marxism. To do this, they argue for populist parties that could establish counter-hegemony. In this thesis, I will criticize their approach towards the role of horizontal movements, using the post-anarchist perspective of Saul Newman. First of all, I survey the main currents of ‘classical’ anarchism highlighting their main theoretical principles, in order to see the point of departure for their vision of equal liberty for social actors. Second of all, I present the post-anarchist critique to the more or less hidden essentialism found in ‘classical’ anarchism, and review the main arguments for why this characteristic hinders the fight for true equal liberty by allowing the Revolution and the destruction of the state to hide differents strands of power that pose problems for the the praxis of the movement and for the hypothetical post-revolutionary society. Third of all, I introduce the post-anarchist perspective on the organization and purpose of the anarchist movements in late stage capitalism. Newman argues that movements should become free from identity and concentrate on fighting specific situations of oppression, as a ‘nomadic group’. Fourth of all, while this may seem unrelated to the praxis of ‘classical’ anarchism, by using the Discourse Theory developed by the Essex School, I study three cases in the history of anarchist movements - The Haymarket Affair in Chicago during the 1880s, Anarchist Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War, and the ‘Occupy’ Movement after the 2000s. This goes to show that the ‘Revolution’ stems further and further from the idea of overthrowing the state, while the ‘anarchist’, as a revolutionary identity, comes to include more and more social identities, concentrating on the fight for political rights. Fifth of all, after this analysis, I draw three main conclusions: a) after presenting the main criticism levelled against Newman’s politics, I argue that it is not only a viable vision of a movement, but that some NSMs are approaching his vision; b) I argue that this perspective on horizontal movements is necessary for the future of radical democracy, irrespective of other political formations, such as political parties; and finally c) from a post-anarchist perspective, I criticize the populist parties of Laclau and Mouffe for not being able to escape the downsides of parliamentary democracy, unless they are structured and kept in balance by some horizontal movement that is constantly adjusting and freeing itself from identity, because it is not constrained by the confined space of liberal democratic politics.

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Dec 1, 2017

In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach ig... more In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach ignorance’ in the study of ideologies as being exhibited to the detriment of morphological analysis. First, I provide an overview of this approach, I then identify an important ‘blindspot’ and detail on its significance – the case of grassroots movements and the initial ’decontestation’. Finally, I advance the view of ideologies as personal theoretical models to offer a starting point for resolving that drawback of morphological analysis, and present an overarching account that would satisfy the conceptual needs of both political theorists and political scientists.

Perspective politice, 2019

A lot of questions surround the sex work industry, from political to economic to social ones. Whi... more A lot of questions surround the sex work industry, from political to economic to social ones. While, generally speaking, the literature has been critically focused on one of these areas, there is a lack of a clear basis for a more definite understanding of the situation of the labourers. My purpose will be to build a Marxist framework of analysis that can illuminate a few crucial questions. I use the methodology of Analytical Marxism, while aspects of work relations are of feminist origin. After a brief introduction , in the first part I look at what sex work is, from a value perspective, offering an alternative refu-tation to some widely known feminist arguments in this area. In the second part, I look what the elements that come into play in sex work can tell us about how the labor is carried out, explaining why their is a need for conceptualizing the output as intimacy. After this overview, I categorize the workers as proletarians , for several reasons. The third part deals with the prospect of unionization in the field of emotional work. Necessarily, I will argue that sex work is intrinsically affective, in order to bring forward a recommendation for the process of representation. The final part contains a conclusion and some guiding ideas for both feminist and socialist political struggles.

Perspective Politice, 2017

In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach i... more In this paper, I develop on the concerns specified by Maynard (2013) regarding ‘inter-approach ignorance’ in the study of ideologies as being exhibited to the detriment of morphological analysis. First, I provide an overview of this approach, I then identify an important ‘blindspot’ and detail on its significance – the case of grassroots movements and the initial ’decontestation’. Finally, I advance the view of ideologies as personal theoretical models to offer a starting point for resolving that drawback of morphological analysis, and present an overarching account that would satisfy the conceptual needs of both political theorists and political scientists.