Christopher Uggen | University of Minnesota - Twin Cities (original) (raw)
Papers by Christopher Uggen
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 2012
Item does not contain fulltex
Oxford University Press eBooks, May 25, 2006
Spatial and Spatio-temporal Epidemiology, Jul 1, 2023
... Developing over time, these pathways are influenced by personality, cognitive transformations... more ... Developing over time, these pathways are influenced by personality, cognitive transformations, and relationships and interactions with the social environment (Laub and Sampson 2001). 425 Page 443. SHELLY SCHAEFER AND CHRISTOPHER UGGEN Personality As noted ...
City & Community, Dec 1, 2018
To introduce City & Community's symposium on "Community and Crime," we describe the core connecti... more To introduce City & Community's symposium on "Community and Crime," we describe the core connections between urban/community sociology and criminology, highlight the shared history of our scholarly traditions and missions, argue for a more collaborative future, and identify priorities for future research. Before, during, and after the early days of Du Bois (1899) and the Chicago School (Park et al. 1925), sociology and criminology productively combined to advance the understanding of the ecological linkages between community and crime. Many academic programs continue to teach the subjects together, and many researchers adopt a sociological approach to examine crime. Nevertheless, there is a longstanding tension between the two areas within and across academic departments, particularly as criminology transitions from an interdisciplinary field to a separate discipline. Now, more than ever-in a time where citizens are concerned about Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), police abuse of power, mass incarceration, and racist forms of informal and formal social control-urban/community sociologists and criminologists must join forces. Together, we can shed light on some of the most compelling public and scientific questions of our time, questions that appear on the news and social media, and questions that form the substance of conversations within our communities, homes, workplaces, and classrooms. We write in hopes that urban/community sociologists and criminologists will continue to capitalize on our shared traditions, missions, methods, and passions for informing each other and the public about the many structural, political, and agentic connections between place and crime. This selection of new work published in this symposium highlights pieces that are sociological in their orientation to crime and pieces that draw on insights generated from both the criminology and sociology literatures. Using diverse methodologies, the articles approach classic sociological and criminological questions that squarely address contemporary urban and community social problems.
Sociological Forum, May 17, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Sep 22, 2022
Mass incarceration is consequential for health, and the filaments that form the connection betwee... more Mass incarceration is consequential for health, and the filaments that form the connection between prisons and health branch outward. Incarceration undermines the health and well-being of people released from prison. It undermines the health of families, communities, and health care systems. But at the heart of the relationship between prisons and health is a paradox. Prisons are charged, at once, with being punitive and therapeutic, with denying freedom and administering treatment, with confining and rehabilitating. The relationship between incarceration and health is sustained by a variety of social, cultural, and legal forces, and by a failure to recognize that prisons are now squarely in the business of providing care. Understanding how prisons undermine health requires understanding these connections and the history that got us to this point. Addressing the health of people currently and formerly in prison will improve the lives of many. It can also promote a fairer and more effective justice system.
for helpful comments on an earlier draft. YOUNG ADULTS REENTERING THE COMMUNITY FROM THE CRIMINAL... more for helpful comments on an earlier draft. YOUNG ADULTS REENTERING THE COMMUNITY FROM THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM: THE CHALLENGE OF BECOMING AN ADULT In a recent review, Michael Shanahan describes the transition to adulthood in the contemporary United States as less predictable and more precarious than ever before (2000: 685). If the transition to adulthood is more variable and more difficult for the general population, what are the difficulties faced by adults who spend their late teens and early twenties in prison or under correctional supervision? In this chapter we consider the vulnerability and resilience of young adults who return to the community from the criminal justice system across various domains of adjustment, including work, family, civic life, mental health, and substance use. Consider Dylan, a white Minnesota inmate incarcerated at age 16 and imprisoned for more than half his life when interviewed at age 29 (as part of the first author's study of the political life of convicted felons). Although Dylan had attained none of the standard markers of adult status when he entered prison, 13 years later he appeared to be a mature, accomplished, and well-educated adult. Yet, Dylan is also keenly aware of the difficulties he will face when he is released from prison, because he is "off-time" relative to his age cohort with regard to the assumption of adult roles (Caspi, Elder, and Herbener 1990; Hagestad and Neugarten 1985). "I have this feeling of I have so much to make up for, like lost time, and I have nothing to show for it. I'll get out when I'm 34. I have no house, no car, 2 no anything. So I'm going to have to spend a lot of my time working just to get my feet on the ground." Pamela, a female inmate incarcerated for prescription drug abuse, suggested that it is difficult to view her fellow inmates as full-fledged adults, no matter their age: "That's how the women are here, just beaten up. Beaten up little kids who grew up. They're like little kids walking around in woman bodies…" These comments raise questions about the links between crime, punishment, and adulthood. Can people "grow up" in prison? Are correctional facilities and detention centers necessarily "holding pens" in which no development can take place, or do they have the potential to help their clients assume stable adult roles? We first describe the young adult correctional population in the United States. We then detail the life course delays and disadvantages of young offenders prior to entering the criminal justice system. We next describe the consequences of punishment on the transition to adulthood for ex-offenders. Finally, we consider social context and variation in crime, punishment, and the transition to adulthood. The U.S. Criminal Justice System that Defines the Population The American criminal justice system can be divided into a rough sequence of police, court, and correctional functions. The farther that people are drawn into this sequence-from initial police contact, to arrest, to booking, to charging, to conviction, to sentencing, and ultimately to placement in a secure facility-the greater the potential for stigma, social exclusion, and disruption in life course transition processes. Our primary concern in this chapter is therefore with the back-end of this system and the young adults who reenter the community after being placed by courts under the supervision of one or more correctional agencies. In particular, we consider the challenge of the transition to adulthood for those serving time as probationers, prisoners, and parolees. Probation Probation is a criminal sentence that allows an individual to remain in the community under the supervision of the court for a specified period of time. If the probationer breaks the law or fails to abide by the terms of the probation agreement (which may involve conditions such as drug testing, work requirements, and travel restrictions) for the duration of the sentence, probation may be cancelled or revoked and a more severe sentence imposed. About 3.9 million adults were under probation supervision in 2001 (U.S. Department of Justice 2002a). The most recent estimate available suggests that about 26% of probationers (about 1 million individuals) are between the ages of 18 and 24 (Bonczar 1997). Although probation is often applied to first-time offenders or those convicted of non-violent offenses, it is important to note that about 53 percent of all probationers have been convicted of felonies, or crimes that are punishable by one year or more in a state prison. Prison While probationers are generally permitted to retain work, family, and community ties, prisoners are physically removed from these domains. Because a prison term is likely to
Law and Social Inquiry-journal of The American Bar Foundation, Jul 24, 2023
Despite the proliferation of transitional justice, scholars have rarely researched the emotional ... more Despite the proliferation of transitional justice, scholars have rarely researched the emotional toll on those who implement transitional justice mechanisms. This article accordingly examines the emotion management techniques employed by eighty-five judges who served in Rwanda’s post-genocide gacaca courts. Most of the intrapersonal and interpersonal emotion management strategies we find are gendered, with men generally emphasizing strength and women underscoring empathy and understanding. Moreover, the dimensions of identity that were most salient during the conflict also shaped the judges’ interpersonal emotion management strategies. Specifically, judges who were not targeted during the genocide focused on regulating emotions tied to punishing defendants, while judges who were targeted emphasized survivors’ emotional catharses. As such, our findings show how conflict divisions and gender norms structure the expression of emotion during transitional justice processes.
The Encyclopedia of Corrections, Aug 1, 2017
Social Research: An International Quarterly, Jun 1, 2007
... Dow raises provocative fundamental questions about such “imprison-ment without punishment.” M... more ... Dow raises provocative fundamental questions about such “imprison-ment without punishment.” Most critically, he asks whether such indi-viduals should be prisoners at all. Lorna Rhodes offers the fourth and final perspective on who we punish. ...
This article considers the effect of criminal records on college admissions. Most colleges requir... more This article considers the effect of criminal records on college admissions. Most colleges require criminal history information on their applications, suggesting that an applicant's criminal history could be a significant impediment to accessing the benefits of higher education. We conducted a modified experimental audit to learn whether criminal records affect admissions decisions. Matched same-race pairs of tester applications were sent to a national sample of nonelite four-year colleges, with both testers applying as either Black or White. Within each pair, one application signaled a prior low-level felony conviction when required by the application. Consistent with research on employment, the rejection rate for applicants with felonies was 2½ times the rate of our control testers. But unlike the large racial differences observed in employment, we find smaller racial differences in admissions decisions. Nevertheless, Black applicants with criminal records who disclosed their records were particularly penalized at colleges with high campus crime rates. We address implications for reentry, racial progress, and the college "Ban the Box" movement. We suggest colleges consider narrowing the scope of such inquiries or removing the question altogetherparticularly when it conflicts with the goals of these institutions, including reducing the underrepresentation of students of color.
Minnesota Law Review, 2015
Many such restrictions are surely merited. Few would argue against limiting the gun rights of tho... more Many such restrictions are surely merited. Few would argue against limiting the gun rights of those convicted of drive
Social Science Research Network, 2014
Most accounts of organizations and law treat law as largely exogenous and emphasize organizations... more Most accounts of organizations and law treat law as largely exogenous and emphasize organizations' responses to law. This study proposes a model of endogeneity among organizations, the professions, and legal institutions. It suggests that organizations and the professions strive to construct rational responses to law, enabled by "rational myths" or stories about appropriate solutions that are themselves modeled after the public legal order. Courts, in turn, recognize and legitimate organizational structures that mimic the legal form, thus conferring legal and market benefits upon organizational structures that began as gestures of compliance. Thus, market rationality can follow from rationalized myths: the professions promote a particular compliance strategy, organizations adopt this strategy to reduce costs and symbolize compliance, and courts adjust judicial constructions of fairness to include these emerging organizational practices. To illustrate this model, a case study of equal employment opportunity (EEO) grievance procedures is presented in this article. The meaning of law regulating organizations unfolds dynamically across organizational, professional, and legal fields. Legislative action and judicial interpretation offer law its official stamp, but organizations-and the
Social Forces, Sep 1, 1999
Oxford University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 2012
Item does not contain fulltex
Oxford University Press eBooks, May 25, 2006
Spatial and Spatio-temporal Epidemiology, Jul 1, 2023
... Developing over time, these pathways are influenced by personality, cognitive transformations... more ... Developing over time, these pathways are influenced by personality, cognitive transformations, and relationships and interactions with the social environment (Laub and Sampson 2001). 425 Page 443. SHELLY SCHAEFER AND CHRISTOPHER UGGEN Personality As noted ...
City & Community, Dec 1, 2018
To introduce City & Community's symposium on "Community and Crime," we describe the core connecti... more To introduce City & Community's symposium on "Community and Crime," we describe the core connections between urban/community sociology and criminology, highlight the shared history of our scholarly traditions and missions, argue for a more collaborative future, and identify priorities for future research. Before, during, and after the early days of Du Bois (1899) and the Chicago School (Park et al. 1925), sociology and criminology productively combined to advance the understanding of the ecological linkages between community and crime. Many academic programs continue to teach the subjects together, and many researchers adopt a sociological approach to examine crime. Nevertheless, there is a longstanding tension between the two areas within and across academic departments, particularly as criminology transitions from an interdisciplinary field to a separate discipline. Now, more than ever-in a time where citizens are concerned about Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), police abuse of power, mass incarceration, and racist forms of informal and formal social control-urban/community sociologists and criminologists must join forces. Together, we can shed light on some of the most compelling public and scientific questions of our time, questions that appear on the news and social media, and questions that form the substance of conversations within our communities, homes, workplaces, and classrooms. We write in hopes that urban/community sociologists and criminologists will continue to capitalize on our shared traditions, missions, methods, and passions for informing each other and the public about the many structural, political, and agentic connections between place and crime. This selection of new work published in this symposium highlights pieces that are sociological in their orientation to crime and pieces that draw on insights generated from both the criminology and sociology literatures. Using diverse methodologies, the articles approach classic sociological and criminological questions that squarely address contemporary urban and community social problems.
Sociological Forum, May 17, 2023
Oxford University Press eBooks, Sep 22, 2022
Mass incarceration is consequential for health, and the filaments that form the connection betwee... more Mass incarceration is consequential for health, and the filaments that form the connection between prisons and health branch outward. Incarceration undermines the health and well-being of people released from prison. It undermines the health of families, communities, and health care systems. But at the heart of the relationship between prisons and health is a paradox. Prisons are charged, at once, with being punitive and therapeutic, with denying freedom and administering treatment, with confining and rehabilitating. The relationship between incarceration and health is sustained by a variety of social, cultural, and legal forces, and by a failure to recognize that prisons are now squarely in the business of providing care. Understanding how prisons undermine health requires understanding these connections and the history that got us to this point. Addressing the health of people currently and formerly in prison will improve the lives of many. It can also promote a fairer and more effective justice system.
for helpful comments on an earlier draft. YOUNG ADULTS REENTERING THE COMMUNITY FROM THE CRIMINAL... more for helpful comments on an earlier draft. YOUNG ADULTS REENTERING THE COMMUNITY FROM THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM: THE CHALLENGE OF BECOMING AN ADULT In a recent review, Michael Shanahan describes the transition to adulthood in the contemporary United States as less predictable and more precarious than ever before (2000: 685). If the transition to adulthood is more variable and more difficult for the general population, what are the difficulties faced by adults who spend their late teens and early twenties in prison or under correctional supervision? In this chapter we consider the vulnerability and resilience of young adults who return to the community from the criminal justice system across various domains of adjustment, including work, family, civic life, mental health, and substance use. Consider Dylan, a white Minnesota inmate incarcerated at age 16 and imprisoned for more than half his life when interviewed at age 29 (as part of the first author's study of the political life of convicted felons). Although Dylan had attained none of the standard markers of adult status when he entered prison, 13 years later he appeared to be a mature, accomplished, and well-educated adult. Yet, Dylan is also keenly aware of the difficulties he will face when he is released from prison, because he is "off-time" relative to his age cohort with regard to the assumption of adult roles (Caspi, Elder, and Herbener 1990; Hagestad and Neugarten 1985). "I have this feeling of I have so much to make up for, like lost time, and I have nothing to show for it. I'll get out when I'm 34. I have no house, no car, 2 no anything. So I'm going to have to spend a lot of my time working just to get my feet on the ground." Pamela, a female inmate incarcerated for prescription drug abuse, suggested that it is difficult to view her fellow inmates as full-fledged adults, no matter their age: "That's how the women are here, just beaten up. Beaten up little kids who grew up. They're like little kids walking around in woman bodies…" These comments raise questions about the links between crime, punishment, and adulthood. Can people "grow up" in prison? Are correctional facilities and detention centers necessarily "holding pens" in which no development can take place, or do they have the potential to help their clients assume stable adult roles? We first describe the young adult correctional population in the United States. We then detail the life course delays and disadvantages of young offenders prior to entering the criminal justice system. We next describe the consequences of punishment on the transition to adulthood for ex-offenders. Finally, we consider social context and variation in crime, punishment, and the transition to adulthood. The U.S. Criminal Justice System that Defines the Population The American criminal justice system can be divided into a rough sequence of police, court, and correctional functions. The farther that people are drawn into this sequence-from initial police contact, to arrest, to booking, to charging, to conviction, to sentencing, and ultimately to placement in a secure facility-the greater the potential for stigma, social exclusion, and disruption in life course transition processes. Our primary concern in this chapter is therefore with the back-end of this system and the young adults who reenter the community after being placed by courts under the supervision of one or more correctional agencies. In particular, we consider the challenge of the transition to adulthood for those serving time as probationers, prisoners, and parolees. Probation Probation is a criminal sentence that allows an individual to remain in the community under the supervision of the court for a specified period of time. If the probationer breaks the law or fails to abide by the terms of the probation agreement (which may involve conditions such as drug testing, work requirements, and travel restrictions) for the duration of the sentence, probation may be cancelled or revoked and a more severe sentence imposed. About 3.9 million adults were under probation supervision in 2001 (U.S. Department of Justice 2002a). The most recent estimate available suggests that about 26% of probationers (about 1 million individuals) are between the ages of 18 and 24 (Bonczar 1997). Although probation is often applied to first-time offenders or those convicted of non-violent offenses, it is important to note that about 53 percent of all probationers have been convicted of felonies, or crimes that are punishable by one year or more in a state prison. Prison While probationers are generally permitted to retain work, family, and community ties, prisoners are physically removed from these domains. Because a prison term is likely to
Law and Social Inquiry-journal of The American Bar Foundation, Jul 24, 2023
Despite the proliferation of transitional justice, scholars have rarely researched the emotional ... more Despite the proliferation of transitional justice, scholars have rarely researched the emotional toll on those who implement transitional justice mechanisms. This article accordingly examines the emotion management techniques employed by eighty-five judges who served in Rwanda’s post-genocide gacaca courts. Most of the intrapersonal and interpersonal emotion management strategies we find are gendered, with men generally emphasizing strength and women underscoring empathy and understanding. Moreover, the dimensions of identity that were most salient during the conflict also shaped the judges’ interpersonal emotion management strategies. Specifically, judges who were not targeted during the genocide focused on regulating emotions tied to punishing defendants, while judges who were targeted emphasized survivors’ emotional catharses. As such, our findings show how conflict divisions and gender norms structure the expression of emotion during transitional justice processes.
The Encyclopedia of Corrections, Aug 1, 2017
Social Research: An International Quarterly, Jun 1, 2007
... Dow raises provocative fundamental questions about such “imprison-ment without punishment.” M... more ... Dow raises provocative fundamental questions about such “imprison-ment without punishment.” Most critically, he asks whether such indi-viduals should be prisoners at all. Lorna Rhodes offers the fourth and final perspective on who we punish. ...
This article considers the effect of criminal records on college admissions. Most colleges requir... more This article considers the effect of criminal records on college admissions. Most colleges require criminal history information on their applications, suggesting that an applicant's criminal history could be a significant impediment to accessing the benefits of higher education. We conducted a modified experimental audit to learn whether criminal records affect admissions decisions. Matched same-race pairs of tester applications were sent to a national sample of nonelite four-year colleges, with both testers applying as either Black or White. Within each pair, one application signaled a prior low-level felony conviction when required by the application. Consistent with research on employment, the rejection rate for applicants with felonies was 2½ times the rate of our control testers. But unlike the large racial differences observed in employment, we find smaller racial differences in admissions decisions. Nevertheless, Black applicants with criminal records who disclosed their records were particularly penalized at colleges with high campus crime rates. We address implications for reentry, racial progress, and the college "Ban the Box" movement. We suggest colleges consider narrowing the scope of such inquiries or removing the question altogetherparticularly when it conflicts with the goals of these institutions, including reducing the underrepresentation of students of color.
Minnesota Law Review, 2015
Many such restrictions are surely merited. Few would argue against limiting the gun rights of tho... more Many such restrictions are surely merited. Few would argue against limiting the gun rights of those convicted of drive
Social Science Research Network, 2014
Most accounts of organizations and law treat law as largely exogenous and emphasize organizations... more Most accounts of organizations and law treat law as largely exogenous and emphasize organizations' responses to law. This study proposes a model of endogeneity among organizations, the professions, and legal institutions. It suggests that organizations and the professions strive to construct rational responses to law, enabled by "rational myths" or stories about appropriate solutions that are themselves modeled after the public legal order. Courts, in turn, recognize and legitimate organizational structures that mimic the legal form, thus conferring legal and market benefits upon organizational structures that began as gestures of compliance. Thus, market rationality can follow from rationalized myths: the professions promote a particular compliance strategy, organizations adopt this strategy to reduce costs and symbolize compliance, and courts adjust judicial constructions of fairness to include these emerging organizational practices. To illustrate this model, a case study of equal employment opportunity (EEO) grievance procedures is presented in this article. The meaning of law regulating organizations unfolds dynamically across organizational, professional, and legal fields. Legislative action and judicial interpretation offer law its official stamp, but organizations-and the
Social Forces, Sep 1, 1999
From the Works Progress Administration of the New Deal to the Job Corps of the Great Society era,... more From the Works Progress Administration of the New Deal to the Job Corps of the Great Society era, employment programs have been advanced to fight poverty and social disorder. In today’s context of stubborn unemployment and neoliberal policy change, supported work programs are once more on the policy agenda. This article asks whether work reduces crime and drug use among heavy substance users. And, if so, whether it is the income from the job that makes a difference, or something else. Using the nation’s largest randomized job experiment, we first estimate the treatment effects of a basic work opportunity and then partition these effects into their economic and extra-economic components, using a logit decomposition technique generalized to event history analysis. We then interview young adults leaving drug treatment to learn whether and how they combine work with active substance use, elaborating
the experiment’s implications. Although supported employment fails to reduce cocaine or heroin use, we find clear experimental evidence that a basic work opportunity reduces predatory economic crime, consistent with classic criminological theory and contemporary models of harm reduction. The rate of robbery and burglary arrests fell by approximately 46 percent for the work treatment group relative to the control group, with income accounting for a significant share of the effect.