Negin Ilkhanipour | University of Tehran (original) (raw)
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The present study, examining the internal structure of Persian modal complex predicates (such as ... more The present study, examining the internal structure of Persian modal complex predicates (such as momken budan 'to be possible' and lâzem budan 'to be necessary') and
Monograph by Negin Ilkhanipour
Papers by Negin Ilkhanipour
![Research paper thumbnail of 2024. On [V] on v. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 9(1)](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/113467174/thumbnails/1.jpg)
](Glossa, 2024
Based on the expression of temporality in the nominal domain and its syntactic representation via... more Based on the expression of temporality in the nominal domain and its syntactic representation via the functional projections of Nominal Tense and Nominal Aspect, this article argues against the proposal that an extending-into-time perspective distinguishes the categorial feature [V] on little v from [N] on little n at LF. It demonstrates that supralexical causation, instead of temporality, is the necessary interpretive perspective encoded in [V] on v and that little n and Voice do not share the causal nature of v. The force theory of causation is then employed to define causation in terms of a causal mechanism (i.e., a configuration of forces and a position vector). The force-theoretic approach to the causal nature of v explains how different flavors of this categorizer, that is, vCAUSE, vBECOME, vDO and vBE, refer to different patterns of force and position vectors in the causal apparatus provided by [V] on v.
In this article, considering the hierarchy of the evaluative and the irrealis mood in the left pe... more In this article, considering the hierarchy of the evaluative and the irrealis mood in the left periphery of the so-called defective CPs in Persian (e.g., imperative and optative sentences, complements to subject and object control constructions, and questions), we show that such CPs in Persian are not evaluatively defective and that the incompatibility of evaluative adverbs with the irrealis value of the irrealis mood in non-factual clauses is due to the featural specification of the evaluative adverbs.
It is well discussed in the literature that epistemic modals (Mod epis) are base-generated higher... more It is well discussed in the literature that epistemic modals (Mod epis) are base-generated higher than Tense (T), while non-epistemic/root modals (Mod root) are base-generated lower than T, and that high modals are evaluated in the context of the speech event (i.e., with regard to the speaker at the speech time), whereas low modals are evaluated in the context of the VP event (with regard to an argument at the event time). In this study, looking with favour upon the presence of tense and modal functional projections in the nominal domain, and following the idea that adjectives are basegenerated in the specifiers of distinct functional projections, I argue that, similar to the structure of CPs, epistemic and root modal elements have different positions in DPs; epistemic adjectives appear in the specifier of Mod epis.NP above nominal tense (TNP), while root adjectives appear in the specifier of Mod root.NP below TNP, where nominal tense is the time of the existence or occurrence of the modified noun. With this aim in view, first, I show that the ambiguity of the adjective qæbli ‘previous’ is due to the two positions this adjective can occupy: the specifier of TNP and the specifier of ordinalP, where the adjective receives temporal and ordinal interpretations, respectively. Next, I explain that this structural ambiguity is observed when qæbli ‘previous’ cooccurs with root adjectives, such as qabel-e-ɁeɁtemad ‘reliable’. This suggests that the position of root adjectives is lower than TN, where it is interpreted with respect to the modified noun at the event time. With epistemic adjectives, such as Ɂehtemali ‘probable’, the adjective qæbli ‘previous’ is not ambiguous; it can be interpreted only as an ordinal modifier. This implies that the epistemic modal is higher than TN, where it is evaluated with regard to the speaker’s knowledge at the speech time. Thus, we see that the interaction of temporal and modal adjectives in DPs provides evidence for a structural hierarchy in the nominal domain parallel to its counterpart at the clausal level.
In the present study, we investigate the aspectual properties and the syntactic nature of Persian... more In the present study, we investigate the aspectual properties and the syntactic nature of Persian ‘become’. Based on the careful examination of degree-achievement predicates (including motion verbs and gradual change-of-state predicates), we show that Persian ‘become’ is not inherently telic (contra what has been proposed in the literature) and that resultativity, brought about by the preverb or a secondary predicate, gives rise to telicity in Persian complex predicates with ‘become’. Further, we argue, based on the so-called passive form of Persian complex predicates, that Voice and little v are two distinct projections and that Persian ‘become’ is a Non-Active Voice head above vP.
Epistemic modals are base-generated higher than non-epistemic/root modals in the clausal struct... more Epistemic modals are base-generated higher than non-epistemic/root modals in the clausal structure. Epistemic modals (Mod epis ) are higher than Tense (T), while root modals (Mod root ) are lower than T. High modals are evaluated in the context of the speech event (i.e., with regard to the speaker at the speech time), whereas low modals are evaluated in the context of the VP event (with regard to an argument at the event time).
The present study, examining the internal structure of Persian modal complex predicates (such as ... more The present study, examining the internal structure of Persian modal complex predicates (such as momken budan 'to be possible' and lâzem budan 'to be necessary') and
Glossa, 2024
Based on the expression of temporality in the nominal domain and its syntactic representation via... more Based on the expression of temporality in the nominal domain and its syntactic representation via the functional projections of Nominal Tense and Nominal Aspect, this article argues against the proposal that an extending-into-time perspective distinguishes the categorial feature [V] on little v from [N] on little n at LF. It demonstrates that supralexical causation, instead of temporality, is the necessary interpretive perspective encoded in [V] on v and that little n and Voice do not share the causal nature of v. The force theory of causation is then employed to define causation in terms of a causal mechanism (i.e., a configuration of forces and a position vector). The force-theoretic approach to the causal nature of v explains how different flavors of this categorizer, that is, vCAUSE, vBECOME, vDO and vBE, refer to different patterns of force and position vectors in the causal apparatus provided by [V] on v.
In this article, considering the hierarchy of the evaluative and the irrealis mood in the left pe... more In this article, considering the hierarchy of the evaluative and the irrealis mood in the left periphery of the so-called defective CPs in Persian (e.g., imperative and optative sentences, complements to subject and object control constructions, and questions), we show that such CPs in Persian are not evaluatively defective and that the incompatibility of evaluative adverbs with the irrealis value of the irrealis mood in non-factual clauses is due to the featural specification of the evaluative adverbs.
It is well discussed in the literature that epistemic modals (Mod epis) are base-generated higher... more It is well discussed in the literature that epistemic modals (Mod epis) are base-generated higher than Tense (T), while non-epistemic/root modals (Mod root) are base-generated lower than T, and that high modals are evaluated in the context of the speech event (i.e., with regard to the speaker at the speech time), whereas low modals are evaluated in the context of the VP event (with regard to an argument at the event time). In this study, looking with favour upon the presence of tense and modal functional projections in the nominal domain, and following the idea that adjectives are basegenerated in the specifiers of distinct functional projections, I argue that, similar to the structure of CPs, epistemic and root modal elements have different positions in DPs; epistemic adjectives appear in the specifier of Mod epis.NP above nominal tense (TNP), while root adjectives appear in the specifier of Mod root.NP below TNP, where nominal tense is the time of the existence or occurrence of the modified noun. With this aim in view, first, I show that the ambiguity of the adjective qæbli ‘previous’ is due to the two positions this adjective can occupy: the specifier of TNP and the specifier of ordinalP, where the adjective receives temporal and ordinal interpretations, respectively. Next, I explain that this structural ambiguity is observed when qæbli ‘previous’ cooccurs with root adjectives, such as qabel-e-ɁeɁtemad ‘reliable’. This suggests that the position of root adjectives is lower than TN, where it is interpreted with respect to the modified noun at the event time. With epistemic adjectives, such as Ɂehtemali ‘probable’, the adjective qæbli ‘previous’ is not ambiguous; it can be interpreted only as an ordinal modifier. This implies that the epistemic modal is higher than TN, where it is evaluated with regard to the speaker’s knowledge at the speech time. Thus, we see that the interaction of temporal and modal adjectives in DPs provides evidence for a structural hierarchy in the nominal domain parallel to its counterpart at the clausal level.
In the present study, we investigate the aspectual properties and the syntactic nature of Persian... more In the present study, we investigate the aspectual properties and the syntactic nature of Persian ‘become’. Based on the careful examination of degree-achievement predicates (including motion verbs and gradual change-of-state predicates), we show that Persian ‘become’ is not inherently telic (contra what has been proposed in the literature) and that resultativity, brought about by the preverb or a secondary predicate, gives rise to telicity in Persian complex predicates with ‘become’. Further, we argue, based on the so-called passive form of Persian complex predicates, that Voice and little v are two distinct projections and that Persian ‘become’ is a Non-Active Voice head above vP.
Epistemic modals are base-generated higher than non-epistemic/root modals in the clausal struct... more Epistemic modals are base-generated higher than non-epistemic/root modals in the clausal structure. Epistemic modals (Mod epis ) are higher than Tense (T), while root modals (Mod root ) are lower than T. High modals are evaluated in the context of the speech event (i.e., with regard to the speaker at the speech time), whereas low modals are evaluated in the context of the VP event (with regard to an argument at the event time).
To show that šodaen is not inherently telic (contra cf. Megerdoomian 2009) and that it is resulta... more To show that šodaen is not inherently telic (contra cf. Megerdoomian 2009) and that it is resultativity that gives rise to telicity in Persian complex predicates (CPrs) with šodaen. The property of resultativity is brought about by the preverb .
The present study, aimed at investigating the determinant(s) of telicity in Persian complex predi... more The present study, aimed at investigating the determinant(s) of telicity in Persian complex predicates with šodaen 'to become', takes up two objectives: i) To militate against the proposal that šodaen is inherently telic (Karimi-Doostan 1997;, and ii) To argue, based on a new classification of preverbs, for an l-syntactic analysis of aktionsart .
, with a critical look at arguments for the vP analysis of Persian subject control constructions,... more , with a critical look at arguments for the vP analysis of Persian subject control constructions, suggests that these constructions involve an embedded CP projection headed by the complementizer ke 'that'. This can be represented as in .
Taking a process-oriented approach, the present paper employs two of the principal theories of th... more Taking a process-oriented approach, the present paper employs two of the principal theories of the semantics of proper names, the description theory and the causal theory, in order to arrive at ‘identifying function’, the element responsible for retaining the effects of the original proper names into the target text. A continuum with two extremes of ‘identifying-function-reduced’ and ‘identifying-function-embedded’ translations is then proposed for the translation of proper names. The paper also attempts to show that, as representatives of individuals with different identifying functions, all the possible coexistent translations on this continuum are coactivated and compete for their realisation in the final actual product of translation. This coexistence, coactivation and competition will lead us to the concept of ‘Translation Metamorphosis’.
I prepared this when I was founding Semantics-Syntax Interface (an international journal) four ye... more I prepared this when I was founding Semantics-Syntax Interface (an international journal) four years ago. I went through many different referee guidelines then and selected the points below. We were sending this file together with the review form and the anonymous manuscript to the referees.
I believe that reviewers should be trained, so that they can be nice consultants to editors and helpful commentators to authors. Needless to say, referees play an important role in science; they purify science from pseudoscience.
