Adriana Kemp | Tel Aviv University (original) (raw)
Papers by Adriana Kemp
transcript Verlag eBooks, Dec 31, 2023
Kultur und soziale Praxis, May 18, 2023
Social Problems, Jun 3, 2019
The crisis of neoliberalism and the upsurge of populist politics have renewed interest in how con... more The crisis of neoliberalism and the upsurge of populist politics have renewed interest in how contemporary economic elites justify their privileged position, trying to be “moral” and “rich” in an era of increasing inequality and an anti-elite climate. We addressed this question through an ethnographic analysis of the socio-cultural life of the heirs of the Israeli economic elite and of the boundary-making processes that philanthropy allows them as they face internal and external challenges. Adopting analytical tools from a cultural process approach to inequality and a contextual approach to elite distinction, we suggest that the heirs generate distinct social and symbolic position within a changing field of power by presenting themselves as an “elite without elitism.” This is accomplished through a mutually reinforcing interplay between intra-elite distinctions and “inter-class inconspicuous distinction.” We contribute to the current analysis of elite reproduction “beyond Bourdieu” first by pointing at the (re)production of power and difference within the elite, and second by showing that where distinctions are drawn, matters.
Routledge eBooks, Jul 29, 2022
Liverpool University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 2014
Global Dimensions of Gender and Carework, 2006
La bureaucratisation néolibérale, 2013
Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, 2021
Gender, Work & Organization, 2019
Revue internationale de politique de développement, 2017
© irene bono and béatrice hibou, ���7 | doi �0.��63/978900434955�_00� This is an open access chap... more © irene bono and béatrice hibou, ���7 | doi �0.��63/978900434955�_00� This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. * Our thanks go to the members of the review team, including Gilles Carbonnier, Marie Thorndahl, Frances Rice, Emmanuel Dalle Mulle and Jean-François Bayart; to Didier Péclard and Yvan Droz, who attended the seminar we organised around this issue in September 2015 at the Graduate Institute; and to the two attentive readers of one of the first drafts of this introduction, Boris Samuel and a particularly generous anonymous reviewer. chapter �
Potency of the Common, 2016
Social Problems, 2016
Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusio... more Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusionary migration regimes leading to the formation of transnational families. Nevertheless, it disregards how these tensions produce “illegal” families within countries of destination, catalyzing the mobilization of moral claims over their recognition in the local civil society. To fill this lacuna, this article looks at the interface between migration policies controlling the reproductive lives of migrant care workers and the mobilization of ethical claims and moral constructions of care from below (i.e., movements and organizations advocating for care workers). Based on fieldwork in Israeli advocacy NGOs and the 2009 anti-deportation campaign, we suggest that the sociolegal position of migrant care workers’ families in destination countries is shaped not only by state policies and market dynamics but also by the types of social mobilizations, ethical evaluations, and pragmatic strategizing they spur in civil society. Findings show that while anti-deportation networks and NGO’s advocacy succeeded in achieving public recognition of the reproductive needs and lives of care workers, their forms of moral reasoning and strategizing reinforced definitions of care workers as primarily workers and of their children as humanitarian exceptions to the non-immigration regime. We conclude by arguing that the transformative power of the politics of ethical claims from below in stringent ethnonational regimes like the Israeli may be contingent on its not disrupting the tensions between wanted workers and unwanted families but rendering them manageable. As such, civil society’s social and moral agency broadens the range of actors and dynamics shaping the globalization of care as well as its contradictions.
Arbor, 2016
In this paper we shed light into the process of institutionalization of labor migration in Israel... more In this paper we shed light into the process of institutionalization of labor migration in Israel. Specifically, we show the ways by which state regulations created a fertile ground for the creation of a precarious and captive labor force of non-citizens in the Israeli labor market. We focus on the following four main dimensions: (1) the policy of quotas, work permits, and subsidies; (2) the binding system which regulates employment relations; (3) the creation of an infrastructure for manpower agencies that over time became the main stakeholder in the institutionalization of labor migration; and (4) the creation of a complementary mechanism for the "discipline" and control of workers in the form of the deportation policy.
Law & Society Review, 2016
How are the rights of migrant workers mobilized in non-immigration regimes? Drawing on an ethnogr... more How are the rights of migrant workers mobilized in non-immigration regimes? Drawing on an ethnography of human rights NGOs in Israel and Singapore, two countries that share similar ethnic policies but differ in their political regime, this study contributes to scholarship on migrants' rights mobilization by expanding cross-national analysis beyond the United States and West Europe and diverting its focus from legal institutions to the places where rights are produced. Findings show that differences in the political regime influence the channels for mobilizing claims but not the cultural politics of resonance that NGOs use when dealing with the tensions between restrictive ethnic policies and the expansion of labor migration. While restraints in authoritarian Singapore operate mainly outside the activists' circle, in the Israeli ethno-democracy they operate through self-disciplining processes that neutralize their potential challenge to hegemonic understandings of citizenship. Paradoxically, success in advancing rights for migrants through resonance often results in reinforcing the non-immigration regime. Recent comparative studies on migrant workers' rights 1 shed light on how national fields of power shape and are shaped by legal mobilizations (Bloemraad 2006; Bloemraad and Provine 2013; Kawar 2011a, 2012). Bridging the comparative migration studies' interest in national settings and sociolegal mobilization perspectives, this scholarship underscores the complex dynamics of rights making when activists engage in settings with varying institutional configurations and cultural repertoires. Despite its interest in legal pluralism, much of the cross-national scholarship We thank the NGOs staff and activists in Singapore and Israel that took part in the study for their participation, openness and insights. We are indebted to the editors of LSR and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful suggestions and constructive comments.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2015
Based on a comparison of Berlin and Tel Aviv, this article investigates the ways in which ensembl... more Based on a comparison of Berlin and Tel Aviv, this article investigates the ways in which ensembles of participatory instruments mediate between neoliberal urban regimes and political agency shaping differentially the meaning of participation and the types of claims that can be advanced. The article gives an overview of the recent history of both cities through the lens of participatory politics. Two in-depth case studies further examine the relationship between participatory politics and claim making in each setting: the recent conflict over a social center in the district of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in Berlin and the Levinsky tent city of 2011 in Tel Aviv. In the concluding section, the article suggests that, rather than assuming that participatory tools either co-opt movements or can be appropriated by them, we need to rethink the relationship between participatory tools, rights and recognition, and ask how participatory structures and political agency constitute each other in interwoven dynamics.
Critical Sociology, 2016
This article introduces the distinction between ‘routine’ and ‘emergency’ times in human rights s... more This article introduces the distinction between ‘routine’ and ‘emergency’ times in human rights struggles. Based on ethnography of Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) advocating on migrant workers’ rights, we show how this emergent distinction manifests in the social dynamics of human rights struggles. Thus, whereas in their daily work, human rights NGOs follow the logic of the bureaucratic system in a slow, Sisyphean manner, in times of perceived ‘emergency’, opportunities open up for a faster pace of action and for breaking routine repertoires. In bringing socio-temporal configurations to bear on human rights struggles, we show how activists’ experiencing of events as ‘emergency’ was a catalyst for the transformation of social mobilization, positing that both NGOs and social movements, however distinct from each other, are in fact related to different ‘times’ of human rights struggles.
transcript Verlag eBooks, Dec 31, 2023
Kultur und soziale Praxis, May 18, 2023
Social Problems, Jun 3, 2019
The crisis of neoliberalism and the upsurge of populist politics have renewed interest in how con... more The crisis of neoliberalism and the upsurge of populist politics have renewed interest in how contemporary economic elites justify their privileged position, trying to be “moral” and “rich” in an era of increasing inequality and an anti-elite climate. We addressed this question through an ethnographic analysis of the socio-cultural life of the heirs of the Israeli economic elite and of the boundary-making processes that philanthropy allows them as they face internal and external challenges. Adopting analytical tools from a cultural process approach to inequality and a contextual approach to elite distinction, we suggest that the heirs generate distinct social and symbolic position within a changing field of power by presenting themselves as an “elite without elitism.” This is accomplished through a mutually reinforcing interplay between intra-elite distinctions and “inter-class inconspicuous distinction.” We contribute to the current analysis of elite reproduction “beyond Bourdieu” first by pointing at the (re)production of power and difference within the elite, and second by showing that where distinctions are drawn, matters.
Routledge eBooks, Jul 29, 2022
Liverpool University Press eBooks, Jun 1, 2014
Global Dimensions of Gender and Carework, 2006
La bureaucratisation néolibérale, 2013
Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, 2021
Gender, Work & Organization, 2019
Revue internationale de politique de développement, 2017
© irene bono and béatrice hibou, ���7 | doi �0.��63/978900434955�_00� This is an open access chap... more © irene bono and béatrice hibou, ���7 | doi �0.��63/978900434955�_00� This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. * Our thanks go to the members of the review team, including Gilles Carbonnier, Marie Thorndahl, Frances Rice, Emmanuel Dalle Mulle and Jean-François Bayart; to Didier Péclard and Yvan Droz, who attended the seminar we organised around this issue in September 2015 at the Graduate Institute; and to the two attentive readers of one of the first drafts of this introduction, Boris Samuel and a particularly generous anonymous reviewer. chapter �
Potency of the Common, 2016
Social Problems, 2016
Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusio... more Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusionary migration regimes leading to the formation of transnational families. Nevertheless, it disregards how these tensions produce “illegal” families within countries of destination, catalyzing the mobilization of moral claims over their recognition in the local civil society. To fill this lacuna, this article looks at the interface between migration policies controlling the reproductive lives of migrant care workers and the mobilization of ethical claims and moral constructions of care from below (i.e., movements and organizations advocating for care workers). Based on fieldwork in Israeli advocacy NGOs and the 2009 anti-deportation campaign, we suggest that the sociolegal position of migrant care workers’ families in destination countries is shaped not only by state policies and market dynamics but also by the types of social mobilizations, ethical evaluations, and pragmatic strategizing they spur in civil society. Findings show that while anti-deportation networks and NGO’s advocacy succeeded in achieving public recognition of the reproductive needs and lives of care workers, their forms of moral reasoning and strategizing reinforced definitions of care workers as primarily workers and of their children as humanitarian exceptions to the non-immigration regime. We conclude by arguing that the transformative power of the politics of ethical claims from below in stringent ethnonational regimes like the Israeli may be contingent on its not disrupting the tensions between wanted workers and unwanted families but rendering them manageable. As such, civil society’s social and moral agency broadens the range of actors and dynamics shaping the globalization of care as well as its contradictions.
Arbor, 2016
In this paper we shed light into the process of institutionalization of labor migration in Israel... more In this paper we shed light into the process of institutionalization of labor migration in Israel. Specifically, we show the ways by which state regulations created a fertile ground for the creation of a precarious and captive labor force of non-citizens in the Israeli labor market. We focus on the following four main dimensions: (1) the policy of quotas, work permits, and subsidies; (2) the binding system which regulates employment relations; (3) the creation of an infrastructure for manpower agencies that over time became the main stakeholder in the institutionalization of labor migration; and (4) the creation of a complementary mechanism for the "discipline" and control of workers in the form of the deportation policy.
Law & Society Review, 2016
How are the rights of migrant workers mobilized in non-immigration regimes? Drawing on an ethnogr... more How are the rights of migrant workers mobilized in non-immigration regimes? Drawing on an ethnography of human rights NGOs in Israel and Singapore, two countries that share similar ethnic policies but differ in their political regime, this study contributes to scholarship on migrants' rights mobilization by expanding cross-national analysis beyond the United States and West Europe and diverting its focus from legal institutions to the places where rights are produced. Findings show that differences in the political regime influence the channels for mobilizing claims but not the cultural politics of resonance that NGOs use when dealing with the tensions between restrictive ethnic policies and the expansion of labor migration. While restraints in authoritarian Singapore operate mainly outside the activists' circle, in the Israeli ethno-democracy they operate through self-disciplining processes that neutralize their potential challenge to hegemonic understandings of citizenship. Paradoxically, success in advancing rights for migrants through resonance often results in reinforcing the non-immigration regime. Recent comparative studies on migrant workers' rights 1 shed light on how national fields of power shape and are shaped by legal mobilizations (Bloemraad 2006; Bloemraad and Provine 2013; Kawar 2011a, 2012). Bridging the comparative migration studies' interest in national settings and sociolegal mobilization perspectives, this scholarship underscores the complex dynamics of rights making when activists engage in settings with varying institutional configurations and cultural repertoires. Despite its interest in legal pluralism, much of the cross-national scholarship We thank the NGOs staff and activists in Singapore and Israel that took part in the study for their participation, openness and insights. We are indebted to the editors of LSR and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful suggestions and constructive comments.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2015
Based on a comparison of Berlin and Tel Aviv, this article investigates the ways in which ensembl... more Based on a comparison of Berlin and Tel Aviv, this article investigates the ways in which ensembles of participatory instruments mediate between neoliberal urban regimes and political agency shaping differentially the meaning of participation and the types of claims that can be advanced. The article gives an overview of the recent history of both cities through the lens of participatory politics. Two in-depth case studies further examine the relationship between participatory politics and claim making in each setting: the recent conflict over a social center in the district of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg in Berlin and the Levinsky tent city of 2011 in Tel Aviv. In the concluding section, the article suggests that, rather than assuming that participatory tools either co-opt movements or can be appropriated by them, we need to rethink the relationship between participatory tools, rights and recognition, and ask how participatory structures and political agency constitute each other in interwoven dynamics.
Critical Sociology, 2016
This article introduces the distinction between ‘routine’ and ‘emergency’ times in human rights s... more This article introduces the distinction between ‘routine’ and ‘emergency’ times in human rights struggles. Based on ethnography of Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) advocating on migrant workers’ rights, we show how this emergent distinction manifests in the social dynamics of human rights struggles. Thus, whereas in their daily work, human rights NGOs follow the logic of the bureaucratic system in a slow, Sisyphean manner, in times of perceived ‘emergency’, opportunities open up for a faster pace of action and for breaking routine repertoires. In bringing socio-temporal configurations to bear on human rights struggles, we show how activists’ experiencing of events as ‘emergency’ was a catalyst for the transformation of social mobilization, positing that both NGOs and social movements, however distinct from each other, are in fact related to different ‘times’ of human rights struggles.
Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusio... more Literature on global care work deals with biopolitical tensions between care markets and exclusionary migration regimes leading to the formation of transnational families. Nevertheless, it disregards how these tensions produce " illegal " families within countries of destination, catalyzing the mobilization of moral claims over their recognition in the local civil society. To fill this lacuna, this article looks at the interface between migration policies controlling the reproductive lives of migrant care workers and the mobilization of ethical claims and moral constructions of care from below (i.e., movements and organizations advocating for care workers). Based on fieldwork in Israeli advocacy NGOs and the 2009 anti-deportation campaign, we suggest that the sociolegal position of migrant care workers' families in destination countries is shaped not only by state policies and market dynamics but also by the types of social mobilizations, ethical evaluations, and pragmatic strategizing they spur in civil society. Findings show that while anti-deportation networks and NGO's advocacy succeeded in achieving public recognition of the reproductive needs and lives of care workers, their forms of moral reasoning and strategizing reinforced definitions of care workers as primarily workers and of their children as humanitarian exceptions to the non-immigration regime. We conclude by arguing that the transformative power of the politics of ethical claims from below in stringent ethnonational regimes like the Israeli may be contingent on its not disrupting the tensions between wanted workers and unwanted families but rendering them manageable. As such, civil society's social and moral agency broadens the range of actors and dynamics shaping the globalization of care as well as its contradictions. K E Y W O R D