Outi Bat-El | Tel Aviv University (original) (raw)

Publications by Outi Bat-El

In this paper, we study the distribution of the feminine singular suffixes -et and -a in the pres... more In this paper, we study the distribution of the feminine singular suffixes -et and -a in the present tense of Hebrew verb paradigms. The question we ask is which of these two suffixes is the default allomorph. The answer is not trivial. In terms of distribution, -a appears with limited environments and -et is clearly the elsewhere case, and thus the default. In terms of order, however, -et is the feminine singular suffix associated with the present tense, while -a emerges only when -et is blocked. We thus argue for multiple defaults, distinguishing between local and global default; -et is the local default, uniquely associated with feminine singular verbs in the present tense, while -a is the global default, associated with feminine singular but not specified for the present tense. We provide a formal analysis for the distribution of these suffixes within the framework of Optimality Theory, which allows the interaction of phonological constraints with constraints on morpho-syntactic feature mapping. We further study the partially unpredictable distribution of -et and -a in vowel final verbs, and present the results of an experiment where speakers employed unique strategies in order to assign the local default -et.

Papers by Outi Bat-El

Oxford University Press eBooks, Dec 9, 2004

Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, Nov 1, 1994

In the formation of Modern Hebrew denominative verbs, two structural properties are transferred f... more In the formation of Modern Hebrew denominative verbs, two structural properties are transferred from the base to the derived form: the consonantal root and the consonant cluster. While the model of Root-to-TempIate Association (McCarthy 1981) is largely based on root transfer, it fails to account for cluster transfer. In this paper ][ argue that the model which can actually account for cluster transfer as well as root transfer is what I will term here Stem Modificatkm (Steriade 1988). Within this model, segmental and prosodic adjustments are made on the base itself and not on some designated material extracted from the base. This approach to stem formation also eliminates the notion of the consonantal root from the grammar of Modern Hebrew. 0. I N T R O D U C T I O N * I am grateful to Sharon Inkelas, Wendy Sandler, Donca Steriade, and two anonymous NLLT readers for their valuable comments on earlier drafts of this paper, and to Michele Segal for her editorial work. I alone am responsible for any errors found herein. Unless otherwise specified, stress is final and the citation form of verbs is the 3rd person masculine past. 2 Tiers must be idcntifed at an early stage of the derivation because on the surface they can be obscured by processes such as spirantization, as in katav 'to write'-hixIiv ~to dictate'.

Acta linguistica academica, Apr 1, 2018

The paper addresses historical changes in the stress system of Hebrew, attending to the differenc... more The paper addresses historical changes in the stress system of Hebrew, attending to the difference between Biblical Hebrew (script-based) and contemporary Hebrew (attested), and predicting the system of post-Hebrew; on the basis of experimental evidence and words from the periphery of the lexicon, it is predicted that the stress system of post-Hebrew will be similar to that of Biblical Hebrew. The predicted change from contemporary Hebrew to post-Hebrew is attributed to a combination of two factors: the inconsistency of the present system, and its incompliance with universal principles. The changes are addressed in terms of constraint reranking within the framework of Optimality Theory.

Cognitive Science, 2020

Does knowledge of language transfer across language modalities? For example, can speakers who hav... more Does knowledge of language transfer across language modalities? For example, can speakers who have had no sign language experience spontaneously project grammatical principles of English to American Sign Language (ASL) signs? To address this question, here, we explore a grammatical illusion. Using spoken language, we first show that a single word with doubling (e.g., trafraf) can elicit conflicting linguistic responses, depending on the level of linguistic analysis (phonology vs. morphology). We next show that speakers with no command of a sign language extend these same principles to novel ASL signs. Remarkably, the morphological analysis of ASL signs depends on the morphology of participants' spoken language. Speakers of Malayalam (a language with rich reduplicative morphology) prefer XX signs when doubling signals morphological plurality, whereas no such preference is seen in speakers of Mandarin (a language with no productive plural morphology). Our conclusions open up the possibility that some linguistic principles are amodal and abstract.

Brill's annual of afroasiatic languages and linguistics, Jun 12, 2019

Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas,... more Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas, onsetless syllables, and complex syllable margins. Syllables with a complex onset are found in word initial position, mostly in nouns, and syllables with a complex coda are less common. In this paper, we provide the distribution of syllable types in Modern Hebrew, noting differences between verbs and nouns, native words and loanwords, as well as differences among positions within the word. Special attention is given to word initial complex onsets, with details regarding the restrictions governing consonant combinations.

Phonology, Aug 1, 2005

The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns... more The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns in templatic and non-templatic hypocoristics in Hebrew. It is designed to illustrate the emergence of the trochaic foot, whose role elsewhere in the language is rather limited. The trochaic foot has been shown to determine the structure of templatic hypocoristics in various languages ; this is also true in Hebrew. In addition, it plays a major role in Hebrew non-templatic hypocoristics, which on the surface look like simple constructions of base+suffix. The trochaic foot does not delimit the number of syllables in non-templatic hypocoristics, but it plays an important role in the stress system, where the position of stress is also sensitive to the input stress and the type of suffix.

Phonological data & analysis, Jun 6, 2022

The literature on what we call AB constructions (freezes, irreversible binomials), such as odds a... more The literature on what we call AB constructions (freezes, irreversible binomials), such as odds and ends and copy paste, attributes the fixed word order to both phonological and nonphonological, mostly semantic constraints. However, some researchers attribute a prominent role to phonology, while others view semantics as the major contributor to word order of AB constructions. In this paper we evaluate the role of phonology in Hebrew AB constructions with reference to a harmonic grammar with weighted constraints, where constraint weight is calculated on the basis of its effect in our corpus. The grammar reveals that semantic constraints weigh more than phonological constraints in both the cumulative weight and the average weight. Nevertheless, phonology affects a great number of data items, in particular those where semantic constraints are mute. We thus conclude that although syntax and semantics are responsible for word order, phonology determines word order when the other modules do not have a say.

Studies in African linguistics, Aug 1, 1988

Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribut... more Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribution is interpreted here in prosodic terms. It is claimed that the feature [+nasal] is represented on morae rather than on individual segments. The assignment of the feature [+nasal] is integrated with syllabification rules, which explains the prosodic characteristics of nasality. Further evidence is drawn from the distribution of nasality in reduplicated forms; the moraic representation of the feature [+nasal] is crucial for the analysis of reduplicated CV stems.

Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science, 2003

Brill's annual of afroasiatic languages and linguistics, Nov 1, 2009

When children have to select one of two structures, do they start with the universally unmarked s... more When children have to select one of two structures, do they start with the universally unmarked structure or with the one preferred by the ambient language? Th is question is directly relevant to metrical systems, which often employ either iambs or the universally unmarked trochees. We argue that children start with the universally unmarked trochaic foot, unless their ambient language provides them with suffi cient data to arrive at the language-specifi c preferred foot prior to the onset of speech. We show that Hebrew-acquiring children, unlike French ones, are exposed to ambiguous data, which do not allow them to determine the type of foot the language's stress system employs. Our quantitative data provide evidence that in such a case, children adhere to the trochaic foot during the very early stage of acquisition (in the case study presented here, the early stage of acquisition refers to the fi rst 100 cumulative target words). Later on, children follow the frequency-based preference in Hebrew, where fi nal stress, and thus the iambic foot is employed in about 75% of the nouns.

Language, 2002

There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, FAKE TRUN... more There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, FAKE TRUNCATION (templatic) and TRUE TRUNCATION (a-templatic, subtractive). This article provides an analysis of true truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. It is shown that true truncation cannot target a designated phonological unit, since in some forms CV is truncated and in others only V. In addition, there are cases where truncation is blocked. The framework of optimality theory adopted here allows a unified account of the data in terms of constraint interaction. It is argued that an antifaithfulness truncation constraint, which must be morphological, interacts with both faithfulness and markedness constraints. Truncation is minimized to one segment by a general antideletion faithfulness constraint, but markedness constraints may impose truncation of more than one segment. There are cases where truncation is blocked, which suggests that the truncation constraint is violable. The discussion includes regular and irregular verbs and instances of free variation.*

The Linguistic Review, 1993

L'article fournit une analyse de l'accent du nom en hebreu moderne dans le cadre de la th... more L'article fournit une analyse de l'accent du nom en hebreu moderne dans le cadre de la theorie de la grille metrique. Deux propositions nouvelles sont avancees, elles concernent le concept de la metrification parasite, capable de predire le placement de l'accent deplace, et la regle supplementaire s'appliquant a la distribution de l'accent secondaire. Ces propositions etant necessaires pour une explication de l'accent en hebreu moderne, l'auteur souhaite les incorporer dans la theorie de la grille metrique.

Linguistics, 1997

In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case ... more In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case from Hebrew, where plural formation of feminine diminutive nouns is blocked due to features associated with an internal suffix. The feminine diminutive form yaldonet 'little girl' consists of a base yeled 'boy', a diminutive suffix-on, and a feminine suffix-et;-on is specified for [-Fern] and-et for [ + Fem]. The plural suffixes in Hebrew are subcategorized for gender,-otfor [ + FemJ and-im for [-Fern]. I argue that diminutive forms such as yaldonet cannot be pluralized because-im conflicts with the gender 0/-et, and-ot with the gender of-on. While the conflict with-et is expectable, the one with-on can be explained only if the gender of the internal suffix is visible. There are, however, cases where word-internal suffixes are not visible. These suffixes, unlike the visible suffix-on, are noncompositional I thus propose to view words as consisting of compositional and noncompositional morphological domains; only suffixes in a compositional domain can be visible word-internally.

The Blackwell Companion to Phonology, Apr 28, 2011

De Gruyter eBooks, Aug 16, 2012

Linguistic Inquiry, Apr 1, 2006

The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between redu... more The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between reduplicated and nonreduplicated stems with identical consonants (e.g., minen 'to apportion' vs. mimen 'to finance'), and (b) the patterns of reduplication (C 1 VC 2 VC 2C , C 1 VC 2 C 3 VC 3C , C 1 VC 2 C 1C VC 2C , and C 1 C 2 VC 3 C 2C VC 3C). These issues are studied from a surface point of view, accounting for speakers' capacity to parse forms with identical consonants regardless of their base. It is argued that the grammar constructed by the learner on the basis of structural relations (base-output) can also serve for parsing surface forms without reference to a base.

Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes, Jun 1, 2003

The paper provides an Optimality Theoretic account to Modern Hebrew nonconcatenative morphology. ... more The paper provides an Optimality Theoretic account to Modern Hebrew nonconcatenative morphology. It argues that the base of derivation is the word/stem, modified by constraints assigning the prosodic structure, the vocalic pattern, and the affixes (if any). The notion of the binyan is viewed as a configuration of the structures assigned by these constraints. The consonantal root is entirely eliminated from the grammar, a result supported by arguments from historical change and learnability.

Language acquisition & language disorders, 2003

The distinctive character of a Semitic stem is usually identified by the root-andpattern structur... more The distinctive character of a Semitic stem is usually identified by the root-andpattern structure, whereby a stem consists of two interdigitated segmental units, a consonantal root and a vocalic pattern. 1 Interdigitation is governed by a prosodic template which determines the syllabic structure of the stem, i.e. the number of syllables, vowel length, and gemination. The vocalic pattern and the prosodic template together form a binyan, which may be accompanied by an affix. This type of word structure appears quite different from the more familiar structure involving morpheme concatenation. Is Semitic morphology indeed so different? Within this volume, which highlights the distinctive aspects of Semitic morphology, I reconsider this question, claiming that the Semitic stem structure is not so peculiar, at least not to the extent that is usually believed. I will show that phonological phenomena constituting evidence for the consonantal root, the vocalic pattern, and the prosodic template in Semitic languages can also be found in non-Semitic languages. I will argue that the difference between Semitic and non-Semitic languages is not a matter of type but rather a matter of degree and combination. The phenomena characterizing Semitic-type morphology, i.e. those which constitute evidence for the consonantal root, the vocalic pattern, and the prosodic template, can be found in other languages but often to a lesser degree. In addition, while each phenomenon can be found in other languages individually, their combination within the same language is not found outside the Semitic family. The discussion is divided into two parts, one concerned with the consonantal root (Section 1) and the other with the binyan (Section 2). Section 1.1 offers a brief review of McCarthy's (1981) structural interpretation of the classical view of the Semitic stem, based primarily on root cooccurrence restrictions. Cooccurrence restrictions in other languages are presented in 1.2 as evidence that in this respect Semitic languages are not unique. Section 1.3 discusses a universal approach to cooccurrence restrictions within the theoretical guidelines of Feature Geometry. Section 2.1 presents the phonological properties identifying a verb in Modern Hebrew, which include the vocalic pattern, the prosodic structure, and prefixes.

Phonology, Dec 1, 1996

Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where in... more Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where internal portions of the base words are often subtracted (one segmental string from the right part of the first word and another from the left part of the second word). For example, the English blendnixonomicshas been formed by combiningnixonandeconomicsand subtracting the stringneco. (For clarity of exposition, blends will be usually represented asnixonomics, where the subtracted material is enclosed in angled brackets and the boundary between the base elements is indicated by ⋅).

In this paper, we study the distribution of the feminine singular suffixes -et and -a in the pres... more In this paper, we study the distribution of the feminine singular suffixes -et and -a in the present tense of Hebrew verb paradigms. The question we ask is which of these two suffixes is the default allomorph. The answer is not trivial. In terms of distribution, -a appears with limited environments and -et is clearly the elsewhere case, and thus the default. In terms of order, however, -et is the feminine singular suffix associated with the present tense, while -a emerges only when -et is blocked. We thus argue for multiple defaults, distinguishing between local and global default; -et is the local default, uniquely associated with feminine singular verbs in the present tense, while -a is the global default, associated with feminine singular but not specified for the present tense. We provide a formal analysis for the distribution of these suffixes within the framework of Optimality Theory, which allows the interaction of phonological constraints with constraints on morpho-syntactic feature mapping. We further study the partially unpredictable distribution of -et and -a in vowel final verbs, and present the results of an experiment where speakers employed unique strategies in order to assign the local default -et.

Oxford University Press eBooks, Dec 9, 2004

Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, Nov 1, 1994

In the formation of Modern Hebrew denominative verbs, two structural properties are transferred f... more In the formation of Modern Hebrew denominative verbs, two structural properties are transferred from the base to the derived form: the consonantal root and the consonant cluster. While the model of Root-to-TempIate Association (McCarthy 1981) is largely based on root transfer, it fails to account for cluster transfer. In this paper ][ argue that the model which can actually account for cluster transfer as well as root transfer is what I will term here Stem Modificatkm (Steriade 1988). Within this model, segmental and prosodic adjustments are made on the base itself and not on some designated material extracted from the base. This approach to stem formation also eliminates the notion of the consonantal root from the grammar of Modern Hebrew. 0. I N T R O D U C T I O N * I am grateful to Sharon Inkelas, Wendy Sandler, Donca Steriade, and two anonymous NLLT readers for their valuable comments on earlier drafts of this paper, and to Michele Segal for her editorial work. I alone am responsible for any errors found herein. Unless otherwise specified, stress is final and the citation form of verbs is the 3rd person masculine past. 2 Tiers must be idcntifed at an early stage of the derivation because on the surface they can be obscured by processes such as spirantization, as in katav 'to write'-hixIiv ~to dictate'.

Acta linguistica academica, Apr 1, 2018

The paper addresses historical changes in the stress system of Hebrew, attending to the differenc... more The paper addresses historical changes in the stress system of Hebrew, attending to the difference between Biblical Hebrew (script-based) and contemporary Hebrew (attested), and predicting the system of post-Hebrew; on the basis of experimental evidence and words from the periphery of the lexicon, it is predicted that the stress system of post-Hebrew will be similar to that of Biblical Hebrew. The predicted change from contemporary Hebrew to post-Hebrew is attributed to a combination of two factors: the inconsistency of the present system, and its incompliance with universal principles. The changes are addressed in terms of constraint reranking within the framework of Optimality Theory.

Cognitive Science, 2020

Does knowledge of language transfer across language modalities? For example, can speakers who hav... more Does knowledge of language transfer across language modalities? For example, can speakers who have had no sign language experience spontaneously project grammatical principles of English to American Sign Language (ASL) signs? To address this question, here, we explore a grammatical illusion. Using spoken language, we first show that a single word with doubling (e.g., trafraf) can elicit conflicting linguistic responses, depending on the level of linguistic analysis (phonology vs. morphology). We next show that speakers with no command of a sign language extend these same principles to novel ASL signs. Remarkably, the morphological analysis of ASL signs depends on the morphology of participants' spoken language. Speakers of Malayalam (a language with rich reduplicative morphology) prefer XX signs when doubling signals morphological plurality, whereas no such preference is seen in speakers of Mandarin (a language with no productive plural morphology). Our conclusions open up the possibility that some linguistic principles are amodal and abstract.

Brill's annual of afroasiatic languages and linguistics, Jun 12, 2019

Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas,... more Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas, onsetless syllables, and complex syllable margins. Syllables with a complex onset are found in word initial position, mostly in nouns, and syllables with a complex coda are less common. In this paper, we provide the distribution of syllable types in Modern Hebrew, noting differences between verbs and nouns, native words and loanwords, as well as differences among positions within the word. Special attention is given to word initial complex onsets, with details regarding the restrictions governing consonant combinations.

Phonology, Aug 1, 2005

The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns... more The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns in templatic and non-templatic hypocoristics in Hebrew. It is designed to illustrate the emergence of the trochaic foot, whose role elsewhere in the language is rather limited. The trochaic foot has been shown to determine the structure of templatic hypocoristics in various languages ; this is also true in Hebrew. In addition, it plays a major role in Hebrew non-templatic hypocoristics, which on the surface look like simple constructions of base+suffix. The trochaic foot does not delimit the number of syllables in non-templatic hypocoristics, but it plays an important role in the stress system, where the position of stress is also sensitive to the input stress and the type of suffix.

Phonological data & analysis, Jun 6, 2022

The literature on what we call AB constructions (freezes, irreversible binomials), such as odds a... more The literature on what we call AB constructions (freezes, irreversible binomials), such as odds and ends and copy paste, attributes the fixed word order to both phonological and nonphonological, mostly semantic constraints. However, some researchers attribute a prominent role to phonology, while others view semantics as the major contributor to word order of AB constructions. In this paper we evaluate the role of phonology in Hebrew AB constructions with reference to a harmonic grammar with weighted constraints, where constraint weight is calculated on the basis of its effect in our corpus. The grammar reveals that semantic constraints weigh more than phonological constraints in both the cumulative weight and the average weight. Nevertheless, phonology affects a great number of data items, in particular those where semantic constraints are mute. We thus conclude that although syntax and semantics are responsible for word order, phonology determines word order when the other modules do not have a say.

Studies in African linguistics, Aug 1, 1988

Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribut... more Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribution is interpreted here in prosodic terms. It is claimed that the feature [+nasal] is represented on morae rather than on individual segments. The assignment of the feature [+nasal] is integrated with syllabification rules, which explains the prosodic characteristics of nasality. Further evidence is drawn from the distribution of nasality in reduplicated forms; the moraic representation of the feature [+nasal] is crucial for the analysis of reduplicated CV stems.

Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science, 2003

Brill's annual of afroasiatic languages and linguistics, Nov 1, 2009

When children have to select one of two structures, do they start with the universally unmarked s... more When children have to select one of two structures, do they start with the universally unmarked structure or with the one preferred by the ambient language? Th is question is directly relevant to metrical systems, which often employ either iambs or the universally unmarked trochees. We argue that children start with the universally unmarked trochaic foot, unless their ambient language provides them with suffi cient data to arrive at the language-specifi c preferred foot prior to the onset of speech. We show that Hebrew-acquiring children, unlike French ones, are exposed to ambiguous data, which do not allow them to determine the type of foot the language's stress system employs. Our quantitative data provide evidence that in such a case, children adhere to the trochaic foot during the very early stage of acquisition (in the case study presented here, the early stage of acquisition refers to the fi rst 100 cumulative target words). Later on, children follow the frequency-based preference in Hebrew, where fi nal stress, and thus the iambic foot is employed in about 75% of the nouns.

Language, 2002

There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, FAKE TRUN... more There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, FAKE TRUNCATION (templatic) and TRUE TRUNCATION (a-templatic, subtractive). This article provides an analysis of true truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. It is shown that true truncation cannot target a designated phonological unit, since in some forms CV is truncated and in others only V. In addition, there are cases where truncation is blocked. The framework of optimality theory adopted here allows a unified account of the data in terms of constraint interaction. It is argued that an antifaithfulness truncation constraint, which must be morphological, interacts with both faithfulness and markedness constraints. Truncation is minimized to one segment by a general antideletion faithfulness constraint, but markedness constraints may impose truncation of more than one segment. There are cases where truncation is blocked, which suggests that the truncation constraint is violable. The discussion includes regular and irregular verbs and instances of free variation.*

The Linguistic Review, 1993

L'article fournit une analyse de l'accent du nom en hebreu moderne dans le cadre de la th... more L'article fournit une analyse de l'accent du nom en hebreu moderne dans le cadre de la theorie de la grille metrique. Deux propositions nouvelles sont avancees, elles concernent le concept de la metrification parasite, capable de predire le placement de l'accent deplace, et la regle supplementaire s'appliquant a la distribution de l'accent secondaire. Ces propositions etant necessaires pour une explication de l'accent en hebreu moderne, l'auteur souhaite les incorporer dans la theorie de la grille metrique.

Linguistics, 1997

In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case ... more In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case from Hebrew, where plural formation of feminine diminutive nouns is blocked due to features associated with an internal suffix. The feminine diminutive form yaldonet 'little girl' consists of a base yeled 'boy', a diminutive suffix-on, and a feminine suffix-et;-on is specified for [-Fern] and-et for [ + Fem]. The plural suffixes in Hebrew are subcategorized for gender,-otfor [ + FemJ and-im for [-Fern]. I argue that diminutive forms such as yaldonet cannot be pluralized because-im conflicts with the gender 0/-et, and-ot with the gender of-on. While the conflict with-et is expectable, the one with-on can be explained only if the gender of the internal suffix is visible. There are, however, cases where word-internal suffixes are not visible. These suffixes, unlike the visible suffix-on, are noncompositional I thus propose to view words as consisting of compositional and noncompositional morphological domains; only suffixes in a compositional domain can be visible word-internally.

The Blackwell Companion to Phonology, Apr 28, 2011

De Gruyter eBooks, Aug 16, 2012

Linguistic Inquiry, Apr 1, 2006

The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between redu... more The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between reduplicated and nonreduplicated stems with identical consonants (e.g., minen 'to apportion' vs. mimen 'to finance'), and (b) the patterns of reduplication (C 1 VC 2 VC 2C , C 1 VC 2 C 3 VC 3C , C 1 VC 2 C 1C VC 2C , and C 1 C 2 VC 3 C 2C VC 3C). These issues are studied from a surface point of view, accounting for speakers' capacity to parse forms with identical consonants regardless of their base. It is argued that the grammar constructed by the learner on the basis of structural relations (base-output) can also serve for parsing surface forms without reference to a base.

Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes, Jun 1, 2003

The paper provides an Optimality Theoretic account to Modern Hebrew nonconcatenative morphology. ... more The paper provides an Optimality Theoretic account to Modern Hebrew nonconcatenative morphology. It argues that the base of derivation is the word/stem, modified by constraints assigning the prosodic structure, the vocalic pattern, and the affixes (if any). The notion of the binyan is viewed as a configuration of the structures assigned by these constraints. The consonantal root is entirely eliminated from the grammar, a result supported by arguments from historical change and learnability.

Language acquisition & language disorders, 2003

The distinctive character of a Semitic stem is usually identified by the root-andpattern structur... more The distinctive character of a Semitic stem is usually identified by the root-andpattern structure, whereby a stem consists of two interdigitated segmental units, a consonantal root and a vocalic pattern. 1 Interdigitation is governed by a prosodic template which determines the syllabic structure of the stem, i.e. the number of syllables, vowel length, and gemination. The vocalic pattern and the prosodic template together form a binyan, which may be accompanied by an affix. This type of word structure appears quite different from the more familiar structure involving morpheme concatenation. Is Semitic morphology indeed so different? Within this volume, which highlights the distinctive aspects of Semitic morphology, I reconsider this question, claiming that the Semitic stem structure is not so peculiar, at least not to the extent that is usually believed. I will show that phonological phenomena constituting evidence for the consonantal root, the vocalic pattern, and the prosodic template in Semitic languages can also be found in non-Semitic languages. I will argue that the difference between Semitic and non-Semitic languages is not a matter of type but rather a matter of degree and combination. The phenomena characterizing Semitic-type morphology, i.e. those which constitute evidence for the consonantal root, the vocalic pattern, and the prosodic template, can be found in other languages but often to a lesser degree. In addition, while each phenomenon can be found in other languages individually, their combination within the same language is not found outside the Semitic family. The discussion is divided into two parts, one concerned with the consonantal root (Section 1) and the other with the binyan (Section 2). Section 1.1 offers a brief review of McCarthy's (1981) structural interpretation of the classical view of the Semitic stem, based primarily on root cooccurrence restrictions. Cooccurrence restrictions in other languages are presented in 1.2 as evidence that in this respect Semitic languages are not unique. Section 1.3 discusses a universal approach to cooccurrence restrictions within the theoretical guidelines of Feature Geometry. Section 2.1 presents the phonological properties identifying a verb in Modern Hebrew, which include the vocalic pattern, the prosodic structure, and prefixes.

Phonology, Dec 1, 1996

Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where in... more Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where internal portions of the base words are often subtracted (one segmental string from the right part of the first word and another from the left part of the second word). For example, the English blendnixonomicshas been formed by combiningnixonandeconomicsand subtracting the stringneco. (For clarity of exposition, blends will be usually represented asnixonomics, where the subtracted material is enclosed in angled brackets and the boundary between the base elements is indicated by ⋅).

Brill's annual of afroasiatic languages and linguistics, Jun 12, 2019