Jittipat Poonkham | Thammasat University (original) (raw)
Papers by Jittipat Poonkham
รัฐศาสตร์สาร, 2024
บทความวิจัยชิ้นนี้ตั้งคำถามเชิงวิพากษ์กับคำอธิบายกระแสหลักของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก โดยเสนอว่า “สภาพ... more บทความวิจัยชิ้นนี้ตั้งคำถามเชิงวิพากษ์กับคำอธิบายกระแสหลักของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก โดยเสนอว่า “สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” ที่รับรู้เข้าใจกันโดยทั่วไปนั้นเป็นเพียง “มายาคติ” โดยมายาคตินี้เกิดขึ้นมาจากแหล่งที่มาสำคัญ 2 แหล่งด้วยกันคือ มุมมองของสภาพจริงนิยมเชิงโครงสร้าง และการผลิตซ้ำองค์ความรู้ในตำราแบบเรียนพื้นฐานทางด้านทฤษฎีความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศ ทั้งในต่างประเทศและในประเทศไทย บทความนี้มีเป้าหมายที่จะชี้ให้เห็นถึงความสลับซับซ้อนทางภูมิปัญญาของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิกในฐานะทฤษฎีความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศ
บทความนี้แบ่งออกเป็นสี่ส่วนสำคัญคือ ส่วนแรกนำเสนอการอ่านผิด “สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” โดย Kenneth N. Waltz เจ้าพ่อสำนักสภาพจริงนิยมใหม่ ส่วนที่สองพิจารณาการผลิตซ้ำคำอธิบายในตำราแบบเรียนทฤษฎี IR ทั้งในต่างประเทศและในประเทศไทย ส่วนที่สามสำรวจการตีความใหม่ของ “สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” ในการศึกษาวิจัยและวรรณกรรมทางวิชาการทฤษฎีความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศในช่วงตั้งแต่ทศวรรษที่ 1990 เป็นต้นมา ในส่วนสุดท้ายเสนอแนะบททดลองเสนอที่เรียกว่า “หลักการหกประการของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” เพื่อชี้ให้เห็นลักษณะร่วมสำคัญของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก และเปรียบเทียบความเหมือนและความแตกต่างระหว่าง E.H. Carr กับ Hans J. Morgenthau ซึ่งบทความนี้เสนอว่า สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิกให้ความสำคัญกับทั้งอำนาจและศีลธรรม รัฐและตัวแสดงที่ไม่ใช่รัฐ (ได้แก่ปัจเจกในกรณีของ Carr และรัฐบาลโลกในกรณีของ Morgenthau) และทฤษฎีเชิงประจักษ์และทฤษฎีเชิงปทัสถาน รวมทั้งยังส่งเสริมทฤษฎีการหาความรู้ที่ไม่ใช่ปฏิฐานนิยมอีกด้วย แต่นักทฤษฎีทั้งสองแตกต่างกันโดย Carr นั้นมีวิสัยทัศน์แบบปฏิบัตินิยม (Pragmatic Realism) ในขณะที่ Morgenthau มีวิสัยทัศน์แบบโศกนาฎกรรม (Tragic Realism)
Journal of Indo-Pacific Affairs , 2024
China's assertive rise triggers existential and discursive anxieties in the Indo-Pacific since 20... more China's assertive rise triggers existential and discursive anxieties in the Indo-Pacific since 2017. The US rebalances, using strategies like institutional balancing (minilateralism) and discursive balancing (free and open Indo-Pacific). Thailand, a long-time US ally, hesitates to counterbalance China. Post-2014 coup, Thailand's military junta aligned with China due to necessity, persisting post-2019 elections. This article reevaluates Thai foreign policy under Prayut Chan-ocha, suggesting default hedging, not strategic hedging. Various agencies pursue diplomacy without a coherent strategy. The article unfolds in three parts. First, it examines Thailand's reluctance to embrace the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy, stemming from differing threat perceptions and bureaucratic politics. It then discusses Thailand's absence of a comprehensive Indo-Pacific narrative and its default hedging via military, economic, and ideational aspects. The article concludes by exploring the post-Prayut era's impact on Thai foreign policy.
Interstate - Journal of International Affairs, 2016
different time. That is, it is one concept with many interpretations. The article examines the cu... more different time. That is, it is one concept with many interpretations. The article examines the current state and status of détente studies in the Cold War international history and International Relations (IR) scholarship. It argues that the state of détente studies in the Cold War History, despite its ongoing research, is less studied, or even understudied, when compared to other periods or processes of the Cold War such as the origins, development and transformation, crises, or the endings. 8 As Vojtech Mastny observes, 'the "golden years" of détente in the early 1970s are the least researched period of the Cold War'. 9 Etymologically, the term détente comes from the French word 'détendre', meaning to release or lessen the tension on the archer's bow string as the arrow goes on its way. 10 Although détente literally means a relaxation or easing of tensions, contested and contestable debates are widely prevalent. These historiographical debates have revolved around a series of puzzles. In this article, I classify and survey merely four different, despite overlapping, kinds of puzzles: these include the definitions
ASEAN and Regional Actors in the Indo-Pacific, 2023
Moving beyond the security and status dilemma explanations, this chapter examines the discursive ... more Moving beyond the security and status dilemma explanations, this chapter examines the discursive underpinnings of America’s Indo-Pacific strategic vision. It argues that the Indo-Pacific strategy represents America's duscursive anxiety amid the changing regional balance of power and China's assertive rise. This strategy is an approach to manage discursive anxiety and emotional dissatisfaction in the highly contested and changing international order. In order to maintain its hegemonic supremacy, the US since the Donald Trump administration has adopted the Indo-Pacific as a new discourse. The chapter asserts that despite his differences in style, President Joe Biden has continued the Indo-Pacific strategy and China policy. In contrast with Trump, Biden pursues a liberal approach to Indo-Pacific, culminated in value-laden diplomacy. The study concludes with the key characteristics of the Sino-US ice age of bipolar international order as well as the future prospects and pitfalls of the Indo-Pacific region in the third decade of the twenty-first century.
The Asia Foundation, 2023
Following a track 1.5 format, the Dialogue included both current officials with oversight of Thai... more Following a track 1.5 format, the Dialogue included both current officials with oversight of Thai and Australian foreign policy, along with former officials and experts from outside of government. This format was designed to enable frank and open discussion, along with direct engagement of policymakers. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand and the Australia Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) participated throughout the discussions, along with officials from the Australian Department of Climate Change, Environment and Water (DCCEW) and the Thai Ministry of Energy. The Dialogue brought together leaders from government, the policy community, universities, and the private sector to reflect on the current state of the relationship, identify areas of emerging shared interests, and develop new ideas for the future of the bilateral relationship. The delegations reflected a diversity of views-across generations, genders, professions, and geographic regions-within each country.
International Studies Center , 2023
This article argues that European statecraft, or Europecraft, in the Indo-Pacific is fundamentall... more This article argues that European statecraft, or Europecraft, in the Indo-Pacific is fundamentally shaped by, and thereby juggling between, the bifurcation of contending positionalities, namely its economic partner (pragmatic power) and principled player (normative power). This article first addresses and analyses the EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy through key concepts, namely Preferences, Priorities, Policies, and Principles. Overall, the ultimate aims of Brussels are to strengthen comprehensive partnership with like-minded regional players particularly ASEAN and to build its resilience, robustness and relevance in the Indo-Pacific region. The article concludes with the challenges and ways forward for the EU, especially under Spain’s presidency of the Council of the EU during the second half of 2023, starting in July.
RSIS Commentary, 2023
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s foreign policy, unlike those of previous Thai governments, is ... more Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s foreign policy, unlike those of previous Thai governments, is not seen to be bending with the wind, but rather as “hedging by default”. China’s economic attractiveness, US ambivalence towards the region, and Russia’s war on Ukraine have rendered Thailand’s long-established strategic posture untenable. To navigate the changing international circumstances, Thailand should adopt a smarter strategy of “leading-from-the-middle”.
CSCAP Regional Security Outlook 2023, 2023
E-International Relations , 2022
By interrogating the rigid dichotomy of fact/fiction and bringing the fictional and popular cultu... more By interrogating the rigid dichotomy of fact/fiction and bringing the fictional and popular culture back into the study of IR, this article argues that rather than narrowly conceived as a methodological tool of fiction writing, Fictional International Relations is a critical theoretical exploration and intervention that rethinks the fictional as a space of imagination and narrative as well as a space for emancipation.
The first part of this article examines and situates Fictional International Relations in the transdisciplinary field of IR. The second part adumbrates the (meta)theoretical contributions of Fictional International Relations. Foregrounding in relational ontology, Fictional International Relations epistemologically exposes how fiction and film are inextricably linked with the social and discursive construction of reality, especially international politics. In film and fiction, the politics of identity and otherness as well as the political representation of friends and enemies are repetitively reproduced. Fictional International Relations grammatically constitutes the quotidian language of world politics. Taking cues from Michel Foucault and Edward Said, Fictional International Relations has offered a methodology of contrapuntal reading and discourse analysis. The third part then provides a contrapuntal and discursive reading of State of Terror (2021). It explores why and how this novel critically destabilizes the powerful troupe of fact/fiction binary, which cannot hold and has been blurred. Finally, the article concludes with a consideration of the promises and potentials of Fictional International Relations.
Demystifying Myanmar’s Transition and Political Crisis, 2022
This chapter examines an international dimension of the Myanmar tragedy at the outset of the coup... more This chapter examines an international dimension of the Myanmar tragedy at the outset of the coup when, on February 1, 2021, the armed forces or Tatmadaw ousted the elected civilian government under Aung San Suu Kyi and used lethal violence against unarmed civilians. Since the Myanmar crisis is tragic to both Burmese and international society, it analyzes the coup through Kenneth Waltz's three-image theory of individuals, domestic politics and international system/society to argue that the failure of international society to act and the military intervention for humanitarian purposes as unlikely to occur because of three paradigms: the anarchical society, clash of international orders, and weakened norm of humanitarian intervention. This chapter calls for a tragic vision of international relations, which critically interrogates the triple tragedy of Myanmar, by zooming in to its detrimental effects upon international and regional society. Without prudential ethics and restraints, the prospect of civil war and failed statehood is likely to happen in Myanmar.
International Relations as a Discipline in Thailand, 2018
Routledge , 2019
Although the question of this volume is why Thai International Relations (IR) scholars have not h... more Although the question of this volume is why Thai International Relations (IR) scholars have not had or developed our own theory, we believe that the other question, which urgently needs to be answered, is whether and why IR is such an underdeveloped discipline in Thailand. The answer to both puzzles is not dissimilar. We argue that there is not enough empirical inquiry that is fundamental and foundational to the development of critical theory in Thailand.
International Studies Center Journal , 2022
This article argues that power politics and the contending institutional contestation are key to ... more This article argues that power politics and the contending institutional contestation are key to understanding Mekong’s complex dynamics. It is structured in four main parts. The first discusses China’s struggle for predominance in the Mekong, known as Lancang in Chinese. The second part examines the parallel and competing subregional institutional architectures. The penultimate part explores how the US and other extra-regional development partners have responded to the changing configuration of power in Mekong. The last part concludes with the ways forward, by addressing how to transcend the geopolitical trap in the Mekong Basin. It calls for the riparian states to search for a sustained and robust regional architecture through a political construction of security community. Within the subregional security community, every Mekong actor should be seen as an equal partner and winner.
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
This paper deals with a fuel metering unit (referred to as FMU) for air breathing engine. The pro... more This paper deals with a fuel metering unit (referred to as FMU) for air breathing engine. The proposed FMU consists of a constant pressure drop valve and a metering valve, both of which are controlled by servovalve. Linear analysis derived from a nonlinear mathematical model of FMU is carried out to find major parameters on the system performance. Numerical results using established model of FMU were in good agreement with the experimental results. It is also shown that the system stability is improved by reducing the constant pressure drop at metering valve and applying the triangular orifice to constant-pressure-drop valve through the simulation and experiments.
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
Communism can be worse than the Nazis or fascists. In practice, it is more terrible than dictator... more Communism can be worse than the Nazis or fascists. In practice, it is more terrible than dictatorship.-King Bhumibol Adulyadej (1967) 1 We in Thailand want to coexist with everyone including Communist countries, but the trouble is that some Communist countries do not want to coexist with us. They want to wipe us out of our existence, or they want to control us as you may have seen. Beijing has started to say that they declared guerrilla war on Thailand. Well, this is not coexistence. This is the opposition to coexistence … God should condemn us to make accommodation with the Communists.-Thanat Khoman, foreign minister (1967) 2
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
Our [foreign] policy changes considerably. Now, we can go to Red China and to Russia.-Chatichai C... more Our [foreign] policy changes considerably. Now, we can go to Red China and to Russia.-Chatichai Choonhavan 1 On 14 October 1973, the military regime of Thanom and Praphas was replaced with a civilian government. The 'democratic interlude' (October 1973-October 1976) that followed facilitated a more open political climate where new realities could be acknowledged and put to the people. At the same time, the changing international environment made it possible for a culture of détente to flourish. Furthermore, the fall of USbacked regimes in Indochina in 1975 reduced American commitment to Southeast Asia. Meanwhile, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the deepening of the Sino-Soviet split saw China take a far less radical position in its diplomatic relations with Thailand. With the discourse of détente now deeply embedded in Thai politics, and with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs able to take a far more active role in shaping foreign policy, those who supported the shift in relations were able to act decisively. This culminated on 1 July 1975, when then prime minister, MR Kukrit Pramoj, and foreign minister, Major General Chatichai Choonhavan, established formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China.
รัฐศาสตร์สาร, 2024
บทความวิจัยชิ้นนี้ตั้งคำถามเชิงวิพากษ์กับคำอธิบายกระแสหลักของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก โดยเสนอว่า “สภาพ... more บทความวิจัยชิ้นนี้ตั้งคำถามเชิงวิพากษ์กับคำอธิบายกระแสหลักของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก โดยเสนอว่า “สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” ที่รับรู้เข้าใจกันโดยทั่วไปนั้นเป็นเพียง “มายาคติ” โดยมายาคตินี้เกิดขึ้นมาจากแหล่งที่มาสำคัญ 2 แหล่งด้วยกันคือ มุมมองของสภาพจริงนิยมเชิงโครงสร้าง และการผลิตซ้ำองค์ความรู้ในตำราแบบเรียนพื้นฐานทางด้านทฤษฎีความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศ ทั้งในต่างประเทศและในประเทศไทย บทความนี้มีเป้าหมายที่จะชี้ให้เห็นถึงความสลับซับซ้อนทางภูมิปัญญาของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิกในฐานะทฤษฎีความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศ
บทความนี้แบ่งออกเป็นสี่ส่วนสำคัญคือ ส่วนแรกนำเสนอการอ่านผิด “สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” โดย Kenneth N. Waltz เจ้าพ่อสำนักสภาพจริงนิยมใหม่ ส่วนที่สองพิจารณาการผลิตซ้ำคำอธิบายในตำราแบบเรียนทฤษฎี IR ทั้งในต่างประเทศและในประเทศไทย ส่วนที่สามสำรวจการตีความใหม่ของ “สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” ในการศึกษาวิจัยและวรรณกรรมทางวิชาการทฤษฎีความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศในช่วงตั้งแต่ทศวรรษที่ 1990 เป็นต้นมา ในส่วนสุดท้ายเสนอแนะบททดลองเสนอที่เรียกว่า “หลักการหกประการของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก” เพื่อชี้ให้เห็นลักษณะร่วมสำคัญของสภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิก และเปรียบเทียบความเหมือนและความแตกต่างระหว่าง E.H. Carr กับ Hans J. Morgenthau ซึ่งบทความนี้เสนอว่า สภาพจริงนิยมคลาสสิกให้ความสำคัญกับทั้งอำนาจและศีลธรรม รัฐและตัวแสดงที่ไม่ใช่รัฐ (ได้แก่ปัจเจกในกรณีของ Carr และรัฐบาลโลกในกรณีของ Morgenthau) และทฤษฎีเชิงประจักษ์และทฤษฎีเชิงปทัสถาน รวมทั้งยังส่งเสริมทฤษฎีการหาความรู้ที่ไม่ใช่ปฏิฐานนิยมอีกด้วย แต่นักทฤษฎีทั้งสองแตกต่างกันโดย Carr นั้นมีวิสัยทัศน์แบบปฏิบัตินิยม (Pragmatic Realism) ในขณะที่ Morgenthau มีวิสัยทัศน์แบบโศกนาฎกรรม (Tragic Realism)
Journal of Indo-Pacific Affairs , 2024
China's assertive rise triggers existential and discursive anxieties in the Indo-Pacific since 20... more China's assertive rise triggers existential and discursive anxieties in the Indo-Pacific since 2017. The US rebalances, using strategies like institutional balancing (minilateralism) and discursive balancing (free and open Indo-Pacific). Thailand, a long-time US ally, hesitates to counterbalance China. Post-2014 coup, Thailand's military junta aligned with China due to necessity, persisting post-2019 elections. This article reevaluates Thai foreign policy under Prayut Chan-ocha, suggesting default hedging, not strategic hedging. Various agencies pursue diplomacy without a coherent strategy. The article unfolds in three parts. First, it examines Thailand's reluctance to embrace the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy, stemming from differing threat perceptions and bureaucratic politics. It then discusses Thailand's absence of a comprehensive Indo-Pacific narrative and its default hedging via military, economic, and ideational aspects. The article concludes by exploring the post-Prayut era's impact on Thai foreign policy.
Interstate - Journal of International Affairs, 2016
different time. That is, it is one concept with many interpretations. The article examines the cu... more different time. That is, it is one concept with many interpretations. The article examines the current state and status of détente studies in the Cold War international history and International Relations (IR) scholarship. It argues that the state of détente studies in the Cold War History, despite its ongoing research, is less studied, or even understudied, when compared to other periods or processes of the Cold War such as the origins, development and transformation, crises, or the endings. 8 As Vojtech Mastny observes, 'the "golden years" of détente in the early 1970s are the least researched period of the Cold War'. 9 Etymologically, the term détente comes from the French word 'détendre', meaning to release or lessen the tension on the archer's bow string as the arrow goes on its way. 10 Although détente literally means a relaxation or easing of tensions, contested and contestable debates are widely prevalent. These historiographical debates have revolved around a series of puzzles. In this article, I classify and survey merely four different, despite overlapping, kinds of puzzles: these include the definitions
ASEAN and Regional Actors in the Indo-Pacific, 2023
Moving beyond the security and status dilemma explanations, this chapter examines the discursive ... more Moving beyond the security and status dilemma explanations, this chapter examines the discursive underpinnings of America’s Indo-Pacific strategic vision. It argues that the Indo-Pacific strategy represents America's duscursive anxiety amid the changing regional balance of power and China's assertive rise. This strategy is an approach to manage discursive anxiety and emotional dissatisfaction in the highly contested and changing international order. In order to maintain its hegemonic supremacy, the US since the Donald Trump administration has adopted the Indo-Pacific as a new discourse. The chapter asserts that despite his differences in style, President Joe Biden has continued the Indo-Pacific strategy and China policy. In contrast with Trump, Biden pursues a liberal approach to Indo-Pacific, culminated in value-laden diplomacy. The study concludes with the key characteristics of the Sino-US ice age of bipolar international order as well as the future prospects and pitfalls of the Indo-Pacific region in the third decade of the twenty-first century.
The Asia Foundation, 2023
Following a track 1.5 format, the Dialogue included both current officials with oversight of Thai... more Following a track 1.5 format, the Dialogue included both current officials with oversight of Thai and Australian foreign policy, along with former officials and experts from outside of government. This format was designed to enable frank and open discussion, along with direct engagement of policymakers. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand and the Australia Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) participated throughout the discussions, along with officials from the Australian Department of Climate Change, Environment and Water (DCCEW) and the Thai Ministry of Energy. The Dialogue brought together leaders from government, the policy community, universities, and the private sector to reflect on the current state of the relationship, identify areas of emerging shared interests, and develop new ideas for the future of the bilateral relationship. The delegations reflected a diversity of views-across generations, genders, professions, and geographic regions-within each country.
International Studies Center , 2023
This article argues that European statecraft, or Europecraft, in the Indo-Pacific is fundamentall... more This article argues that European statecraft, or Europecraft, in the Indo-Pacific is fundamentally shaped by, and thereby juggling between, the bifurcation of contending positionalities, namely its economic partner (pragmatic power) and principled player (normative power). This article first addresses and analyses the EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy through key concepts, namely Preferences, Priorities, Policies, and Principles. Overall, the ultimate aims of Brussels are to strengthen comprehensive partnership with like-minded regional players particularly ASEAN and to build its resilience, robustness and relevance in the Indo-Pacific region. The article concludes with the challenges and ways forward for the EU, especially under Spain’s presidency of the Council of the EU during the second half of 2023, starting in July.
RSIS Commentary, 2023
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s foreign policy, unlike those of previous Thai governments, is ... more Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s foreign policy, unlike those of previous Thai governments, is not seen to be bending with the wind, but rather as “hedging by default”. China’s economic attractiveness, US ambivalence towards the region, and Russia’s war on Ukraine have rendered Thailand’s long-established strategic posture untenable. To navigate the changing international circumstances, Thailand should adopt a smarter strategy of “leading-from-the-middle”.
CSCAP Regional Security Outlook 2023, 2023
E-International Relations , 2022
By interrogating the rigid dichotomy of fact/fiction and bringing the fictional and popular cultu... more By interrogating the rigid dichotomy of fact/fiction and bringing the fictional and popular culture back into the study of IR, this article argues that rather than narrowly conceived as a methodological tool of fiction writing, Fictional International Relations is a critical theoretical exploration and intervention that rethinks the fictional as a space of imagination and narrative as well as a space for emancipation.
The first part of this article examines and situates Fictional International Relations in the transdisciplinary field of IR. The second part adumbrates the (meta)theoretical contributions of Fictional International Relations. Foregrounding in relational ontology, Fictional International Relations epistemologically exposes how fiction and film are inextricably linked with the social and discursive construction of reality, especially international politics. In film and fiction, the politics of identity and otherness as well as the political representation of friends and enemies are repetitively reproduced. Fictional International Relations grammatically constitutes the quotidian language of world politics. Taking cues from Michel Foucault and Edward Said, Fictional International Relations has offered a methodology of contrapuntal reading and discourse analysis. The third part then provides a contrapuntal and discursive reading of State of Terror (2021). It explores why and how this novel critically destabilizes the powerful troupe of fact/fiction binary, which cannot hold and has been blurred. Finally, the article concludes with a consideration of the promises and potentials of Fictional International Relations.
Demystifying Myanmar’s Transition and Political Crisis, 2022
This chapter examines an international dimension of the Myanmar tragedy at the outset of the coup... more This chapter examines an international dimension of the Myanmar tragedy at the outset of the coup when, on February 1, 2021, the armed forces or Tatmadaw ousted the elected civilian government under Aung San Suu Kyi and used lethal violence against unarmed civilians. Since the Myanmar crisis is tragic to both Burmese and international society, it analyzes the coup through Kenneth Waltz's three-image theory of individuals, domestic politics and international system/society to argue that the failure of international society to act and the military intervention for humanitarian purposes as unlikely to occur because of three paradigms: the anarchical society, clash of international orders, and weakened norm of humanitarian intervention. This chapter calls for a tragic vision of international relations, which critically interrogates the triple tragedy of Myanmar, by zooming in to its detrimental effects upon international and regional society. Without prudential ethics and restraints, the prospect of civil war and failed statehood is likely to happen in Myanmar.
International Relations as a Discipline in Thailand, 2018
Routledge , 2019
Although the question of this volume is why Thai International Relations (IR) scholars have not h... more Although the question of this volume is why Thai International Relations (IR) scholars have not had or developed our own theory, we believe that the other question, which urgently needs to be answered, is whether and why IR is such an underdeveloped discipline in Thailand. The answer to both puzzles is not dissimilar. We argue that there is not enough empirical inquiry that is fundamental and foundational to the development of critical theory in Thailand.
International Studies Center Journal , 2022
This article argues that power politics and the contending institutional contestation are key to ... more This article argues that power politics and the contending institutional contestation are key to understanding Mekong’s complex dynamics. It is structured in four main parts. The first discusses China’s struggle for predominance in the Mekong, known as Lancang in Chinese. The second part examines the parallel and competing subregional institutional architectures. The penultimate part explores how the US and other extra-regional development partners have responded to the changing configuration of power in Mekong. The last part concludes with the ways forward, by addressing how to transcend the geopolitical trap in the Mekong Basin. It calls for the riparian states to search for a sustained and robust regional architecture through a political construction of security community. Within the subregional security community, every Mekong actor should be seen as an equal partner and winner.
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
This paper deals with a fuel metering unit (referred to as FMU) for air breathing engine. The pro... more This paper deals with a fuel metering unit (referred to as FMU) for air breathing engine. The proposed FMU consists of a constant pressure drop valve and a metering valve, both of which are controlled by servovalve. Linear analysis derived from a nonlinear mathematical model of FMU is carried out to find major parameters on the system performance. Numerical results using established model of FMU were in good agreement with the experimental results. It is also shown that the system stability is improved by reducing the constant pressure drop at metering valve and applying the triangular orifice to constant-pressure-drop valve through the simulation and experiments.
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
Communism can be worse than the Nazis or fascists. In practice, it is more terrible than dictator... more Communism can be worse than the Nazis or fascists. In practice, it is more terrible than dictatorship.-King Bhumibol Adulyadej (1967) 1 We in Thailand want to coexist with everyone including Communist countries, but the trouble is that some Communist countries do not want to coexist with us. They want to wipe us out of our existence, or they want to control us as you may have seen. Beijing has started to say that they declared guerrilla war on Thailand. Well, this is not coexistence. This is the opposition to coexistence … God should condemn us to make accommodation with the Communists.-Thanat Khoman, foreign minister (1967) 2
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China
Our [foreign] policy changes considerably. Now, we can go to Red China and to Russia.-Chatichai C... more Our [foreign] policy changes considerably. Now, we can go to Red China and to Russia.-Chatichai Choonhavan 1 On 14 October 1973, the military regime of Thanom and Praphas was replaced with a civilian government. The 'democratic interlude' (October 1973-October 1976) that followed facilitated a more open political climate where new realities could be acknowledged and put to the people. At the same time, the changing international environment made it possible for a culture of détente to flourish. Furthermore, the fall of USbacked regimes in Indochina in 1975 reduced American commitment to Southeast Asia. Meanwhile, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the deepening of the Sino-Soviet split saw China take a far less radical position in its diplomatic relations with Thailand. With the discourse of détente now deeply embedded in Thai politics, and with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs able to take a far more active role in shaping foreign policy, those who supported the shift in relations were able to act decisively. This culminated on 1 July 1975, when then prime minister, MR Kukrit Pramoj, and foreign minister, Major General Chatichai Choonhavan, established formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China.
This chapter examines an international dimension of the Myanmar tragedy at the outset of the coup... more This chapter examines an international dimension of the Myanmar tragedy at the outset of the coup when, on February 1, 2021, the armed forces or Tatmadaw ousted the elected civilian government under Aung San Suu Kyi and used lethal violence against unarmed civilians. Since the Myanmar crisis is tragic to both Burmese and international society, it analyzes the coup through Kenneth Waltz's three-image theory of individuals, domestic politics and international system/society to argue that the failure of international society to act and the military intervention for humanitarian purposes as unlikely to occur because of three paradigms: the anarchical society, clash of international orders, and weakened norm of humanitarian intervention. This chapter calls for a tragic vision of international relations, which critically interrogates the triple tragedy of Myanmar, by zooming in to its detrimental effects upon international and regional society. Without prudential ethics and restraints, the prospect of civil war and failed statehood is likely to happen in Myanmar.