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Papers by Thanet Aphornsuvan

Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society

... Caroline S. Hau is associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS), Kyo... more ... Caroline S. Hau is associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS), Kyoto University. Kasian Tejapira is associate professor of political science at Thammasat University in Bangkok. ... Hawaii and the Pacific, China, Japan, Korea, South and Southeast Asia. ...

Journal of Peacebuilding and Statebuilding

วารสารประวัติศาสตร์ มศว., 1995

วารสารมนุษยศาสตร์ มหาวิทยาลัยเชียงใหม่, 1988

Oxford Islamic Studies center

The history of slavery in Thai history, its relations with the state and economy.

Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society

Journal of Peacebuilding and Statebuilding

วารสารประวัติศาสตร์ มศว., 1995

วารสารมนุษยศาสตร์ มหาวิทยาลัยเชียงใหม่, 1988

Oxford Islamic Studies center

The history of slavery in Thai history, its relations with the state and economy.

ฟ้าเดียวกันฉบับนิธิ 80, 2021

State, Society, and Minorities in South and Southeast Asia, 2015

ประเทศไทยในความคิดของเมธีวิจัยอาวุโส เล่ม ๑, 2019

Anderson's idea of nationalism has a deep root in his family genealogy and the experience of the ... more Anderson's idea of nationalism has a deep root in his family genealogy and the experience of the struggle for Irish independence and his own rebel against the British Empire.

This dissertation contends that antebellum southern men of letters were consistent in their socia... more This dissertation contends that antebellum southern men of letters were consistent in their social, political, and economic ideas, which demonstrated both coherence and integrity. Informed by the slaveholders’ world view, their ideas reflected the paradoxical nature of the Old South as a slave society enmeshed in a capitalist world market and were therefore at odds with those of the North.
This study focuses on James D.B. De Bow, the founder of De Bow’s Review and well-known defender of the southern way of life, particularly the institution of slavery. Based upon his student journal, college writings and speeches, as well as his articles published in the Review from 1846-67, this study maintains that De Bow’s ideas on slavery were consistent with his long-held belief that slavery, as ordained by God, was an institution suitable for a naturally inferior race, and was an appropriate social system for the “union with whites in an unequal relation”. Furthermore, this study also shows that there was no fundamental conflict between De Bow’s ideas on slavery and economic development in the South. He instead adjusted and modified classical political economy to suit the conditions of the Old South.
Even though one major influence on De Bow’s intellectual development was Scottish Realism, his economic ideas were shaped decisively by the slaveholders’ world view that served as a general ideological guideline for southerners regarding the notions of a proper social order. De Bow’s economic thought represented the agricultural arm of merchant capital, but the southern society to which he belonged did not presage industrial capitalism. He believed that progress and the prosperity of society were based on commodity exchanges rather than on the production process. His economic ideas thus were at odds with the principle of classical economy, which rationalized the needs of emerging industrial capital.
For De Bow, economic progress was compatible with slavery. He defended slavery as a proper social system for modern civilization and offered it as an alternative form of social organization to the emerging free labor system.

Journal of Human Rights and Peace Studies, 2018

7th International Conference on Thai Studies, 1999

On September 30 th , 1918, Nai Kid, a Siamese subject aged 67 years old, lodged a dika or a compl... more On September 30 th , 1918, Nai Kid, a Siamese subject aged 67 years old, lodged a dika or a complaint to His excellency the minister of the Interior. About two months earlier Luang Prachakornboriraksa, the governor of Singburi province, had ordered 'ratsadorn'[people] in Amphur Inburi to collect the water hyacinth or phaktob-java in canals of that town. Nai Kid refused to clean the phaktop-java in the canal in his residential area because, according to his testimony, "the land by the canal does not belong to me but was farmed out to Nai Liang, a tax-farmer." Nai Kid questioned why he and others should be ordered to collect the phaktob-java in that part of the canal. Soon after his refusal to perform the government's order, the governor called him to the city hall, questioning him about the collecting of phaktob-java. Nai Kid explained that " I didn't resist the order because this plot of land does not belong to me but has been monopolized by the tax-farmer." The governor, however, unconvinced by his reasons, fined him four baht. This case of refusal to clean phaktob-java by certain subjects in the central provinces of Siam occurred many times in the reign of king Rama VI (r. 1910-25). Such defiance against a kind of forced-labor by the state continued well into the first two years of the new democratic regime before the law was revoked. This was a kind of tax in-kind levied on the subjects as part of the declining corvee system. The peasants, however, could avoid performing this tedious labor by paying cash to the local officials. In the case of Nai Kid it did not take much time for the phaktob-java to spread all over the canals again. Again came the government order. Yet Nai Kid refused to clean the plant once more even though the official order specified that this time he collect only those plants in the banks of the canal and that Nai Liang collect those in the middle of the canal. The district officials then proceeded to fine him four 1 A revised version of the paper delivered at

I: The 1982 UNCLOS The 1982 UNCLOS (the Convention) was the latest development and realization of... more I: The 1982 UNCLOS The 1982 UNCLOS (the Convention) was the latest development and realization of the universal international law regulating the oceans in the whole world. It was one of the highest achievements of the UN and states around the world which were able to agree on such a high degree of idealism and not that easy implementation of its provisions. The beginning of the era of the modern world in the sixteenth century saw the expansion of Europe into the Americas and subsequent development of the world system in which Europe became the center of the new world. Attempts were made at that time in order to regulate and maintenance some kind of a new peace and order covering the areas that include major oceans, seas, and land. The legal models and arrangements in the fifteenth century through the end of the eighteenth century in the Atlantic world suggest a different shape and meaning of global interconnectedness in this period. The world stretching from the Iberian Americas, to Christian Europe, coastal and Islamic Africa, and into the vast Indian Ocean world formed part of a single international legal regime. Broad structural similarities in the ways that power and identity were defined in the institutional order made these culturally diverse regions mutually intelligible for travelers and traders, thereby undergirding global economic interconnections (Benton 2002, 79). Thus, the 1982 Convention was not the first attempt of a single international legal regime. But the significant point is its inception and development was not done or dreamt by the major world powers in the West like in the past history. Interestingly, this time it was the majority of non-West and less advanced states and countries especially from African, Caribbean and archipelagic areas, which do not represent the maritime interests of the world, which were the first ratifies of the Convention and took part to move the Convention to its full realization (Matics 1994,129). The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) thus was historically the most ambitious attempt ever made at global law reform. It aims at the political behavior of member states regarding the conduct for the seas (Gold 1992, 85). Thus, the 1982 Convention was aptly described as the " Constitution for the international community in the field of maritime affairs " (Kriangsak 1992).

This paper explores the nature of slavery in Thailand’s history writing. Offering examples from d... more This paper explores the nature of slavery in Thailand’s history writing. Offering examples from different historiographies across the 20th century, I draw attention to the confused and at times contradictory readings of slavery. Slavery had been practiced throughout the Thai history, starting from the early kingdom of Sukhothai in the 14th to the 16th and 17th century Ayutthaya Empire and continuing into the Rattanakosin or Bangkok kingdom before it was abolished in 1905. Despite the long history of slavery it played subsidiary roles on the development of economy and politics of a society and kingdom. Yet in the middle of the nineteenth century when Siam confronted with Western powers, its élite quickly constructed a narrative of the emergence of the first Thai kingdom of Sukhothai which was founded on the idea of freedom or Tai. Since then, freedom was construed as being the opposite of slavery. Modern narratives of history, thus, exploit the existence of slavery simply to prove that Thailand was free and civilized. Slavery, however, has never been the subject of study.

ฟ้าเดียวกัน Fah Diew Kan[same sky], 2020