Paul Schor | Université Paris Cité (original) (raw)

Papers by Paul Schor

Le Mouvement Social, 2009

Disorder, 2019

Nous remercions le LARCA (Université de Paris) et l’Université de Chicago pour leur aide à la pub... more Nous remercions le LARCA (Université de Paris) et l’Université de Chicago pour leur aide à la publication de cet ouvrage. L’idée de ce livre est issue du colloque que nous avions organisé en mars 2015 à l’université Paris Diderot et au centre parisien de l’université de Chicago. Nous remercions Florence Tamagne (Lille), Arnaud Baubérot (Paris-Est Créteil) et Travis Jackson (University of Chicago) pour leur participation au comité scientifique. Au centre parisien de l’Université de Chicago, no..

The essay seeks to demonstrate that what historians write is significantly conditioned by the pla... more The essay seeks to demonstrate that what historians write is significantly conditioned by the place from which they write.

The American Historical Review, 2014

IN 1993, THE HISTORIANS' GROUP IN the European Association for American Studies held a meeting at... more IN 1993, THE HISTORIANS' GROUP IN the European Association for American Studies held a meeting at the Roosevelt Studies Center in Middelburg, the Netherlands. David Thelen, then editor of the Journal of American History, attended this meeting to beat the drum for his commendable project of internationalizing the study of American history by forging closer ties between the Organization of American Historians (OAH) and non-U.S. scholars, especially those in non-English-speaking countries. 1 In order to gather more information on the European group, Thelen distributed an OAH questionnaire. However, when the Europeans took a look at the form, some of them voiced their outrage that the OAH was asking not only for their names, affiliations, and fields of specialization, but also for their race. What did this mean? Perhaps the OAH was asking for "Aryan certificates," one colleague snapped, referring to the infamous racial classifications of Nazi Germany. Poor Dave had a hard time explaining that, quite to the contrary, inserting the box on race mirrored the OAH's respect for and commitment to the diversity of its membership. Still, the apprehension among some participants did not go away completely. 2 The confusion surrounding the OAH questionnaire reveals something that those of us in the business of critical reading and intellectual history take for granted: meaning is unstable and contingent. Despite our shared academic usage of English, the term "race" may trigger very different associations among Americans and Europeans, although there is a seemingly simple and phonetically similar translation in so many European languages (ras in Dutch and Swedish, race in Danish, rasȃ in Romanian, razza in Italian, rasa in Polish). Those seeking to internationalize the writing of U.S. history often focus on the question of languages and translation (including a critical push by some multilingual historians in the U.S. for their colleagues to learn more languages). As the example of race shows, however, the issue of language is a matter not of mere translation of words, but of meanings. Words are shaped by specific historical and cultural contexts.

The US census is characterised, among other features, by the importance it gives, to this day, to... more The US census is characterised, among other features, by the importance it gives, to this day, to race. While the continuing presence of racial categories in the census is a matter of current debate, the issue is narrowly linked to the existence of policies to target specific groups identified at least in part by census data (Nobles 2002, Perlman & Waters 2002, Skerry 2000). 1 For participants in the controversy, the question is rather the use of racial categories to underpin affirmative action policies than the census itself. This tends either to mask the functions of racial and ethnic categories in the pre-civil rights era or to lead to consideration of such categories as a mere residue of historical discrimination. Undoubtedly, the origin of the racial categories used in the US census is oppression of slaves and later of emancipated African Americans, whereas the origin of ethnic categories is to be found in the 'Nativist' movement which, from the mid nineteenth century, sought to exclude immigrants and their children from the national community. Generally speaking, racism has played a key role in Federal statistics, as shown by, for instance, debates in Congress on the Census Act of 1850, which split the African population-whether slave or free-between 'Negroes' and 'Mulattoes' (Anderson 2003, Schor 2005). However, it would be unfortunate to write a history of such census categories that reduces them to these two functions: to identify, first, groups of non-European origin and then 'new immigrants' subject to official discrimination, and later their supposed descendents in order to include them within the scope of compensatory policies. Such an approach would elide the more complex and still largely neglected history of the social construction of ethnic and racial categories. This article examines several cases in which groups mobilised to demand that government agencies should take account of their existence in a different way, in a context where no material advantage was at stake. In so doing, it historicises the statistical categories of race and ethnicity, which cannot be understood solely by reference to their current usage (for a more detailed history of census practices including full reference to sources, see Schor forthcoming). Whether the groups in question related to nationalities (stateless Poles in 1860, denizens of the German, Austrian, and Russian empires in 1910), ethno-religious communities (Jews in Paul Schor is a historian, a Lecturer in American studies at the University of Paris-X Nanterre, and a researcher at the Centre d'É tudes Nord-Ame´ricaines. His initial research was on the social construction of census categories in the USA since independence. His current work focuses on the social history of twentieth-century US consumers and on differentiation of consumption markets and practices along racial, ethnic, and social lines.

Disorder

Yes that’s right, punk is dead,It’s just another cheap product for the consumer’s head.[…]Punk be... more Yes that’s right, punk is dead,It’s just another cheap product for the consumer’s head.[…]Punk became a fashion just like hippy used to beAnd it ain’t got a thing to do with you or me. Crass, « Punk Is Dead », The Feeding of the 5000,Crass Records, 1979. Quarante ans après les premières manifestations publiques du punk, ce mouvement qui proclamait « No future » est l’objet de commémorations et d’analyses, certaines sérieuses d’autres grotesques. « Le punk, c’est devenu une p***** de pièce de ..

A crystal is a potentially endless, three-dimensional, periodic discontinuum built up by atoms, i... more A crystal is a potentially endless, three-dimensional, periodic discontinuum built up by atoms, ions or molecules. Real crystals have defects and frequently parts of molecules (or whole molecules) are found in more than one crystallographically independent orientation. Possible reasons: • Z' > 1 • Twinning • Disorder Soldier example from theory class… The structure is always the spatial average over the whole crystal! In most cases, only a small part of the molecule shows disorder. Anisotropic displacement ellipsoids and residual electron density are best indicators for disorder. Disordered ethyl group.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses changes in the categorization of blacks and mulattoes at the beginning of ... more This chapter discusses changes in the categorization of blacks and mulattoes at the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1900, for the first time since blacks had been individually enumerated, the entire black population was combined into a single category, “Black”. This included all persons who were “negro or of negro descent.” The mulatto category then reappeared in 1910, but in the new context of a difference in ability rather than a biological difference between blacks and mulattoes but was dropped after the 1920 because the census noted that the classification varied greatly according to the race of the enumerator.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter focuses on the racial classification of slaves and free persons in the 1850 and 1860... more This chapter focuses on the racial classification of slaves and free persons in the 1850 and 1860 censuses. The categories that were adopted and the procedures put into place in the field by 1850 defined the statistical population of black slaves, divided into two groups of different size, blacks and mulattoes. That there were two possible colors for slaves—black and mulatto—while there was no provision for “white” had two lasting implications for the American statistical apparatus and, more generally, for the definition of racial groups in American society: black individuals could be divided into two groups, and only two groups. Whatever the definition adopted for those who visibly were the product of a mixing between blacks and whites, called miscegenation, all such individuals remained within the confines of the black population, and they in no way occupied an intermediary position between the two races.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the Census Bureau’s external relations. It covers the publicity programs d... more This chapter discusses the Census Bureau’s external relations. It covers the publicity programs directed specifically toward ethnic groups; the agency’s use of marketing techniques for targeted campaigns and tools such as photography, films, and radio; the wide public outreach achieved by presidential proclamations announcing the date of each census; the positive experiences of census agents in the field; the agency’s provision of personal information to the FBI or to other government agencies despite the existence of confidentiality clauses; and the Census Bureau’s active participation in discrimination against and persecution of US residents via the deportation of Americans of Japanese origin after the attack on Pearl Harbor.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses changes in the categories of ethnicity and immigration in the US census. F... more This chapter discusses changes in the categories of ethnicity and immigration in the US census. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the 1930s, statistics on immigration and ethnicity took first place in schedules, published reports, and public policy. Not only did census figures establish immigration quotas, but census statisticians, with their methods and their culture, constructed the mechanism for exclusion by national origin. However, after 1928 there was a retreat from measuring ethnicity, which became evident in the 1930 and 1940 censuses by a marked lack of interest in questions of place of birth, mother tongue, and degree of assimilation. The history of the categories that made it possible to measure ethnicity is a complex one, involving three main groups of actors: advocates of immigration restriction, representatives of immigrant populations, and Census Bureau statisticians, with each group attempting to respond to contradictory demands and to defend their own i...

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the role of women in the history of the US census. Beginning with the 1920... more This chapter discusses the role of women in the history of the US census. Beginning with the 1920 census, and with women gaining the right to vote that same year, the Census Bureau began devoting considerable effort to women in two distinct directions: first, by making housewives a focus of attention as the interviewees of census workers and the repository of their husbands’ information; and second, more discreetly, by recruiting a growing number of women as census workers and supervisors. Women who worked in the Census Bureau in Washington served several purposes: demonstrating to all that the agency was a great modern enterprise, but also, and more specifically, attracting more applicants. As was the case for African Americans, the information furnished on the activity of women in the Census Bureau—photographs in particular—reveals sex segregation in jobs at the very heart of the agency.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Census Bureau and African Americans. In the ... more This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Census Bureau and African Americans. In the first half of the twentieth century, the history of the agency’s relations with the black population was one of an incomplete transformation. For the census, blacks were the most objectified inhabitants, to the point that slaves were deprived of names to become numbers in the population statistics, and the ones least likely to be viewed as subjects. At the same time, blacks as a category were always the object of particular attention in census reports. The chapter also describes the growing involvement of black authors and statisticians in publications for the black population; the career of Charles E. Hall with respect to the census, who became the first African American to be given supervisory responsibilities over black employees; and the Census Bureau’s relations with the African American business community.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses how census data for 1850 and 1860 contributed to the military defeat of th... more This chapter discusses how census data for 1850 and 1860 contributed to the military defeat of the South in the Civil War. For instance, the main innovation of the 1860 census was the cartographic presentation of the data. The agents of the Census Office reported the results of the 1860 census on existing maps of southern postal routes, county by county. Thus, northern generals gained access to data on cultivated acres, the numbers of horses and mules, and the quantities of wheat, corn, oats, or other crops, as well as on the numbers of whites, free blacks, and slaves in each county. The data of the 1850 and 1860 censuses on slaves and free blacks also played a central role in the polemics between slavery proponents and abolitionists.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the integration of Chinese and Japanese into the US census. The American c... more This chapter discusses the integration of Chinese and Japanese into the US census. The American census added a new race it termed “Chinese” to its questionnaires beginning in 1870 and “Japanese” in 1890. The remarkable thing is that what was a nationality immediately became a race as well. Since 1850, the place of birth of all inhabitants had been recorded, whether or not they were immigrants, and in the case of non-European immigrants, two categories of origin were involved: on the one hand, foreign birth, and on the other hand, race, which was transmitted to the following generations. In spite of their small numbers, Asian immigrants were the object of disproportionate attention in the US census, to the point that in 1920, out of nine possible racial categories, five were Asian.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the emergence of questions on national origins and foreign birth in the ce... more This chapter discusses the emergence of questions on national origins and foreign birth in the censuses of 1850 to 1900 in the context of rising nativism. The 1820 census first introduced the distinction between Americans and foreigners. It also distinguished “foreigners not naturalized” from the rest of the population. Immigration became a subject for official statistics in the 1850 census, which included very detailed questionnaires on numerous social and economic questions, such as occupation, education, or property. In 1870, a major development was the introduction of the question of the foreign birth of each parent. By the 1890 census, statistics on the naturalization of immigrants made it possible to measure the electoral strength of immigrants, whether of the first or second generation.

Le Mouvement Social, 2009

Disorder, 2019

Nous remercions le LARCA (Université de Paris) et l’Université de Chicago pour leur aide à la pub... more Nous remercions le LARCA (Université de Paris) et l’Université de Chicago pour leur aide à la publication de cet ouvrage. L’idée de ce livre est issue du colloque que nous avions organisé en mars 2015 à l’université Paris Diderot et au centre parisien de l’université de Chicago. Nous remercions Florence Tamagne (Lille), Arnaud Baubérot (Paris-Est Créteil) et Travis Jackson (University of Chicago) pour leur participation au comité scientifique. Au centre parisien de l’Université de Chicago, no..

The essay seeks to demonstrate that what historians write is significantly conditioned by the pla... more The essay seeks to demonstrate that what historians write is significantly conditioned by the place from which they write.

The American Historical Review, 2014

IN 1993, THE HISTORIANS' GROUP IN the European Association for American Studies held a meeting at... more IN 1993, THE HISTORIANS' GROUP IN the European Association for American Studies held a meeting at the Roosevelt Studies Center in Middelburg, the Netherlands. David Thelen, then editor of the Journal of American History, attended this meeting to beat the drum for his commendable project of internationalizing the study of American history by forging closer ties between the Organization of American Historians (OAH) and non-U.S. scholars, especially those in non-English-speaking countries. 1 In order to gather more information on the European group, Thelen distributed an OAH questionnaire. However, when the Europeans took a look at the form, some of them voiced their outrage that the OAH was asking not only for their names, affiliations, and fields of specialization, but also for their race. What did this mean? Perhaps the OAH was asking for "Aryan certificates," one colleague snapped, referring to the infamous racial classifications of Nazi Germany. Poor Dave had a hard time explaining that, quite to the contrary, inserting the box on race mirrored the OAH's respect for and commitment to the diversity of its membership. Still, the apprehension among some participants did not go away completely. 2 The confusion surrounding the OAH questionnaire reveals something that those of us in the business of critical reading and intellectual history take for granted: meaning is unstable and contingent. Despite our shared academic usage of English, the term "race" may trigger very different associations among Americans and Europeans, although there is a seemingly simple and phonetically similar translation in so many European languages (ras in Dutch and Swedish, race in Danish, rasȃ in Romanian, razza in Italian, rasa in Polish). Those seeking to internationalize the writing of U.S. history often focus on the question of languages and translation (including a critical push by some multilingual historians in the U.S. for their colleagues to learn more languages). As the example of race shows, however, the issue of language is a matter not of mere translation of words, but of meanings. Words are shaped by specific historical and cultural contexts.

The US census is characterised, among other features, by the importance it gives, to this day, to... more The US census is characterised, among other features, by the importance it gives, to this day, to race. While the continuing presence of racial categories in the census is a matter of current debate, the issue is narrowly linked to the existence of policies to target specific groups identified at least in part by census data (Nobles 2002, Perlman & Waters 2002, Skerry 2000). 1 For participants in the controversy, the question is rather the use of racial categories to underpin affirmative action policies than the census itself. This tends either to mask the functions of racial and ethnic categories in the pre-civil rights era or to lead to consideration of such categories as a mere residue of historical discrimination. Undoubtedly, the origin of the racial categories used in the US census is oppression of slaves and later of emancipated African Americans, whereas the origin of ethnic categories is to be found in the 'Nativist' movement which, from the mid nineteenth century, sought to exclude immigrants and their children from the national community. Generally speaking, racism has played a key role in Federal statistics, as shown by, for instance, debates in Congress on the Census Act of 1850, which split the African population-whether slave or free-between 'Negroes' and 'Mulattoes' (Anderson 2003, Schor 2005). However, it would be unfortunate to write a history of such census categories that reduces them to these two functions: to identify, first, groups of non-European origin and then 'new immigrants' subject to official discrimination, and later their supposed descendents in order to include them within the scope of compensatory policies. Such an approach would elide the more complex and still largely neglected history of the social construction of ethnic and racial categories. This article examines several cases in which groups mobilised to demand that government agencies should take account of their existence in a different way, in a context where no material advantage was at stake. In so doing, it historicises the statistical categories of race and ethnicity, which cannot be understood solely by reference to their current usage (for a more detailed history of census practices including full reference to sources, see Schor forthcoming). Whether the groups in question related to nationalities (stateless Poles in 1860, denizens of the German, Austrian, and Russian empires in 1910), ethno-religious communities (Jews in Paul Schor is a historian, a Lecturer in American studies at the University of Paris-X Nanterre, and a researcher at the Centre d'É tudes Nord-Ame´ricaines. His initial research was on the social construction of census categories in the USA since independence. His current work focuses on the social history of twentieth-century US consumers and on differentiation of consumption markets and practices along racial, ethnic, and social lines.

Disorder

Yes that’s right, punk is dead,It’s just another cheap product for the consumer’s head.[…]Punk be... more Yes that’s right, punk is dead,It’s just another cheap product for the consumer’s head.[…]Punk became a fashion just like hippy used to beAnd it ain’t got a thing to do with you or me. Crass, « Punk Is Dead », The Feeding of the 5000,Crass Records, 1979. Quarante ans après les premières manifestations publiques du punk, ce mouvement qui proclamait « No future » est l’objet de commémorations et d’analyses, certaines sérieuses d’autres grotesques. « Le punk, c’est devenu une p***** de pièce de ..

A crystal is a potentially endless, three-dimensional, periodic discontinuum built up by atoms, i... more A crystal is a potentially endless, three-dimensional, periodic discontinuum built up by atoms, ions or molecules. Real crystals have defects and frequently parts of molecules (or whole molecules) are found in more than one crystallographically independent orientation. Possible reasons: • Z' > 1 • Twinning • Disorder Soldier example from theory class… The structure is always the spatial average over the whole crystal! In most cases, only a small part of the molecule shows disorder. Anisotropic displacement ellipsoids and residual electron density are best indicators for disorder. Disordered ethyl group.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses changes in the categorization of blacks and mulattoes at the beginning of ... more This chapter discusses changes in the categorization of blacks and mulattoes at the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1900, for the first time since blacks had been individually enumerated, the entire black population was combined into a single category, “Black”. This included all persons who were “negro or of negro descent.” The mulatto category then reappeared in 1910, but in the new context of a difference in ability rather than a biological difference between blacks and mulattoes but was dropped after the 1920 because the census noted that the classification varied greatly according to the race of the enumerator.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter focuses on the racial classification of slaves and free persons in the 1850 and 1860... more This chapter focuses on the racial classification of slaves and free persons in the 1850 and 1860 censuses. The categories that were adopted and the procedures put into place in the field by 1850 defined the statistical population of black slaves, divided into two groups of different size, blacks and mulattoes. That there were two possible colors for slaves—black and mulatto—while there was no provision for “white” had two lasting implications for the American statistical apparatus and, more generally, for the definition of racial groups in American society: black individuals could be divided into two groups, and only two groups. Whatever the definition adopted for those who visibly were the product of a mixing between blacks and whites, called miscegenation, all such individuals remained within the confines of the black population, and they in no way occupied an intermediary position between the two races.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the Census Bureau’s external relations. It covers the publicity programs d... more This chapter discusses the Census Bureau’s external relations. It covers the publicity programs directed specifically toward ethnic groups; the agency’s use of marketing techniques for targeted campaigns and tools such as photography, films, and radio; the wide public outreach achieved by presidential proclamations announcing the date of each census; the positive experiences of census agents in the field; the agency’s provision of personal information to the FBI or to other government agencies despite the existence of confidentiality clauses; and the Census Bureau’s active participation in discrimination against and persecution of US residents via the deportation of Americans of Japanese origin after the attack on Pearl Harbor.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses changes in the categories of ethnicity and immigration in the US census. F... more This chapter discusses changes in the categories of ethnicity and immigration in the US census. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the 1930s, statistics on immigration and ethnicity took first place in schedules, published reports, and public policy. Not only did census figures establish immigration quotas, but census statisticians, with their methods and their culture, constructed the mechanism for exclusion by national origin. However, after 1928 there was a retreat from measuring ethnicity, which became evident in the 1930 and 1940 censuses by a marked lack of interest in questions of place of birth, mother tongue, and degree of assimilation. The history of the categories that made it possible to measure ethnicity is a complex one, involving three main groups of actors: advocates of immigration restriction, representatives of immigrant populations, and Census Bureau statisticians, with each group attempting to respond to contradictory demands and to defend their own i...

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the role of women in the history of the US census. Beginning with the 1920... more This chapter discusses the role of women in the history of the US census. Beginning with the 1920 census, and with women gaining the right to vote that same year, the Census Bureau began devoting considerable effort to women in two distinct directions: first, by making housewives a focus of attention as the interviewees of census workers and the repository of their husbands’ information; and second, more discreetly, by recruiting a growing number of women as census workers and supervisors. Women who worked in the Census Bureau in Washington served several purposes: demonstrating to all that the agency was a great modern enterprise, but also, and more specifically, attracting more applicants. As was the case for African Americans, the information furnished on the activity of women in the Census Bureau—photographs in particular—reveals sex segregation in jobs at the very heart of the agency.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Census Bureau and African Americans. In the ... more This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Census Bureau and African Americans. In the first half of the twentieth century, the history of the agency’s relations with the black population was one of an incomplete transformation. For the census, blacks were the most objectified inhabitants, to the point that slaves were deprived of names to become numbers in the population statistics, and the ones least likely to be viewed as subjects. At the same time, blacks as a category were always the object of particular attention in census reports. The chapter also describes the growing involvement of black authors and statisticians in publications for the black population; the career of Charles E. Hall with respect to the census, who became the first African American to be given supervisory responsibilities over black employees; and the Census Bureau’s relations with the African American business community.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses how census data for 1850 and 1860 contributed to the military defeat of th... more This chapter discusses how census data for 1850 and 1860 contributed to the military defeat of the South in the Civil War. For instance, the main innovation of the 1860 census was the cartographic presentation of the data. The agents of the Census Office reported the results of the 1860 census on existing maps of southern postal routes, county by county. Thus, northern generals gained access to data on cultivated acres, the numbers of horses and mules, and the quantities of wheat, corn, oats, or other crops, as well as on the numbers of whites, free blacks, and slaves in each county. The data of the 1850 and 1860 censuses on slaves and free blacks also played a central role in the polemics between slavery proponents and abolitionists.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the integration of Chinese and Japanese into the US census. The American c... more This chapter discusses the integration of Chinese and Japanese into the US census. The American census added a new race it termed “Chinese” to its questionnaires beginning in 1870 and “Japanese” in 1890. The remarkable thing is that what was a nationality immediately became a race as well. Since 1850, the place of birth of all inhabitants had been recorded, whether or not they were immigrants, and in the case of non-European immigrants, two categories of origin were involved: on the one hand, foreign birth, and on the other hand, race, which was transmitted to the following generations. In spite of their small numbers, Asian immigrants were the object of disproportionate attention in the US census, to the point that in 1920, out of nine possible racial categories, five were Asian.

Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter discusses the emergence of questions on national origins and foreign birth in the ce... more This chapter discusses the emergence of questions on national origins and foreign birth in the censuses of 1850 to 1900 in the context of rising nativism. The 1820 census first introduced the distinction between Americans and foreigners. It also distinguished “foreigners not naturalized” from the rest of the population. Immigration became a subject for official statistics in the 1850 census, which included very detailed questionnaires on numerous social and economic questions, such as occupation, education, or property. In 1870, a major development was the introduction of the question of the foreign birth of each parent. By the 1890 census, statistics on the naturalization of immigrants made it possible to measure the electoral strength of immigrants, whether of the first or second generation.

LES ANNEES 1970 ET 1980 VIRENT L'EMERGENCE de deux mouvements consécutifs, identifiés sous leur f... more LES ANNEES 1970 ET 1980 VIRENT L'EMERGENCE de deux mouvements consécutifs, identifiés sous leur forme consacrée « punk » et « post-punk ». Ces courants artistiques sont apparus d'abord aux États-Unis et en Europe et ont engendré rapidement des sous-cultures dans le monde entier. Cet ouvrage présente des contributions qui couvrent quatre décennies et trois continents, avec des études de cas sur des zones bien connues comme sur d'autres qui le sont moins (ex-Yougoslavie, Chine…), en ayant recours aux diverses méthodologies des sciences sociales (ethnographies des publics, archives, entretiens, analyse spatiale, etc.). Dépassant le cadre de l'apparition des mouvements punk et post-punk, les auteurs présentent des éclairages originaux qui permettent de comprendre ces gestes artistiques inscrits dans des contextes sociaux et politiques. Ce travail collectif propose des analyses des expériences des divers acteurs de ces scènes comme autant de manières de comprendre les sociétés contemporaines, tout en s'interrogeant sur la réception académique de ces mouvements.