Gemma Rubí | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (original) (raw)

Papers by Gemma Rubí

Un parlamento sin taquígrafos: las sesiones secretas en la historia del parlamentarismo español (1875-1936), 2024

In this article, we are interested in discovering to what extent the liberal Parliament of the Re... more In this article, we are interested in discovering to what extent the liberal Parliament of the Restoration placed restrictions on the publicity of its decisions and how this issue was maintained during the Second Spanish Republic. For this, we review the issues discussed in the secret sessions of Parliament between 1875 and 1936. This allows us to discover that, apart from the usual paperwork issues of personnel expenses and building maintenance, they debated privileges (postal allowance or travel by train), immunities and diets of parliamentarians, as well as the management of petitions. In general, these issues were treated with discretion and always seeking to safeguard parliamentary honour.

Corruption, Anti-Corruption, Vigilance and State Building from Early to Late Modern TimesJoan Pubill, Ricard Torra, Arndt Brendeckeke (ed.), State Building from Early to Late Modern Times, 2024

Both stereotypical representations of Spain and academic texts have insisted on the notion of sec... more Both stereotypical representations of Spain and academic texts have insisted on the notion of secular backwardness (a kind of Spanish Sonderweg), systemic abuse and political decadence. This chapter seeks to examine the Spanish national culture of corruption. Starting from early Iberian political Modernity, we will review the historical crossroads at which the transformations of the state and power relations in Spain were situated. This involves assessing the conceptual mutations, practices and discourses of good and bad governance, together with the configuration of public opinion, the cultures of power, secrecy and transparency, the capture of the state and public resources, as well as the impact that corruption cases had on citizens' distrust of institutions and anti-politics. In order to overcome the stigmas that projected the image of a corrupt society, the "sacralisation" of the state and the administration was a functional response of the monarchy and hegemonic liberalism to shield their legitimacy. However, the limits to freedom of the press, the fragile mechanisms of oversight, the excessive weight of the executive power - including the precarious division of powers - and the caciquist system deepened the ill-impression on corruption. In short, addressing the distinctive elements of "national cultures of corruption" will help us to recognise the modalities of the exercise of power, and to examine the nuances of the process of political modernisation from a comparative and transnational perspective, overcoming the myth of a supposedly unpolluted North as opposed to a corrupt South.

Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine, 2008

Con esta obra el profesor Manuel Marin culmina una etapa de investigacion centrada en el estudio ... more Con esta obra el profesor Manuel Marin culmina una etapa de investigacion centrada en el estudio de la dominacion politica ejercida por el fabricante de lanas y financiero Pau Turull y Comadran en el distrito de Sabadell durante la epoca del sufragio censitario . En este libro, el autor estudia la formacion y reproduccion de una red de poder caciquil que se alimenta de un capital simbolico, en parte heredado por via familiar, que tambien era de origen cultural y politico, proporcionado por el...

Scandales et corruption à l'époque contemporaine, 2014

El presente artículo trata de analizar las singularidades que revistió la vida política en Catalu... more El presente artículo trata de analizar las singularidades que revistió la vida política en Cataluña durante el periodo histórico de la Restauración borbónica, y especialmente pone el acento en los ritmos y cronologías de descomposición del turno dinástico. Al no modificarse sustancialmente las reglas del sistema político, pervivieron los hábitos propios de la política clientelar, que se reprodujeron como mecanismo de acceso al poder, tanto para dinásticos como para catalanistas y republicanos. Al mismo tiempo, la política en los distritos catalanes avanzó lenta pero inexorablemente hacia una embrionaria democracia de masas, plural y competitiva.

Ronald Kroeze, Pol Dalmau and Frédéric Monier (eds), Corruption, Empire and Colonialism in the Modern Era. A global perspective, Palgrave Macmillan, 2021, 2021

In the late nineteenth century, in an age of imperial expansion, Spain had already abandoned thi... more In the late nineteenth century, in an age of imperial expansion, Spain
had already abandoned this course of action since the independence
processes of its American colonies. From its erstwhile vast empire, there
it retained only Cuba, where slavery brought forth huge benefits both
for slave traders and for sugar cane (and to a smaller extent coffee and
tobacco) planters, as well as for the shrunken metropolitan coffers.
Corruption was usually the main reason for secession according to
independentist and autonomist partisans themselves. On the 19 July
1887, Víctor Balaguer drew a terrible picture of the colonial administration: “In a relatively short period of time bonds, pay slips, drawbacks,
stamps, bank notes, files, minutes, certifications, university degrees, relations
… lottery tickets have been forged.1 All these forgeries have been made to
dilapidate the public purse (…)”. Balaguer was an overseas minister who
put all of his energy into the fight against corruption; maybe the only
politician who risked his very career in this endeavour. This experience
was the background of reforms which tried to introduce his successor,
Antonio Maura (1853–1925), between 1892 and 1894. In contrast,
corruption remained a major player in Cuban economic and political life
until independence. It is necessary to wonder as well whether the kind
of rent-seeking and moral turpitudes that happened on the island were
similar to the very metropolitan corruption, or different in nature. Were
the governmental challenges in Cuban society and other colonial empires
alike? Moreover, was corruption considered a major or minor challenge
back then? What did happen was that Spain used budgetary and tariff
policies as instruments of economic subordination

Ayer. Revista de historia contemporánea, 2019

The purpose of the article is to clarify and organise the various meanings inherent in the semant... more The purpose of the article is to clarify and organise the various
meanings inherent in the semantic family associated with the concept
of political corruption adopted in nineteenth-century Spain. We analyse meanings that appeared in the legal, philosophical, and purely political spheres. In so doing, we take into account the historical, institutional and political context of each one. We review parliamentary speeches, the press and the political treatises, and highlight the arguments used to legitimise good government and its antithesis.
Keywords: political corruption, history of concepts, history of ideas
and political culture, good government, nineteenth-century Spain.

Revista Catalana de Dret Públic, 2020

Abstract Drawing on original research, this article raises some key points for interpreting the r... more Abstract Drawing on original research, this article raises some key points for interpreting the role of political corruption in contemporary Catalonia. First, it analyses the part played by Catalan businessmen in building the Spanish liberal state. It then goes on to explain how caciquism worked during the Bourbon Restoration, and how such caciquism was denounced mainly by political Catalanism. Finally, it hones in on the corrupt practices of Catalan Francoists and the ties that Francesc Cambó forged with the systemic corruption in Argentina through the company known as CHADE. Some brief thoughts on current Spanish political corruption precede the conclusions, which attempt to establish an interpretative hypothesis that proves valid, in many ways, for understanding both Spanish and Catalan political corruption.
Resum L'article planteja, a partir de recerques originals, algunes claus per interpretar el paper jugat per la corrupció política a la Catalunya contemporània. En primer lloc, analitza la participació dels homes de negocis catalans en la construcció de l'estat liberal espanyol. Seguidament, s'endinsa a explicar com va funcionar el caciquisme durant la Restauració borbònica, i com aquest fou denunciat principalment pel catalanisme polític. Finalment, l'accent es focalitza en les pràctiques corruptes dels franquistes catalans i en els vincles que desenvolupà Francesc Cambó amb la corrupció sistèmica a l'Argentina mitjançant l'empresa CHADE. Unes breus reflexions sobre la corrupció política espanyola actual precedeixen unes conclusions que intenten establir una hipòtesi interpretativa en molts sentits vàlida per comprendre tant la corrupció política espanyola com la catalana.

Monier, Frédéric; Rubí, Gemma (coord.), «Corrupción y modernización política en la Europa contemporánea” , Ayer. Revista de historia contemporánea, 115 (3), 2019

The thematic dossier we present deals with the links between corruption and politics, or rather, ... more The thematic dossier we present deals with the links between corruption and politics, or rather, with the conversion of the phenomenon of corruption into a political problem from the beginning of the contemporary era. In reality, these issues were not ignored by modern-day societies. As well as, the historiography on corruption and bribery in the Spanish colonial empire in the 17th and 18th centuries has illuminated this important dimension of power and interest practices, but also the colonial regulations of the Old Regime. However, from the second half of the 18th century in Europe a deep evolution of the concept of corruption took place, depending on the countries and actors, which was accompanied by a process of politicization . This is, in short, the underlying hypothesis that joins the different contributions of this dossier.
This hypothesis is indissolubly linked to a new historiography that, in several European countries, considers corruption as a complex phenomenon that deserves to be analysed. This is true for the practices themselves, for what they reveal about the profound changes in our societies, and finally for the modification of public value systems that these issues have the capacity to generate.

LA PRÁCTICA POLÍTICA EN LA RESTAURACIÓN:LA ACTUACIÓN DE LOS DIPUTADOS DEL DISTRITO DE MANRESA (1875-1923), 2005

The immediate purpose of this article is to make an attempt at a collective biography focused on ... more The immediate purpose of this article is to make an attempt at a collective biography focused on the deputies of a Restoration Electoral District, in Manresa, between 1876 and 1923. We are only interested in knowing who were and which parties belonged, but not knowing what they did from the parliamentary court, what interests satisfied and who benefited or who harmed. Usually the first stage is usually not passed, that is, who they were and how they were elected. Instead, it costs much more to get into your parliamentary activity, and to compare what your speeches and speeches said in plenary or commission, and what they actually did, that is, place them between speech and praxis. At the same time, as we analyze the political representation based on a uninominal district, it also matters to know how the deputy was in contact with his representatives and what political intermediation activities he carried out.

CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 12: 73-86 (2019), 2019

This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bou... more This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bourbon Restoration and how it evolved within the context of the emergence of mass politics and society during the early decades of the 20th century from a comparative Spanish and European perspective. Specifically, it analyses how some regional power caciquates were formed in the Catalan districts in order to further explore the development and evolution of these relationships. It then spotlights the early process through which the dynastic rotation in Catalonia was destroyed through the campaigns to condemn caciquism, and to what extent this process entailed true progress for democracy within the transition from political liberalism to democracy in Europe at the turn of the 20th century.

Borja DE RIQUER, Gemma RUBI, Laura CANALIAS I Oriol LUJÁN, Catalan Deputies and the Great War (1914-1918), Lothar Höbelt (ed.), European Parliaments in World War I, Studia Universitatis Cibiniensis. Series Historica, vol. XII / 2015, p. 159 - 178, 2015

This article focuses on the action of the Catalan deputies in the Spanish parliament during the F... more This article focuses on the action of the Catalan deputies in the Spanish parliament during the First World War. It analyses the measures of pressure they developed in relation to social and economic consequences of the conflict, the evolution of their position in the debate between pro-allies and pro-central powers, as well as the parliamentary speeches about political and economic autonomy for Catalonia. Although the option of deciding on neutrality was widespread among Catalans, there was no unitary position. On the contrary, Catalan politicians joined for other reasons. They wanted to protect not only from the negative impact of war and profit from its benefits, but also they wish to take advantage of the situation to make visible, in an international sphere, their willingness to obtain the political autonomy for their region. Despite Catalan demands for autonomy found no concessions, the international context and the requests that had been made helped to visualize the so-called Catalan question. The Spanish Congress and the country on the whole were completely weakened after the war. However, the expectation for change and regeneration was closer than ever as the First World War had accelerated the crisis of the political system of the Restoration.

Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Manresa during the napoleonic war (1808-1814) , 2018

Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Ma... more Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Manresa during the napoleonic war (1808-1814)
The article aims to cover a twofold historical void: on the one hand, to inform on the power relations within the ecclesiastic class, specifically between the canons and the beneficiaries, focused on the basilica of the See of Manresa, and the position that the Bishop of Vic took in this conflict. Secondly, to shed more light on the politicisation of the Catalan clergy during the Napoleonic War, as well as analyse it within the setting of the unequal power relations present within that religious community in a crumbling conjuncture of the Ancien Régime which the war accelerated and revealed with all its harshness.

Paraules clau: Guerra napoleònica, poder eclesiàstic, Manresa, diòcesi de Vic.

El 20 d'octubre de 1814 el canonge Antoni Abardia de la col·legiata basílica de la seu de Manresa es queixava amargament de la dràstica reducció de compo­ nents que havia patit el capítol de canonges arran de la invasió napoleònica: de dotze que eren en començar la conflagració bèl·lica havien passat a sis, tres dels quals no estaven en condicions d'oferir les misses pels aniversaris ni d'atendre convenientment les necessitats del culte a la parròquia manresana. La reivindicació al monarca Ferran VII, tan desitjat i pel qual havien lluitat, era ben clara: la reposició d'almenys tres canonges tot respectant el privilegi de nomenament que estava reservat als monarques. No només s'havia reduït el personal que integrava el capítol, sinó que el patrimoni-fins i tot amb la casa dels canonges reduïda a runes arran de l'incendi perpetrat entre el 30 i el 31 de març de 1811-i les rendes de la col·legiata havien experimentat una notable ensulsiada, fos per les cremes i saquejos propinats pels francesos o bé per les contribucions extraordinàries a què els eclesiàstics estigueren subjectes, o bé per la no recaptació de les rendes enmig del desgavell

Fernando Martínez; Maribel Ruiz (eds.), El republicanismo de ayer y de hoy, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva., 2012

The dynastic turn questioned. The elections of Solidaritat Catalana in April 1907 during Alfonso ... more The dynastic turn questioned. The elections of Solidaritat Catalana in April 1907 during Alfonso XIII reign.

"Enderrocar la ciutadella del caciquisme. La corrupció política en el pensament d'Enric Prat de la Riba" a Josep Serrano (ed), Enric Prat de la Riba (1870-1917), Barcelona, Societat Catalana d'Estudis Jurídics, 2017, 2017

Cuando el Estado se festeja a si mismo y quiere convertirse en símbolo activo de la Nación. Las visitas reales de Alfonso XIII a tierras aragonesas y catalanas., 2015

When the State celebrates itself and wants to become an active symbol of the Nation. The royal v... more When the State celebrates itself and wants to become an active symbol of the Nation. The royal visits of Alfonso XIII to Aragonese and Catalan lands.

Margarita Barral (ed). Alfonso XIII visita España. Monarquía y Nación, Granada, Comares, 2015.

Un parlamento sin taquígrafos: las sesiones secretas en la historia del parlamentarismo español (1875-1936), 2024

In this article, we are interested in discovering to what extent the liberal Parliament of the Re... more In this article, we are interested in discovering to what extent the liberal Parliament of the Restoration placed restrictions on the publicity of its decisions and how this issue was maintained during the Second Spanish Republic. For this, we review the issues discussed in the secret sessions of Parliament between 1875 and 1936. This allows us to discover that, apart from the usual paperwork issues of personnel expenses and building maintenance, they debated privileges (postal allowance or travel by train), immunities and diets of parliamentarians, as well as the management of petitions. In general, these issues were treated with discretion and always seeking to safeguard parliamentary honour.

Corruption, Anti-Corruption, Vigilance and State Building from Early to Late Modern TimesJoan Pubill, Ricard Torra, Arndt Brendeckeke (ed.), State Building from Early to Late Modern Times, 2024

Both stereotypical representations of Spain and academic texts have insisted on the notion of sec... more Both stereotypical representations of Spain and academic texts have insisted on the notion of secular backwardness (a kind of Spanish Sonderweg), systemic abuse and political decadence. This chapter seeks to examine the Spanish national culture of corruption. Starting from early Iberian political Modernity, we will review the historical crossroads at which the transformations of the state and power relations in Spain were situated. This involves assessing the conceptual mutations, practices and discourses of good and bad governance, together with the configuration of public opinion, the cultures of power, secrecy and transparency, the capture of the state and public resources, as well as the impact that corruption cases had on citizens' distrust of institutions and anti-politics. In order to overcome the stigmas that projected the image of a corrupt society, the "sacralisation" of the state and the administration was a functional response of the monarchy and hegemonic liberalism to shield their legitimacy. However, the limits to freedom of the press, the fragile mechanisms of oversight, the excessive weight of the executive power - including the precarious division of powers - and the caciquist system deepened the ill-impression on corruption. In short, addressing the distinctive elements of "national cultures of corruption" will help us to recognise the modalities of the exercise of power, and to examine the nuances of the process of political modernisation from a comparative and transnational perspective, overcoming the myth of a supposedly unpolluted North as opposed to a corrupt South.

Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine, 2008

Con esta obra el profesor Manuel Marin culmina una etapa de investigacion centrada en el estudio ... more Con esta obra el profesor Manuel Marin culmina una etapa de investigacion centrada en el estudio de la dominacion politica ejercida por el fabricante de lanas y financiero Pau Turull y Comadran en el distrito de Sabadell durante la epoca del sufragio censitario . En este libro, el autor estudia la formacion y reproduccion de una red de poder caciquil que se alimenta de un capital simbolico, en parte heredado por via familiar, que tambien era de origen cultural y politico, proporcionado por el...

Scandales et corruption à l'époque contemporaine, 2014

El presente artículo trata de analizar las singularidades que revistió la vida política en Catalu... more El presente artículo trata de analizar las singularidades que revistió la vida política en Cataluña durante el periodo histórico de la Restauración borbónica, y especialmente pone el acento en los ritmos y cronologías de descomposición del turno dinástico. Al no modificarse sustancialmente las reglas del sistema político, pervivieron los hábitos propios de la política clientelar, que se reprodujeron como mecanismo de acceso al poder, tanto para dinásticos como para catalanistas y republicanos. Al mismo tiempo, la política en los distritos catalanes avanzó lenta pero inexorablemente hacia una embrionaria democracia de masas, plural y competitiva.

Ronald Kroeze, Pol Dalmau and Frédéric Monier (eds), Corruption, Empire and Colonialism in the Modern Era. A global perspective, Palgrave Macmillan, 2021, 2021

In the late nineteenth century, in an age of imperial expansion, Spain had already abandoned thi... more In the late nineteenth century, in an age of imperial expansion, Spain
had already abandoned this course of action since the independence
processes of its American colonies. From its erstwhile vast empire, there
it retained only Cuba, where slavery brought forth huge benefits both
for slave traders and for sugar cane (and to a smaller extent coffee and
tobacco) planters, as well as for the shrunken metropolitan coffers.
Corruption was usually the main reason for secession according to
independentist and autonomist partisans themselves. On the 19 July
1887, Víctor Balaguer drew a terrible picture of the colonial administration: “In a relatively short period of time bonds, pay slips, drawbacks,
stamps, bank notes, files, minutes, certifications, university degrees, relations
… lottery tickets have been forged.1 All these forgeries have been made to
dilapidate the public purse (…)”. Balaguer was an overseas minister who
put all of his energy into the fight against corruption; maybe the only
politician who risked his very career in this endeavour. This experience
was the background of reforms which tried to introduce his successor,
Antonio Maura (1853–1925), between 1892 and 1894. In contrast,
corruption remained a major player in Cuban economic and political life
until independence. It is necessary to wonder as well whether the kind
of rent-seeking and moral turpitudes that happened on the island were
similar to the very metropolitan corruption, or different in nature. Were
the governmental challenges in Cuban society and other colonial empires
alike? Moreover, was corruption considered a major or minor challenge
back then? What did happen was that Spain used budgetary and tariff
policies as instruments of economic subordination

Ayer. Revista de historia contemporánea, 2019

The purpose of the article is to clarify and organise the various meanings inherent in the semant... more The purpose of the article is to clarify and organise the various
meanings inherent in the semantic family associated with the concept
of political corruption adopted in nineteenth-century Spain. We analyse meanings that appeared in the legal, philosophical, and purely political spheres. In so doing, we take into account the historical, institutional and political context of each one. We review parliamentary speeches, the press and the political treatises, and highlight the arguments used to legitimise good government and its antithesis.
Keywords: political corruption, history of concepts, history of ideas
and political culture, good government, nineteenth-century Spain.

Revista Catalana de Dret Públic, 2020

Abstract Drawing on original research, this article raises some key points for interpreting the r... more Abstract Drawing on original research, this article raises some key points for interpreting the role of political corruption in contemporary Catalonia. First, it analyses the part played by Catalan businessmen in building the Spanish liberal state. It then goes on to explain how caciquism worked during the Bourbon Restoration, and how such caciquism was denounced mainly by political Catalanism. Finally, it hones in on the corrupt practices of Catalan Francoists and the ties that Francesc Cambó forged with the systemic corruption in Argentina through the company known as CHADE. Some brief thoughts on current Spanish political corruption precede the conclusions, which attempt to establish an interpretative hypothesis that proves valid, in many ways, for understanding both Spanish and Catalan political corruption.
Resum L'article planteja, a partir de recerques originals, algunes claus per interpretar el paper jugat per la corrupció política a la Catalunya contemporània. En primer lloc, analitza la participació dels homes de negocis catalans en la construcció de l'estat liberal espanyol. Seguidament, s'endinsa a explicar com va funcionar el caciquisme durant la Restauració borbònica, i com aquest fou denunciat principalment pel catalanisme polític. Finalment, l'accent es focalitza en les pràctiques corruptes dels franquistes catalans i en els vincles que desenvolupà Francesc Cambó amb la corrupció sistèmica a l'Argentina mitjançant l'empresa CHADE. Unes breus reflexions sobre la corrupció política espanyola actual precedeixen unes conclusions que intenten establir una hipòtesi interpretativa en molts sentits vàlida per comprendre tant la corrupció política espanyola com la catalana.

Monier, Frédéric; Rubí, Gemma (coord.), «Corrupción y modernización política en la Europa contemporánea” , Ayer. Revista de historia contemporánea, 115 (3), 2019

The thematic dossier we present deals with the links between corruption and politics, or rather, ... more The thematic dossier we present deals with the links between corruption and politics, or rather, with the conversion of the phenomenon of corruption into a political problem from the beginning of the contemporary era. In reality, these issues were not ignored by modern-day societies. As well as, the historiography on corruption and bribery in the Spanish colonial empire in the 17th and 18th centuries has illuminated this important dimension of power and interest practices, but also the colonial regulations of the Old Regime. However, from the second half of the 18th century in Europe a deep evolution of the concept of corruption took place, depending on the countries and actors, which was accompanied by a process of politicization . This is, in short, the underlying hypothesis that joins the different contributions of this dossier.
This hypothesis is indissolubly linked to a new historiography that, in several European countries, considers corruption as a complex phenomenon that deserves to be analysed. This is true for the practices themselves, for what they reveal about the profound changes in our societies, and finally for the modification of public value systems that these issues have the capacity to generate.

LA PRÁCTICA POLÍTICA EN LA RESTAURACIÓN:LA ACTUACIÓN DE LOS DIPUTADOS DEL DISTRITO DE MANRESA (1875-1923), 2005

The immediate purpose of this article is to make an attempt at a collective biography focused on ... more The immediate purpose of this article is to make an attempt at a collective biography focused on the deputies of a Restoration Electoral District, in Manresa, between 1876 and 1923. We are only interested in knowing who were and which parties belonged, but not knowing what they did from the parliamentary court, what interests satisfied and who benefited or who harmed. Usually the first stage is usually not passed, that is, who they were and how they were elected. Instead, it costs much more to get into your parliamentary activity, and to compare what your speeches and speeches said in plenary or commission, and what they actually did, that is, place them between speech and praxis. At the same time, as we analyze the political representation based on a uninominal district, it also matters to know how the deputy was in contact with his representatives and what political intermediation activities he carried out.

CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 12: 73-86 (2019), 2019

This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bou... more This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bourbon Restoration and how it evolved within the context of the emergence of mass politics and society during the early decades of the 20th century from a comparative Spanish and European perspective. Specifically, it analyses how some regional power caciquates were formed in the Catalan districts in order to further explore the development and evolution of these relationships. It then spotlights the early process through which the dynastic rotation in Catalonia was destroyed through the campaigns to condemn caciquism, and to what extent this process entailed true progress for democracy within the transition from political liberalism to democracy in Europe at the turn of the 20th century.

Borja DE RIQUER, Gemma RUBI, Laura CANALIAS I Oriol LUJÁN, Catalan Deputies and the Great War (1914-1918), Lothar Höbelt (ed.), European Parliaments in World War I, Studia Universitatis Cibiniensis. Series Historica, vol. XII / 2015, p. 159 - 178, 2015

This article focuses on the action of the Catalan deputies in the Spanish parliament during the F... more This article focuses on the action of the Catalan deputies in the Spanish parliament during the First World War. It analyses the measures of pressure they developed in relation to social and economic consequences of the conflict, the evolution of their position in the debate between pro-allies and pro-central powers, as well as the parliamentary speeches about political and economic autonomy for Catalonia. Although the option of deciding on neutrality was widespread among Catalans, there was no unitary position. On the contrary, Catalan politicians joined for other reasons. They wanted to protect not only from the negative impact of war and profit from its benefits, but also they wish to take advantage of the situation to make visible, in an international sphere, their willingness to obtain the political autonomy for their region. Despite Catalan demands for autonomy found no concessions, the international context and the requests that had been made helped to visualize the so-called Catalan question. The Spanish Congress and the country on the whole were completely weakened after the war. However, the expectation for change and regeneration was closer than ever as the First World War had accelerated the crisis of the political system of the Restoration.

Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Manresa during the napoleonic war (1808-1814) , 2018

Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Ma... more Power relations and politicization of the ecclesiastic class in the diocese of Vic: the see of Manresa during the napoleonic war (1808-1814)
The article aims to cover a twofold historical void: on the one hand, to inform on the power relations within the ecclesiastic class, specifically between the canons and the beneficiaries, focused on the basilica of the See of Manresa, and the position that the Bishop of Vic took in this conflict. Secondly, to shed more light on the politicisation of the Catalan clergy during the Napoleonic War, as well as analyse it within the setting of the unequal power relations present within that religious community in a crumbling conjuncture of the Ancien Régime which the war accelerated and revealed with all its harshness.

Paraules clau: Guerra napoleònica, poder eclesiàstic, Manresa, diòcesi de Vic.

El 20 d'octubre de 1814 el canonge Antoni Abardia de la col·legiata basílica de la seu de Manresa es queixava amargament de la dràstica reducció de compo­ nents que havia patit el capítol de canonges arran de la invasió napoleònica: de dotze que eren en començar la conflagració bèl·lica havien passat a sis, tres dels quals no estaven en condicions d'oferir les misses pels aniversaris ni d'atendre convenientment les necessitats del culte a la parròquia manresana. La reivindicació al monarca Ferran VII, tan desitjat i pel qual havien lluitat, era ben clara: la reposició d'almenys tres canonges tot respectant el privilegi de nomenament que estava reservat als monarques. No només s'havia reduït el personal que integrava el capítol, sinó que el patrimoni-fins i tot amb la casa dels canonges reduïda a runes arran de l'incendi perpetrat entre el 30 i el 31 de març de 1811-i les rendes de la col·legiata havien experimentat una notable ensulsiada, fos per les cremes i saquejos propinats pels francesos o bé per les contribucions extraordinàries a què els eclesiàstics estigueren subjectes, o bé per la no recaptació de les rendes enmig del desgavell

Fernando Martínez; Maribel Ruiz (eds.), El republicanismo de ayer y de hoy, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva., 2012

The dynastic turn questioned. The elections of Solidaritat Catalana in April 1907 during Alfonso ... more The dynastic turn questioned. The elections of Solidaritat Catalana in April 1907 during Alfonso XIII reign.

"Enderrocar la ciutadella del caciquisme. La corrupció política en el pensament d'Enric Prat de la Riba" a Josep Serrano (ed), Enric Prat de la Riba (1870-1917), Barcelona, Societat Catalana d'Estudis Jurídics, 2017, 2017

Cuando el Estado se festeja a si mismo y quiere convertirse en símbolo activo de la Nación. Las visitas reales de Alfonso XIII a tierras aragonesas y catalanas., 2015

When the State celebrates itself and wants to become an active symbol of the Nation. The royal v... more When the State celebrates itself and wants to become an active symbol of the Nation. The royal visits of Alfonso XIII to Aragonese and Catalan lands.

Margarita Barral (ed). Alfonso XIII visita España. Monarquía y Nación, Granada, Comares, 2015.

VOTS ELECTORS I CORRUPCIÓ. Una reflexió sobre l'apatia a Catalunya (1869-1923), 2012

Aquest llibre explora en clau electoral alguns aspectes que pretenen explicar, si més no reflexio... more Aquest llibre explora en clau electoral alguns aspectes que pretenen explicar, si més no reflexionar, sobre la tendència a l’apatia política que experimentaren els ciutadans catalans des del Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874) i durant la Restauració borbònica (1875-1923). Una cultura cívica gestada durant la llarga transició del liberalisme polític a la democràcia que es caracteritzà entre d’altres trets per una tendència al tacticisme expressada en la forja d’aliances contranaturals; l’autoexclusió en la pràctica d’una part significativa de l’electorat que no se sentia representada en les institucions; la percepció d’anormalitat produïda per la continuïtat de les irregularitats del vell caciquisme; la vehemència i l’idealisme dels discursos emancipadors i dels ultracatòlics; i el sectarisme vinculat a la política d’uns partits que visqueren en la inestabilitat i la precarietat institucionals. Uns llasts que no contribuïren en absolut a la cohesió, sinó a la divisió i a la gran fractura que va significar la guerra civil.

La corrupción política en la España contemporánea: Un enfoque interdisciplinar, Dec 2018

La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españ... more La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españoles. Son muchos los que la consideran un problema de primera magnitud porque afecta de manera peligrosa a la confianza en la política y a la calidad de nuestra democracia. Para analizar con rigor cómo ha sido posible llegar a una situación tan grave como la presente, esta obra ofrece una serie de aproximaciones de carácter interdisciplinar (historia, ciencia política, economía, derecho penal, etc.) que contemplan los dos últimos siglos de la historia española, así como aspectos relevantes de los estudios europeos sobre esta lacra.

Borja de Riquer, Joan Ll. Pérez-Francesch, Gemma Rubí, Lluís Ferran Toledano, Oriol Lujan (dirs.), La corrupción política en la España contemporánea. Un enfoque interdisciplinar, Madrid, Marcial Pons, 2018., 2018

¿En qué medida la corrupción política es constitutiva de las formas de hacer política en la Españ... more ¿En qué medida la corrupción política es constitutiva de las formas de hacer política en la España contemporánea? ¿Podemos decir que ejerció algún tipo de funcionalidad en su cultura de poder, en la construcción del Estado y en sus tradiciones administrativas? En el texto trataremos de manera impresionista cómo la historiografía española ha abordado estos problemas, aportando algunos resultados sobre las palabras y los discursos de la corrupción, la configuración del marco penal y el análisis de las prácticas corruptas como dispositivos de poder en el largo siglo XIX. Para la centuria siguiente apuntamos temáticas que merecerían de un estudio más desarrollado, y en el balance final proponemos retos y futuras líneas de investigación.

La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españ... more La corrupción política se ha convertido hoy en una de las principales preocupaciones de los españoles. Son muchos los que la consideran un problema de primera magnitud porque afecta de manera peligrosa a la confianza en la política y a la calidad de nuestra democracia. Para analizar con rigor cómo ha sido posible llegar a una situación tan grave como la presente, esta obra ofrece una serie de aproximaciones de carácter interdisciplinar (historia, ciencia política, economía, derecho penal, etc.) que contemplan los dos últimos siglos de la historia española, así como aspectos relevantes de los estudios europeos sobre esta lacra.