Javier Fernández-Sánchez | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (original) (raw)
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Main goal: provide an account for the syntax of PredNPs: 1 (1) a. Great WOMAN, your mum! b. Alway... more Main goal: provide an account for the syntax of PredNPs: 1 (1) a. Great WOMAN, your mum! b. Always LATE, your sister! 1 Properties of PredNPs from a pretheoretical point of view. 2 Analysis and properties derived: PredNP=Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) + Leftward (remnant) TP movement + Phon. Left Edge Deletion (LED). 3 HTLD + Leftward TP movement = Right Dislocation (RD) in English −→ English RD = Romance RD.
Papers by Javier Fernández-Sánchez
The syntax of invariable qué-questions (IQQs) in Spanish (joint work with Javier Fernández- Sánchez). Selected papers of the 22th Hispanic Linguistic Symposium. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press., 2020
This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two m... more This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two main parts, divided by a prosodic break. The leftmost part includes an invariable wh-element qué and the rightmost one is a tag whose confirmation is required. We provide a novel analysis that contends that this qué is not a standard wh-phrase, but rather an operator base-generated in the left periphery with no thematic or derivational link to the tag. Our account correctly generates other properties of IQQs, such as their monoclausality, strict adjacency between qué and the verb and the possibility of having multiple-phrase tags. We also compare IQQs and split questions and show that, despite apparent similarities, they are radically different constructions.
To appear in: Colomina-Almiñana, J. & S. Sessarego (eds.) Patterns in Spanish: structure, context and development. London: Routledge, 2020
This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two m... more This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two main parts, divided by a prosodic break. The leftmost part includes an invariable wh-element qué and the rightmost one is a tag whose confirmation is required. We provide a novel analysis that contends that this qué is not a standard wh-phrase, but rather an operator base-generated in the left periphery with no thematic or derivational link to the tag. Our account correctly generates other properties of IQQs, such as their monoclausality, strict adjacency between qué and the verb and the possibility of having multiple-phrase tags. We also compare IQQs and split questions and show that, despite apparent similarities, they are radically different constructions.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 2019
Stripping is a phenomenon whereby a full clause is coordinated with a phrase (XP) and an adverb, ... more Stripping is a phenomenon whereby a full clause is coordinated with a phrase (XP) and an adverb, typically NEG(ation) (e.g. John read Hamlet but not Othello). As noted previously in the literature (e.g. Bosque 1984), while in English NEG must precede XP, Spanish allows the reverse order as well (XP-NEG). This paper examines these two strings (i.e. XP-NEG and NEG-XP) in Spanish and compares them with respect to a number of properties. The major goal of this paper is to show that, despite the appearances, the two strings constitute radically distinct phenomena. Analytically, I defend, in line with many others, that XP-NEG involves sentential coordination and clausal ellipsis (Depiante 2000, Vicente 2006, a.o.). With respect to NEG-XP, I contend that it involves constituent negation, constituent coordination and no ellipsis at all. This paper thus provides novel data and arguments which support the view originally proposed in Bosque (1984).
This paper deals with an apparent case of hyper raising in Spanish (Juan parece que llegará tarde... more This paper deals with an apparent case of hyper raising in Spanish (Juan parece que llegará tarde) and concludes that no actual raising takes place: that is, the allegedly A-moved subject (Juan) appearing at the left edge of the raising predicate is actually in an A'-position in the left periphery of the matrix clause. The thesis defended in this paper has been challenged recently by Fernández-Salgueiro (2011), who proposes an analysis in terms of A-movement. In this paper I will argue against this view (i) by showing that it leads to empirical and conceptual inconsistencies and (ii) by providing evidence of the A'-status of the subject. I will further reject a monoclausal analysis of this construction, which considers parecer a modal verb (Ausín 2001, Torrego 2002) or a grammaticalized adverb as suggested by Cross (1945) and Bolinger (1946).
This paper presents data from Spanish and Catalan that show that clitic left dislocated (CLLDed) ... more This paper presents data from Spanish and Catalan that show that clitic left dislocated (CLLDed) constituents can target the left edge of an infinitival clause (IC). Although these data may appear surprising given that ICs are usually claimed to have an impoverished left periphery (Hernanz 2011, Ojea 2013), they actually expand on previous work that has noted that Romance CLLD can appear in other structurally deficient domains RESUMEN. En este artículo aporto datos nuevos del español y el catalán que demuestran que la dislocación a la izquierda con clítico (DIC) puede aparecer en el margen izquierdo de una oración de infinitivo (OI), lo cual puede ser sorprendente dado que generalmente se asume que las OI tienen una periferia izquierda empobrecida (Hernanz 2011, Ojea 2013). Sin embargo, estos datos se suman a otros trabajos donde se ha evidenciado que la DIC en lenguas romances puede aparecer en otros dominios estructuralmente deficientes (Authier & Haegeman 2015, Jiménez-Fernández & Miyagawa 2014). En este trabajo defiendo que los datos presentados en este artículo se pueden explicar si asumimos la teoría de DIC de Ott (2015). Para este autor, estos elementos dislocados son parentéticos que no están sintácticamente integrados en la oración que (aparentemente) los contiene. Se sigue de esto que la distribución de la DIC debería ser inmune a la deficiencia estructural de un determinado dominio, en nuestro caso las OI. Este enfoque no implica que la aparición de la DIC no esté restringida: en este artículo sugeriré que la aparición de los dislocados está determinada por factores prosódicos. Palabras clave. dislocación a la izquierda con clítico, elipsis, parentéticos, oraciones de infinitivo, periferia izquierda, sintaxis-prosodia 1. Syntactic deficient environments There is a fair consensus in the literature that non-finite clauses are deficient in some sense, not only morphologically-they lack overt realization of tense and agreement morphology-but also syntactically. Syntactic deficiency is observed in the allegedly incapability for non-finite clauses to host A-moved constituents. In this paper I restrict * I would like to thank Antonio Fábregas, Maria Lluïsa Hernanz, Dennis Ott, and two anonymous reviewers for having discussed various aspects of this paper, as well as the audiences of the Inf-Fest workshop at the UAB and the XXIV ConSOLE at the University of York. Marina Roman Castells deserves special thanks, whom I owe many hours of digression and theorizing in our office blackboard. Crec, els tòpics d'infinitiu, entendre'ls una mica més ara que abans.
In this very short squib I defend that the argument Merchant (2004) uses to argue for movement of... more In this very short squib I defend that the argument Merchant (2004) uses to argue for movement of the fragment within the elliptical clause based on data involving complementizer deletion is not accurate.
This paper deals with the phenomenon of that-deletion, a process by which the complementizer may ... more This paper deals with the phenomenon of that-deletion, a process by which the complementizer may be optionally dropped in embedded complement clauses in English. Treating it as an optional phenomenon, though, is problematic for linguistic models like the Minimalist Program, which rely heavily on notions of economy and optimality. We wish to provide further support to the claim that thatdeletion is not optional and that its occurrence is favoured by pragmatic factors. Ultimately, we believe that a better insight into the pragmatics of that-deletion can help us account for it syntactically.
Main goal: provide an account for the syntax of PredNPs: 1 (1) a. Great WOMAN, your mum! b. Alway... more Main goal: provide an account for the syntax of PredNPs: 1 (1) a. Great WOMAN, your mum! b. Always LATE, your sister! 1 Properties of PredNPs from a pretheoretical point of view. 2 Analysis and properties derived: PredNP=Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) + Leftward (remnant) TP movement + Phon. Left Edge Deletion (LED). 3 HTLD + Leftward TP movement = Right Dislocation (RD) in English −→ English RD = Romance RD.
The syntax of invariable qué-questions (IQQs) in Spanish (joint work with Javier Fernández- Sánchez). Selected papers of the 22th Hispanic Linguistic Symposium. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press., 2020
This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two m... more This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two main parts, divided by a prosodic break. The leftmost part includes an invariable wh-element qué and the rightmost one is a tag whose confirmation is required. We provide a novel analysis that contends that this qué is not a standard wh-phrase, but rather an operator base-generated in the left periphery with no thematic or derivational link to the tag. Our account correctly generates other properties of IQQs, such as their monoclausality, strict adjacency between qué and the verb and the possibility of having multiple-phrase tags. We also compare IQQs and split questions and show that, despite apparent similarities, they are radically different constructions.
To appear in: Colomina-Almiñana, J. & S. Sessarego (eds.) Patterns in Spanish: structure, context and development. London: Routledge, 2020
This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two m... more This paper studies a peculiar Spanish interrogative structure we call IQQ which consists of two main parts, divided by a prosodic break. The leftmost part includes an invariable wh-element qué and the rightmost one is a tag whose confirmation is required. We provide a novel analysis that contends that this qué is not a standard wh-phrase, but rather an operator base-generated in the left periphery with no thematic or derivational link to the tag. Our account correctly generates other properties of IQQs, such as their monoclausality, strict adjacency between qué and the verb and the possibility of having multiple-phrase tags. We also compare IQQs and split questions and show that, despite apparent similarities, they are radically different constructions.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 2019
Stripping is a phenomenon whereby a full clause is coordinated with a phrase (XP) and an adverb, ... more Stripping is a phenomenon whereby a full clause is coordinated with a phrase (XP) and an adverb, typically NEG(ation) (e.g. John read Hamlet but not Othello). As noted previously in the literature (e.g. Bosque 1984), while in English NEG must precede XP, Spanish allows the reverse order as well (XP-NEG). This paper examines these two strings (i.e. XP-NEG and NEG-XP) in Spanish and compares them with respect to a number of properties. The major goal of this paper is to show that, despite the appearances, the two strings constitute radically distinct phenomena. Analytically, I defend, in line with many others, that XP-NEG involves sentential coordination and clausal ellipsis (Depiante 2000, Vicente 2006, a.o.). With respect to NEG-XP, I contend that it involves constituent negation, constituent coordination and no ellipsis at all. This paper thus provides novel data and arguments which support the view originally proposed in Bosque (1984).
This paper deals with an apparent case of hyper raising in Spanish (Juan parece que llegará tarde... more This paper deals with an apparent case of hyper raising in Spanish (Juan parece que llegará tarde) and concludes that no actual raising takes place: that is, the allegedly A-moved subject (Juan) appearing at the left edge of the raising predicate is actually in an A'-position in the left periphery of the matrix clause. The thesis defended in this paper has been challenged recently by Fernández-Salgueiro (2011), who proposes an analysis in terms of A-movement. In this paper I will argue against this view (i) by showing that it leads to empirical and conceptual inconsistencies and (ii) by providing evidence of the A'-status of the subject. I will further reject a monoclausal analysis of this construction, which considers parecer a modal verb (Ausín 2001, Torrego 2002) or a grammaticalized adverb as suggested by Cross (1945) and Bolinger (1946).
This paper presents data from Spanish and Catalan that show that clitic left dislocated (CLLDed) ... more This paper presents data from Spanish and Catalan that show that clitic left dislocated (CLLDed) constituents can target the left edge of an infinitival clause (IC). Although these data may appear surprising given that ICs are usually claimed to have an impoverished left periphery (Hernanz 2011, Ojea 2013), they actually expand on previous work that has noted that Romance CLLD can appear in other structurally deficient domains RESUMEN. En este artículo aporto datos nuevos del español y el catalán que demuestran que la dislocación a la izquierda con clítico (DIC) puede aparecer en el margen izquierdo de una oración de infinitivo (OI), lo cual puede ser sorprendente dado que generalmente se asume que las OI tienen una periferia izquierda empobrecida (Hernanz 2011, Ojea 2013). Sin embargo, estos datos se suman a otros trabajos donde se ha evidenciado que la DIC en lenguas romances puede aparecer en otros dominios estructuralmente deficientes (Authier & Haegeman 2015, Jiménez-Fernández & Miyagawa 2014). En este trabajo defiendo que los datos presentados en este artículo se pueden explicar si asumimos la teoría de DIC de Ott (2015). Para este autor, estos elementos dislocados son parentéticos que no están sintácticamente integrados en la oración que (aparentemente) los contiene. Se sigue de esto que la distribución de la DIC debería ser inmune a la deficiencia estructural de un determinado dominio, en nuestro caso las OI. Este enfoque no implica que la aparición de la DIC no esté restringida: en este artículo sugeriré que la aparición de los dislocados está determinada por factores prosódicos. Palabras clave. dislocación a la izquierda con clítico, elipsis, parentéticos, oraciones de infinitivo, periferia izquierda, sintaxis-prosodia 1. Syntactic deficient environments There is a fair consensus in the literature that non-finite clauses are deficient in some sense, not only morphologically-they lack overt realization of tense and agreement morphology-but also syntactically. Syntactic deficiency is observed in the allegedly incapability for non-finite clauses to host A-moved constituents. In this paper I restrict * I would like to thank Antonio Fábregas, Maria Lluïsa Hernanz, Dennis Ott, and two anonymous reviewers for having discussed various aspects of this paper, as well as the audiences of the Inf-Fest workshop at the UAB and the XXIV ConSOLE at the University of York. Marina Roman Castells deserves special thanks, whom I owe many hours of digression and theorizing in our office blackboard. Crec, els tòpics d'infinitiu, entendre'ls una mica més ara que abans.
In this very short squib I defend that the argument Merchant (2004) uses to argue for movement of... more In this very short squib I defend that the argument Merchant (2004) uses to argue for movement of the fragment within the elliptical clause based on data involving complementizer deletion is not accurate.
This paper deals with the phenomenon of that-deletion, a process by which the complementizer may ... more This paper deals with the phenomenon of that-deletion, a process by which the complementizer may be optionally dropped in embedded complement clauses in English. Treating it as an optional phenomenon, though, is problematic for linguistic models like the Minimalist Program, which rely heavily on notions of economy and optimality. We wish to provide further support to the claim that thatdeletion is not optional and that its occurrence is favoured by pragmatic factors. Ultimately, we believe that a better insight into the pragmatics of that-deletion can help us account for it syntactically.