Anthony Yates | University of California, Los Angeles (original) (raw)

Dissertation by Anthony Yates

This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two l... more This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two languages with lexical accent, Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) and Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European); it also assesses the implications of word stress in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages for the reconstruction of stress assignment in Proto-Indo European.

I argue that stress assignment in Cupeño is governed by the BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE (BAP; Kiparsky and Halle 1977): stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented morpheme, else to the word’s left edge. This analysis is compared to that of Alderete (2001), who
argues that Cupeño shows accentual root faithfulness — i.e., that the accentual properties of roots are privileged over non-root morphemes. I show that the BAP analysis is both simpler and attains greater empirical coverage than the root faithfulness analysis, which fails to account for certain attested stress patterns that are captured under the BAP analysis. Thus reanalyzed, Cupeño has two important typological implications. First, without support from Cupeño, root faithfulness may be unattested as a feature of lexical accent systems. Second, Cupeño provides a clear typological parallel for the ancient IE languages on the basis of which the BAP was posited — in particular, Vedic Sanskrit — as well as for Hittite, where I argue that it is also operative.

The analysis of Hittite stress advanced in this dissertation is the first systematic attempt at a synchronic generative treatment of its word stress patterns. Having established that stress assignment in Hittite inflection is governed by the BAP, I also adduce evidence for accentual dominance — i.e., morphemes whose accentual specification “overrides” the BAP. I propose that accentual dominance in Hittite is a consequence of morphological headedness: the lexical accent of the word’s head morpheme is privileged in Hittite, just as Revithiadou (1999) has argued for other lexical accent systems.

Finally, this dissertation addresses the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) word-prosodic system. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages are not traditionally viewed as important sources for the reconstruction of this system; however, I contend that the BAP is reconstructible for PIE and that — against this traditional view — this reconstruction depends crucially on the Anatolian evidence, which converges with Vedic Sanskrit in this respect.

Papers by Anthony Yates

Indogermanische Forschungen, 2024

It is widely thought that Proto-Indo-European τόμος-type nouns are robustly continued in the Anat... more It is widely thought that Proto-Indo-European τόμος-type nouns are robustly continued in the Anatolian languages. I challenge this view, arguing that most of the alleged Anatolian reflexes of this class instead continue τομή-or φυγή-type nouns, or in a few cases, τομός-type adjectives. Based on this reassessment of the Anatolian evidence, I propose a new historical account of the Hittite noun-forming suffix -ā̆tar/n- in which inherited τομή-and φυγή-type nouns play a crucial role. This evidence also prompts a reevaluation of the morphology of τομή-and φυγή-type nouns in Proto-Indo-European. I present empirical and morphophonological arguments in support of the view that φυγή-type nouns were primary derivatives, whereas τομή-type nouns were derived from τομός-type adjectives with the same suffix *-eh2- .

Proceedings of the 32nd Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 2022

This paper proposes a new account of the oblique singular case-forms of Proto-Indo-European "simp... more This paper proposes a new account of the oblique singular case-forms of Proto-Indo-European "simple" neuter *-r/n-stems that exhibit stressed inflectional endings in the Indo-European languages. Unexpected on the "acrostatic" reconstruction of this category, such forms were previously held to reflect the singular-marked oblique case-forms of a suppletive "amphikinetic" collective. I argue that these forms are instead the result of a recurring pattern of morphophonological change (EMERGENT MOBILITY) whereby erstwhile "acrostatic" formations develop intraparadigmatic stress mobility. In view of this alternative analysis, I contend that in (pre-)PIE neuter *-r/n-stems and athematic neuter nominals generally built oblique plural case-forms in the same way as animate nouns-i.e., by adding plural inflectional endings to the same stem (with the same prosodic properties) as in their corresponding oblique singular caseforms. * I am grateful to the audience of the 32nd UCLA Indo-European Conference; to the members of the Indo-European and Modern Linguistic Theory research group (especially Jesse Lundquist and Ryan Sandell

Indo-European Linguistics, 2022

It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal deri... more It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems and that (ii) these *-mon-stems were characterized by "amphikinetic" inflection, thus stressed full-grade of the root in their strong case forms (*R(é)-mon-). This paper challenges the latter claim, arguing that these forms instead had stem-final stress (*R(e)-món-). I adduce prosodic evidence in support of this alternative reconstruction from Lithuanian, Greek, Hittite, and above all Vedic Sanskrit, where the attested reflexes of these *-mon-stems consistently show stem-final stress. I then propose a new account of their root full-grade, which on this new reconstruction is phonologically irregular, since it surfaces in a pretonic syllable. I contend that this full-grade was synchronically transferred from their neuter *-men-stem bases. In this respect, internally derived *-mon-stems are shown to pattern morphophonologically with other reconstructible non-primary derivatives, which similarly acquire their root vocalism from their derivational bases.

Proceedings of the 31st Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 2020

This paper assesses the implications of the Anatolian evidence for the phonological and morpholog... more This paper assesses the implications of the Anatolian evidence for the phonological and morphological reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stem nominals. I argue that Anatolian inherited the morphological process whereby *-mon-stem nominals were formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems, as is generally assumed to be the case in Proto-Indo-European. With respect to the phonology of these internally derived *-mon-stems, however, I challenge the traditional reconstruction. I argue that the Anatolian evidence supports reconstructing them with paradigmatically invariant full-grade of the root and stressed *o-vocal-ism of the derivational suffix in their strong case forms rather than the "amphikinetic" inflectional pattern assumed under the Erlangen Model. In addition, I propose that PIE had *-mon-stem nominals derived directly from verbal roots, which differed phonologically from the internally derived type in that they had zero-grade of the root.

Glossa, 2020

We address the relationship between syntactic valency and voice morphology in Hittite (Anatolian,... more We address the relationship between syntactic valency and voice morphology in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European), focusing on cases where active syntax is expressed using non-active morphology, and vice versa. We argue that apparent "mismatches" between syntax and morphology are strictly a morphological rather than a syntactic phenomenon (contra Alexiadou et al. 2015; Grestenberger 2018). Our study highlights voice "reversals" — i.e., cases in which the expected mismatch disappears and morphological and syntactic valency match. We determine that such reversals correlate with morphological locality, and cannot be derived by hierarchical factors. Our findings provide a novel argument for a uniform syntactic structure of voice (Wood 2015; Wood & Marantz 2018).

Proceedings of the 50th Annual Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society, 2020

This paper is concerned with the lexical representation of accentedness — i.e., the property by w... more This paper is concerned with the lexical representation of accentedness — i.e., the property by which certain morphemes attract word-level stress in languages in which its surface distribution is not phonologically predictable. Recent constraint-based approaches to this question diverge in whether a lexical accent is (i) an abstract prominence autosegmentally linked to an input vowel, which is thus preferentially
incorporated into metrical structure (Revithiadou 1999, 2007, Alderete 2001, i.a.); or (ii) metrical structure directly pre-specified in the input (Inkelas 1999, Özçelik 2014, i.a.). I argue that only (ii) can account for the distribution of word stress in Vedic Sanskrit (Indic, Indo-European). Crucial evidence for this proposal comes from cases in which an accented vowel is eliminated in the output, which results in an apparent rightward stress shift (termed ``secondary mobility'' by Kiparsky 2010). I show that only on the metrical analysis is it possible to reconcile these rightward shifts with the phonological preference for left edge stress otherwise observed in the language.

Proceedings of the 30th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference (David M.Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison, and Brent Vine, eds.). Bremen: Hempen.

This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing t... more This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing the suffix *–oi–. I argue that both primary and non-primary derivatives in this class had stress alternating between the derivational suffix and the following inflectional ending (e.g., ACC.SG *[-óy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) rather than the "amphikinetic" alternation between root and inflectional ending (ACC.SG *[´-oy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) that is traditionally assumed for all primary nominals with suffixal *[o]-vocalism under the widely accepted “Erlangen Model” (Schindler 1975a,b, Rix 1992) of Indo-European morphophonology. Support for this alternative reconstruction comes from Hittite, which confirms that the suffixal stress seen in the Greek reflex of this noun class was inherited from PIE rather than root stress as in Vedic Sanskrit. More broadly, I contend that an adequate account of the prosodic behavior of PIE *–oi-stems requires (i) abandoning the traditional connection between suffixal *[o]-grade and "amphikinetic" word stress; and (ii) adopting a framework (such as the one articulated by Kiparsky 2010) in which the suffix's capacity to attract stress in both primary and non-primary derivation can be modeled in a unified way.

Indo-European Linguistics, 2019

This paper presents a systematic reassessment of STURTEVANT'S LAW (Sturtevant 1932), which govern... more This paper presents a systematic reassessment of STURTEVANT'S LAW (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hit-tite (Anatolian). I argue that STURTEVANT'S LAW was a conditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I provide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analyses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via "transphonologization" (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the PIE system as traditionally reconstructed (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017).

Indo-European Linguistics , 2018

In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial redupli... more In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial reduplication in the Anatolian branch of Indo-European. We argue that the reduplicative patterns of Hittite and Luwian differ from Proto-Anatolian, which exhibited an asymmetric treatment of verbal stems with initial consonant clusters: full copying of sibilant-stop clusters, but partial copying of stop-sonorant clusters. We contend that the phonological constraint driving this asymmetry, NO POORLY-CUED REPETITIONS (Zukoff 2017a), was demoted within the separate prehistories of Hittite and Luwian due to independent phonological changes eliminating the distinction between these cluster types. Furthermore, we show that the proposed set of diachronic constraint re-rankings in Hittite and Luwian can be explained under Maximally Informative Recursive Constraint Demotion, a minor reformulation of the Recursive Constraint Demotion algorithm (RCD; Tesar 1995, Tesar and Smolensky 1998, 2000) that favors the high ranking of maximally informative winner-preferring constraints.

In Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics (edd. J. Klein & B. Joseph). Vol. 3, 2079–2175, 2018

This chapter aims to provide an updated overview of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) morphology, broadly... more This chapter aims to provide an updated overview of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) morphology, broadly establishing the typological properties of the reconstructible system, and offering some new perspectives on certain controversial aspects of this reconstruction. In this respect, we hope to make this chapter both relevant and accessible to several audiences: to students of IE languages looking to understand which categories are reconstructed for the proto-language and what their formal exponents looked like, so that they may see the daughter languages in the light of their diachronic developments; to specialists in IE linguistics, who may be interested in a " state-of-the-art " assessment of long-standing issues in PIE morphology and, to a lesser extent, the proposals we advance here; and to general linguists pursuing typological, historical, or theoretical questions who wish to see what kinds of morphological categories are reconstructed for the IE languages, on what basis they are reconstructed, and what types of analyses have been proposed.

Supplemental Proceedings of the 2016 Annual Meeting on Phonology

This paper develops a new, optimality-theoretic analysis of word-level stress assignment in Cupeñ... more This paper develops a new, optimality-theoretic analysis of word-level stress assignment in Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan). I argue that primary stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented (i.e. stress-preferring) morpheme, else to the word's left edge. I contend that this analysis is simpler and better explains the Cupeño data than previous accounts, which assume that special faithfulness constraints privilege the accentual properties of roots over those of other affixes. The typological implications of this renanalysis of Cupeño stress are then discussed; without empirical support from Cupeño, it is suggested that "root faithfulness" plays no role in determining word stress in lexical accent systems cross-linguistically.

Proceedings of the 27th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 235–257. David Goldstein, Stephanie Jamison, and Brent Vine (eds.). Bremen: Hempen., 2016

This paper addresses the synchronic and diachronic treatment of inherited *é in Hittite. I argue ... more This paper addresses the synchronic and diachronic treatment of inherited *é in Hittite. I argue in support of the traditional view (Melchert 1994; Kimball 1999) that this vowel lengthened in both open and closed stressed syllables, yielding Hittite [éː] and thereby merging with the historical reflexes of *ḗ and *éh1 (contra Kloekhorst 2014). Furthermore, I present new evidence for Melchert's (1994) proposal that Hittite [éː] from all three sources is derived from /e/ via a synchronic process of stressed vowel lengthening, which is shown to target "new" /e/ vowels that arise within Hittite via sound change or analogy.

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Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1, 2016

This paper develops a new optimality-theoretic analysis of lexical accent in Hittite (Anatolian, ... more This paper develops a new optimality-theoretic analysis of lexical accent in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European). I demonstrate that Hittite synchronic stress assignment is consistent with Kiparsky and Halle's (1977) BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE , which assigns primary stress to the leftmost morpheme lexically specified for prosodic prominence or else to the left edge of a prosodic word. The Hittite evidence is thus shown to converge with Kiparsky and Halle's reconstruction of this principle for the common ancestor of the non-Anatolian Indo-European languages (i.e. Proto-Nuclear-Indo-European), and in view of this agreement, argued to be reconstructible for Proto-Indo-European itself.

Indo-European Linguistics, 2015

This paper adduces evidence for and attempts to phonologically motivate a pattern of descriptiv... more This paper adduces evidence for and attempts to phonologically motivate a pattern of descriptive "retraction" of surface word accent in the Anatolian languages. It is proposed that the innovative accentual peak (ICTUS) in the relevant forms is due to Anatolian Default Accentuation, which applies when no constituent morpheme in a prosodic word is lexically- specified as accented and assigns ICTUS to its leftmost syllable. Diachronic prosodic change is shown to result from the interaction of various morphophonological developments and the stable operation of this default accentual principle, whose effects in Hittite, Palaic, and Luwian require its reconstruction for Proto-Anatolian. Furthermore, the Anatolian evidence is argued to support Kiparsky and Halle’s (1977) reconstruction of the same default principle for Proto- Indo-European on the basis of Vedic and Balto-Slavic evidence.

Proceedings of the 26th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 161–178. Stephanie W. Jamison, H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine (eds.). Bremen: Hempen.

This paper discusses interactions between epenthesis and ictus assignment in the Anatolian langua... more This paper discusses interactions between epenthesis and ictus assignment in the Anatolian languages. The evidence for Melchert (2013b)'s phonological rule whereby a pretonic epenthetic vowel ``attracts'' the single surface prosodic prominence (ICTUS) is assessed from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. I argue that putative cases of non-initial epenthetic vowels ``attracting'' ictus are illusory or else non-probative, and consequently, that forms in which ictus unexpectedly surfaces on the leftmost syllable are better explained by ANATOLIAN DEFAULT ACCENTUATION (Yates 2015).

Proceedings of the 25th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Stephanie W. Jamison, H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine (eds.). 237–255. Bremen: Hempen.

I present evidence from the earliest stages of Latin, Vedic, Greek, Armenian, and Hittite for a S... more I present evidence from the earliest stages of Latin, Vedic, Greek, Armenian, and Hittite for a SVC-like syntactic structure containing two identically marked 2nd person imperatives—the first a verb of motion—that are monoclausal. I argue that the shared features of these constructions are most economically explained by common inheritance—specifically, from a "quasi-serial verb" construction already in high-node Proto-Indo-European that was strictly confined to the imperative with an initial motion verb. I propose an origin for this construction, and attempt to explain its further development in Armenian and Hittite, where corresponding indicative structures in every person, tense, and number have become productive.

Talks by Anthony Yates

Vowel deletion in IE non-primary derivatives (2) Vowel deletion patterns in Indo-European (attest... more Vowel deletion in IE non-primary derivatives (2) Vowel deletion patterns in Indo-European (attested): a. *témhₓo /es-'darkness' ⇒ *temhₓ-es-ó-'dark' b. *wéto /es-'year' ⇒ *wet-s-ó-'having a year' 3 > Gk. ἔτος 'id.' Ved. vatsá-'calf' (Myc. we-to) c. *kéuhₓo /es-'swelling' ⇒ *kȗhₓ-s-ó-'swollen' • Attested IE languages support as many as three possible answers: a. non-deletion: no base vowels are deleted. b. bounded deletion: only the vowel in the stem-final suffix of base is deleted. c. iterative deletion: suffixal vowel(s) in the base and root vowel are deleted.

This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two l... more This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two languages with lexical accent, Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) and Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European); it also assesses the implications of word stress in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages for the reconstruction of stress assignment in Proto-Indo European.

I argue that stress assignment in Cupeño is governed by the BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE (BAP; Kiparsky and Halle 1977): stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented morpheme, else to the word’s left edge. This analysis is compared to that of Alderete (2001), who
argues that Cupeño shows accentual root faithfulness — i.e., that the accentual properties of roots are privileged over non-root morphemes. I show that the BAP analysis is both simpler and attains greater empirical coverage than the root faithfulness analysis, which fails to account for certain attested stress patterns that are captured under the BAP analysis. Thus reanalyzed, Cupeño has two important typological implications. First, without support from Cupeño, root faithfulness may be unattested as a feature of lexical accent systems. Second, Cupeño provides a clear typological parallel for the ancient IE languages on the basis of which the BAP was posited — in particular, Vedic Sanskrit — as well as for Hittite, where I argue that it is also operative.

The analysis of Hittite stress advanced in this dissertation is the first systematic attempt at a synchronic generative treatment of its word stress patterns. Having established that stress assignment in Hittite inflection is governed by the BAP, I also adduce evidence for accentual dominance — i.e., morphemes whose accentual specification “overrides” the BAP. I propose that accentual dominance in Hittite is a consequence of morphological headedness: the lexical accent of the word’s head morpheme is privileged in Hittite, just as Revithiadou (1999) has argued for other lexical accent systems.

Finally, this dissertation addresses the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) word-prosodic system. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages are not traditionally viewed as important sources for the reconstruction of this system; however, I contend that the BAP is reconstructible for PIE and that — against this traditional view — this reconstruction depends crucially on the Anatolian evidence, which converges with Vedic Sanskrit in this respect.

Indogermanische Forschungen, 2024

It is widely thought that Proto-Indo-European τόμος-type nouns are robustly continued in the Anat... more It is widely thought that Proto-Indo-European τόμος-type nouns are robustly continued in the Anatolian languages. I challenge this view, arguing that most of the alleged Anatolian reflexes of this class instead continue τομή-or φυγή-type nouns, or in a few cases, τομός-type adjectives. Based on this reassessment of the Anatolian evidence, I propose a new historical account of the Hittite noun-forming suffix -ā̆tar/n- in which inherited τομή-and φυγή-type nouns play a crucial role. This evidence also prompts a reevaluation of the morphology of τομή-and φυγή-type nouns in Proto-Indo-European. I present empirical and morphophonological arguments in support of the view that φυγή-type nouns were primary derivatives, whereas τομή-type nouns were derived from τομός-type adjectives with the same suffix *-eh2- .

Proceedings of the 32nd Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 2022

This paper proposes a new account of the oblique singular case-forms of Proto-Indo-European "simp... more This paper proposes a new account of the oblique singular case-forms of Proto-Indo-European "simple" neuter *-r/n-stems that exhibit stressed inflectional endings in the Indo-European languages. Unexpected on the "acrostatic" reconstruction of this category, such forms were previously held to reflect the singular-marked oblique case-forms of a suppletive "amphikinetic" collective. I argue that these forms are instead the result of a recurring pattern of morphophonological change (EMERGENT MOBILITY) whereby erstwhile "acrostatic" formations develop intraparadigmatic stress mobility. In view of this alternative analysis, I contend that in (pre-)PIE neuter *-r/n-stems and athematic neuter nominals generally built oblique plural case-forms in the same way as animate nouns-i.e., by adding plural inflectional endings to the same stem (with the same prosodic properties) as in their corresponding oblique singular caseforms. * I am grateful to the audience of the 32nd UCLA Indo-European Conference; to the members of the Indo-European and Modern Linguistic Theory research group (especially Jesse Lundquist and Ryan Sandell

Indo-European Linguistics, 2022

It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal deri... more It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems and that (ii) these *-mon-stems were characterized by "amphikinetic" inflection, thus stressed full-grade of the root in their strong case forms (*R(é)-mon-). This paper challenges the latter claim, arguing that these forms instead had stem-final stress (*R(e)-món-). I adduce prosodic evidence in support of this alternative reconstruction from Lithuanian, Greek, Hittite, and above all Vedic Sanskrit, where the attested reflexes of these *-mon-stems consistently show stem-final stress. I then propose a new account of their root full-grade, which on this new reconstruction is phonologically irregular, since it surfaces in a pretonic syllable. I contend that this full-grade was synchronically transferred from their neuter *-men-stem bases. In this respect, internally derived *-mon-stems are shown to pattern morphophonologically with other reconstructible non-primary derivatives, which similarly acquire their root vocalism from their derivational bases.

Proceedings of the 31st Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 2020

This paper assesses the implications of the Anatolian evidence for the phonological and morpholog... more This paper assesses the implications of the Anatolian evidence for the phonological and morphological reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stem nominals. I argue that Anatolian inherited the morphological process whereby *-mon-stem nominals were formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems, as is generally assumed to be the case in Proto-Indo-European. With respect to the phonology of these internally derived *-mon-stems, however, I challenge the traditional reconstruction. I argue that the Anatolian evidence supports reconstructing them with paradigmatically invariant full-grade of the root and stressed *o-vocal-ism of the derivational suffix in their strong case forms rather than the "amphikinetic" inflectional pattern assumed under the Erlangen Model. In addition, I propose that PIE had *-mon-stem nominals derived directly from verbal roots, which differed phonologically from the internally derived type in that they had zero-grade of the root.

Glossa, 2020

We address the relationship between syntactic valency and voice morphology in Hittite (Anatolian,... more We address the relationship between syntactic valency and voice morphology in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European), focusing on cases where active syntax is expressed using non-active morphology, and vice versa. We argue that apparent "mismatches" between syntax and morphology are strictly a morphological rather than a syntactic phenomenon (contra Alexiadou et al. 2015; Grestenberger 2018). Our study highlights voice "reversals" — i.e., cases in which the expected mismatch disappears and morphological and syntactic valency match. We determine that such reversals correlate with morphological locality, and cannot be derived by hierarchical factors. Our findings provide a novel argument for a uniform syntactic structure of voice (Wood 2015; Wood & Marantz 2018).

Proceedings of the 50th Annual Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society, 2020

This paper is concerned with the lexical representation of accentedness — i.e., the property by w... more This paper is concerned with the lexical representation of accentedness — i.e., the property by which certain morphemes attract word-level stress in languages in which its surface distribution is not phonologically predictable. Recent constraint-based approaches to this question diverge in whether a lexical accent is (i) an abstract prominence autosegmentally linked to an input vowel, which is thus preferentially
incorporated into metrical structure (Revithiadou 1999, 2007, Alderete 2001, i.a.); or (ii) metrical structure directly pre-specified in the input (Inkelas 1999, Özçelik 2014, i.a.). I argue that only (ii) can account for the distribution of word stress in Vedic Sanskrit (Indic, Indo-European). Crucial evidence for this proposal comes from cases in which an accented vowel is eliminated in the output, which results in an apparent rightward stress shift (termed ``secondary mobility'' by Kiparsky 2010). I show that only on the metrical analysis is it possible to reconcile these rightward shifts with the phonological preference for left edge stress otherwise observed in the language.

Proceedings of the 30th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference (David M.Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison, and Brent Vine, eds.). Bremen: Hempen.

This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing t... more This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing the suffix *–oi–. I argue that both primary and non-primary derivatives in this class had stress alternating between the derivational suffix and the following inflectional ending (e.g., ACC.SG *[-óy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) rather than the "amphikinetic" alternation between root and inflectional ending (ACC.SG *[´-oy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) that is traditionally assumed for all primary nominals with suffixal *[o]-vocalism under the widely accepted “Erlangen Model” (Schindler 1975a,b, Rix 1992) of Indo-European morphophonology. Support for this alternative reconstruction comes from Hittite, which confirms that the suffixal stress seen in the Greek reflex of this noun class was inherited from PIE rather than root stress as in Vedic Sanskrit. More broadly, I contend that an adequate account of the prosodic behavior of PIE *–oi-stems requires (i) abandoning the traditional connection between suffixal *[o]-grade and "amphikinetic" word stress; and (ii) adopting a framework (such as the one articulated by Kiparsky 2010) in which the suffix's capacity to attract stress in both primary and non-primary derivation can be modeled in a unified way.

Indo-European Linguistics, 2019

This paper presents a systematic reassessment of STURTEVANT'S LAW (Sturtevant 1932), which govern... more This paper presents a systematic reassessment of STURTEVANT'S LAW (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hit-tite (Anatolian). I argue that STURTEVANT'S LAW was a conditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I provide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analyses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via "transphonologization" (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the PIE system as traditionally reconstructed (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017).

Indo-European Linguistics , 2018

In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial redupli... more In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial reduplication in the Anatolian branch of Indo-European. We argue that the reduplicative patterns of Hittite and Luwian differ from Proto-Anatolian, which exhibited an asymmetric treatment of verbal stems with initial consonant clusters: full copying of sibilant-stop clusters, but partial copying of stop-sonorant clusters. We contend that the phonological constraint driving this asymmetry, NO POORLY-CUED REPETITIONS (Zukoff 2017a), was demoted within the separate prehistories of Hittite and Luwian due to independent phonological changes eliminating the distinction between these cluster types. Furthermore, we show that the proposed set of diachronic constraint re-rankings in Hittite and Luwian can be explained under Maximally Informative Recursive Constraint Demotion, a minor reformulation of the Recursive Constraint Demotion algorithm (RCD; Tesar 1995, Tesar and Smolensky 1998, 2000) that favors the high ranking of maximally informative winner-preferring constraints.

In Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics (edd. J. Klein & B. Joseph). Vol. 3, 2079–2175, 2018

This chapter aims to provide an updated overview of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) morphology, broadly... more This chapter aims to provide an updated overview of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) morphology, broadly establishing the typological properties of the reconstructible system, and offering some new perspectives on certain controversial aspects of this reconstruction. In this respect, we hope to make this chapter both relevant and accessible to several audiences: to students of IE languages looking to understand which categories are reconstructed for the proto-language and what their formal exponents looked like, so that they may see the daughter languages in the light of their diachronic developments; to specialists in IE linguistics, who may be interested in a " state-of-the-art " assessment of long-standing issues in PIE morphology and, to a lesser extent, the proposals we advance here; and to general linguists pursuing typological, historical, or theoretical questions who wish to see what kinds of morphological categories are reconstructed for the IE languages, on what basis they are reconstructed, and what types of analyses have been proposed.

Supplemental Proceedings of the 2016 Annual Meeting on Phonology

This paper develops a new, optimality-theoretic analysis of word-level stress assignment in Cupeñ... more This paper develops a new, optimality-theoretic analysis of word-level stress assignment in Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan). I argue that primary stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented (i.e. stress-preferring) morpheme, else to the word's left edge. I contend that this analysis is simpler and better explains the Cupeño data than previous accounts, which assume that special faithfulness constraints privilege the accentual properties of roots over those of other affixes. The typological implications of this renanalysis of Cupeño stress are then discussed; without empirical support from Cupeño, it is suggested that "root faithfulness" plays no role in determining word stress in lexical accent systems cross-linguistically.

Proceedings of the 27th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 235–257. David Goldstein, Stephanie Jamison, and Brent Vine (eds.). Bremen: Hempen., 2016

This paper addresses the synchronic and diachronic treatment of inherited *é in Hittite. I argue ... more This paper addresses the synchronic and diachronic treatment of inherited *é in Hittite. I argue in support of the traditional view (Melchert 1994; Kimball 1999) that this vowel lengthened in both open and closed stressed syllables, yielding Hittite [éː] and thereby merging with the historical reflexes of *ḗ and *éh1 (contra Kloekhorst 2014). Furthermore, I present new evidence for Melchert's (1994) proposal that Hittite [éː] from all three sources is derived from /e/ via a synchronic process of stressed vowel lengthening, which is shown to target "new" /e/ vowels that arise within Hittite via sound change or analogy.

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Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1, 2016

This paper develops a new optimality-theoretic analysis of lexical accent in Hittite (Anatolian, ... more This paper develops a new optimality-theoretic analysis of lexical accent in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European). I demonstrate that Hittite synchronic stress assignment is consistent with Kiparsky and Halle's (1977) BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE , which assigns primary stress to the leftmost morpheme lexically specified for prosodic prominence or else to the left edge of a prosodic word. The Hittite evidence is thus shown to converge with Kiparsky and Halle's reconstruction of this principle for the common ancestor of the non-Anatolian Indo-European languages (i.e. Proto-Nuclear-Indo-European), and in view of this agreement, argued to be reconstructible for Proto-Indo-European itself.

Indo-European Linguistics, 2015

This paper adduces evidence for and attempts to phonologically motivate a pattern of descriptiv... more This paper adduces evidence for and attempts to phonologically motivate a pattern of descriptive "retraction" of surface word accent in the Anatolian languages. It is proposed that the innovative accentual peak (ICTUS) in the relevant forms is due to Anatolian Default Accentuation, which applies when no constituent morpheme in a prosodic word is lexically- specified as accented and assigns ICTUS to its leftmost syllable. Diachronic prosodic change is shown to result from the interaction of various morphophonological developments and the stable operation of this default accentual principle, whose effects in Hittite, Palaic, and Luwian require its reconstruction for Proto-Anatolian. Furthermore, the Anatolian evidence is argued to support Kiparsky and Halle’s (1977) reconstruction of the same default principle for Proto- Indo-European on the basis of Vedic and Balto-Slavic evidence.

Proceedings of the 26th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 161–178. Stephanie W. Jamison, H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine (eds.). Bremen: Hempen.

This paper discusses interactions between epenthesis and ictus assignment in the Anatolian langua... more This paper discusses interactions between epenthesis and ictus assignment in the Anatolian languages. The evidence for Melchert (2013b)'s phonological rule whereby a pretonic epenthetic vowel ``attracts'' the single surface prosodic prominence (ICTUS) is assessed from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. I argue that putative cases of non-initial epenthetic vowels ``attracting'' ictus are illusory or else non-probative, and consequently, that forms in which ictus unexpectedly surfaces on the leftmost syllable are better explained by ANATOLIAN DEFAULT ACCENTUATION (Yates 2015).

Proceedings of the 25th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Stephanie W. Jamison, H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine (eds.). 237–255. Bremen: Hempen.

I present evidence from the earliest stages of Latin, Vedic, Greek, Armenian, and Hittite for a S... more I present evidence from the earliest stages of Latin, Vedic, Greek, Armenian, and Hittite for a SVC-like syntactic structure containing two identically marked 2nd person imperatives—the first a verb of motion—that are monoclausal. I argue that the shared features of these constructions are most economically explained by common inheritance—specifically, from a "quasi-serial verb" construction already in high-node Proto-Indo-European that was strictly confined to the imperative with an initial motion verb. I propose an origin for this construction, and attempt to explain its further development in Armenian and Hittite, where corresponding indicative structures in every person, tense, and number have become productive.

Vowel deletion in IE non-primary derivatives (2) Vowel deletion patterns in Indo-European (attest... more Vowel deletion in IE non-primary derivatives (2) Vowel deletion patterns in Indo-European (attested): a. *témhₓo /es-'darkness' ⇒ *temhₓ-es-ó-'dark' b. *wéto /es-'year' ⇒ *wet-s-ó-'having a year' 3 > Gk. ἔτος 'id.' Ved. vatsá-'calf' (Myc. we-to) c. *kéuhₓo /es-'swelling' ⇒ *kȗhₓ-s-ó-'swollen' • Attested IE languages support as many as three possible answers: a. non-deletion: no base vowels are deleted. b. bounded deletion: only the vowel in the stem-final suffix of base is deleted. c. iterative deletion: suffixal vowel(s) in the base and root vowel are deleted.

27th Manchester Phonology Meeting • May 23-25, 2019 §1 -OVERVIEW • The ancient Indo-European (IE)... more 27th Manchester Phonology Meeting • May 23-25, 2019 §1 -OVERVIEW • The ancient Indo-European (IE) languages show intramorphemic alternations in vowel quality and quantity (ABLAUT) within and across inflectional paradigms: QUALITATIVE: *[e] ∼ *[o] QUANTITATIVE: *[e, o, (a)] ∼ *[∅]

This paper presents a new comparative reconstruction of the morphology and phonology of PIE *–oi–... more This paper presents a new comparative reconstruction of the morphology and phonology of PIE *–oi–stems. On the basis of Hittite, Greek, and Indo-Iranian evidence, I argue that this suffix formed primary deverbal and non-primary deverbal and denominal derivatives in PIE, and that – against the traditional view – nouns formed with this suffix did not show "amphikinetic" inflectional paradigms; instead, primary derivatives were characterized by: (i) intraparadigmatic zero-grade of the root; (ii) stressed *–ói– suffix in the strong cases; and (iii) zero-grade suffix and stressed inflectional endings in the weak cases. I propose a new analysis of the PIE *–oi-stems that accounts for these prosodic patterns, then compare the predictions of this analysis to those of the widely accepted "Erlangen Model" of PIE word prosody.